Concluding Suggestions.
The President’s vetoes of the Freedman’s Bureau Bill and the Civil
Rights Bill, with his Twenty-second of February speech and subsequent
utterances, were received throughout the South-Western Cotton States
with an exultation which drove the newspapers[84] to sad straits. To do
justice to the occasion, the leading journal of New Orleans was forced
to this:
“In the midst of a storm of passion, beating angrily and furiously
against the bulwark of States’ rights, when the ambitious and
interested partisans who have raised it, attempt madly to ride into
power over the ruins of a shattered Constitution; when the bellowing
thunder roars on all sides, and the play of the forked lightning
serves only to reveal the thick and impenetrable darkness which
shrouds our political heavens, no sublimer spectacle can be
presented than that of an American President, who, with serene
countenance and determined spirit, appears on the arena of bitter
and destructive strife, and says, in tones of power to the warring
elements: ‘Peace! be still!’ and instantly the storm is hushed. The
growling thunder, though its mutterings are still faintly heard,
dies out in the distance: The denunciations of defeated partisans,
and of fanatical bloodhounds, cease to spread their alarms over the
land. The conflicting winds retire to their mountain cave. The
clouds enveloping the concave above us break asunder, and a rainbow
of varied dyes, which spans the heavens, gives full assurance of a
bright and glorious day for our country.”
The rural journals were less glitteringly general: but they fairly
represented the prevailing public sentiment. One of the most outspoken
said:[85]
“The old Tennesseean has shown his blood, and bearded the lion in
his lair, ‘The Douglass in his hall’—‘glory enough for one
day’—glorious old man, and let the earth ring his praise to the
heavens.
The South and the Government are in the same boat one more time,
thank the gods! ‘now blow ye winds and crack your cheeks.’ If Black
Republicanism wishes to find out whether the South is loyal, there
is now a beautiful opportunity. If they wish to prove their false
assertion, let them now attempt any seditious move, and they will
find every blast from Johnson’s ‘Bugle horn, worth a thousand men;’
and before the notes shall die away in the valleys of the South, a
soldier from the South will wave the old banner of the Stars and
Stripes on the Northern hills; and though we do not desire them to
do this, we defy them to do so. We will see then how they like the
fit of their own cap.
States reduced to Territories? Indeed a little move in that
direction would be of service, we think, in bringing about a full
restoration of harmony between the sections. A little taste of their
own medicine.”
And the enthusiastic writer proceeded to declare, that the fair regions
held by the Radical vipers were once more in the hands to which they
properly belonged; and that the vipers could, therefore, turn their
envenomed fangs upon each other, and with their forked tongues hiss
their slimy curses into their own hell-torn, shrieking souls; while the
South would, as a meteor shot from the electric realms of air, once more
sweep across the skies of the glorious old Republic, and spangle its
history with the splendors of her truth, her intellect, and her
chivalry.
In spite, however, of such strong writing, and the stronger speaking
everywhere prevalent, I was convinced during my visits to New Orleans,
and Vicksburg, and the trip northward through the interior, which ended
my year’s experiences of Southern life, that there was little
probability of serious results. Undoubtedly the South would sympathize
with the President in any movement against Congress; but it is in no
condition to give valuable co-operation. In 1866, as in 1865, the work
of reorganization is entirely in the hands of the Government. The South
will take—now as at any time since the surrender—whatever it can get.
“I believe in States Rights, of co’se,” said an old gentleman, at
Jackson, Mississippi; “but I think my faith is like that described in
the Bible: ‘The evidence of things not seen, _the substance of things
hoped for_.’ The person that can see anything of States’ Rights
now-a-days, has younger eyes than mine.” The same old man was very
bitter against the “infamous scoundrel,” who had written a recent
article about the South in the Atlantic Monthly. “There ought to be some
law to prevent such libels. You protect individuals against them; why
isn’t it more important to protect whole communities?”
All complained of the changed front in the Senate on the Civil Rights
Bill. “What business had Dixon to be absent?” exclaimed an officer of
Lee’s staff. “What if he was sick? If he had been dead, even, they ought
to have carried him there and voted him!”
The attitude of Congress was regarded with alarm. Even the unreflecting
masses were beginning to suspect that flattery of the President and
abuse of Congress would not be sufficient to carry them through the
difficulties that beset their political progress.
In most cases, the hostility to the Freedman’s Bureau seemed to be
general in its nature, not specific. Men regarded it as tyrannical and
humiliating that Government hirelings should be sent among them to
supervise their relations with their old slaves; but, in practice, they
were very glad of the supervision. It was a degrading system, they
argued, but, so long as it existed, the negroes could not be controlled
except by the favor of the Bureau agents, “and so, of co’se, we have to
use them.” When the agents were removed from this prevailing respect for
their powers, few opportunities were lost to show them the estimation in
which they were held.
A steamboat was lying at the New Orleans levee, discharging a quantity
of very miscellaneous freight. Among it was what the captain called “a
lot of nigger’s plunder.” The entire worldly effects of a negro family
seemed to be on board with little confinement from trunks or boxes. Half
a dozen squalling chickens were carried over the gang-plank by the old
auntie, in one hand, while in the other was held a squalling picaninny.
A bundle of very dirty and ragged bed-clothes, tied up with the
bed-cord, came next. There was a bedstead, apparently made with an ax,
and a table, on which no other tool could by any chance have been
employed. A lot of broken dishes, pots, and kettles followed. Then came
an old bureau. The top drawer was gone, the bottom drawer was gone, the
middle one had the knobs broken off, the frame remained to show that a
looking-glass had once surmounted it, and two of the feet were broken
off.
“By the powers, there’s the Freedman’s Bureau,” exclaimed one of the
group of Southern spectators standing on the guards. An agent of the
Freedman’s Bureau, in uniform, was within hearing, and the taunting
laugh that rang over the boat seemed especially meant for his ears. To
have resented, or noticed it, in that crowd, would have been at least
foolish, if not worse. The agent was fortunate to escape with no more
pointed expression of the public opinion concerning his office and
duties.
Little change in the actual Unionism of the people could be seen since
the surrender. In the year that had intervened, they had grown bolder,
as they had come to realize the lengths to which they might safely go.
They were “loyal” in May, 1865, in the sense of enforced submission to
the Government, and they are loyal in the same sense in May, 1866. At
neither time has the loyalty of the most had any wider meaning. But
scarcely any dream of further opposition to the Government. A “war
within the Union,” for their rights, seems now to be the universal
policy—a war in which they will act as a unit with whatever party at the
North favors the fewest possible changes from the old order of things,
and leaves them most at liberty to regulate their domestic institutions
in their own way.
* * * * *
Nothing but the prevalent sense of the insecurity attending all Southern
movements, during the political and social chaos that followed the
surrender, prevented a large immigration from the North in the winter of
1865-’66. That the openings which the South presents for Northern
capital and industry are unsurpassed, has been sufficiently illustrated.
With a capital of a few thousand dollars, and a personal supervision of
his work, a Northern farmer, devoting himself to cotton-growing, may
count with safety on a net profit of fifty per cent, on his investment.
With a good year and a good location he may do much better. Through
Tennessee and the same latitudes, east and west, he will find a climate
not very greatly different from his own, and a soil adapted to Northern
cereals as well as to the Southern staple. The pine forests still
embower untold riches; the cypress swamps of the lower Mississippi and
its tributaries, only await the advent of Northern lumbermen to be
converted into gold-mines; the mineral resources of Northern Georgia and
Alabama, in spite of the war’s developments, are yet as attractive as
those that are drawing emigration into the uninhabited wilds across the
Rocky Mountains. But capital and labor—especially agricultural
labor—demand security.
Along the great highways of travel in the South, I judge investments by
Northern men to be nearly as safe as they could be anywhere. The great
cotton plantations bordering the Mississippi are largely in the hands of
Northern lessees; and few, if any of them have experienced the slightest
difficulty from any hostility of the inhabitants. So, along the great
lines of railroad, and through regions not too remote from the tide of
travel and trade, there are no complaints. It is chiefly in remote
sections, far from railroads or mails, and isolated among communities of
intense Southern prejudices, that Northern men have had trouble.
Whenever it is desirable to settle in such localities, it should be done
in small associations. A dozen families, living near each other, would
be abundantly able to protect themselves almost anywhere in the
cotton-growing States.
Whoever contemplates going South, in time for the operations of 1867,
should not delay his first visit later than November, 1866. Between
October and January last, the prices of lands through the South, either
for lease or sale, advanced fully fifty per cent. Upland cotton
plantations can now be bought, in most localities, in tracts of from one
hundred up to five thousand acres, for from eight to twenty dollars per
acre; and the richest Mississippi and Red River bottom plantations do
not command, in most cases, over forty dollars; the price being
generally reckoned only on the open land prepared for the culture of
cotton. But purchases should be made and arrangements for labor
perfected before the New Year’s rush comes on.
* * * * *
I have sought to show something of the actual character of the negroes,
as learned from a closer and longer experience than falls to the lot of
most tourists. The worst enemies to the enfranchised race, will at least
admit that ample prominence has been given to their faults. I shall be
glad if any satisfactory data have been furnished for determining their
place in the future of the country.
They are not such material as, under ordinary circumstances, one would
now choose for the duties of American citizenship. But wherever they
have opportunity, they are fitting themselves for it with a zeal and
rapidity never equalled by any similar class. Their order and industry
are the only guaranty for the speedy return of prosperity to the South.
Their devotion to the Union may prove one of the strongest guarantees
for the speedy return of loyalty to the South. In any event, there can
be no question, in the pending reorganization, as to the policy of
seeking to ignore them. The Nation can not longer afford it.
Better let them build who rear the house of nations,
Than that Fate should rock it to foundation stone;
Leave the Earth her storms, the stars their perturbations,
“_Steadfast welfare stays where_ JUSTICE _binds her zone_.”
-----
Footnote 84:
It should be remembered, in any estimates of politics at the South,
that nearly all the leading Southern journals are still in the hands
of the men who, five years ago, in their columns wrote up the
rebellion. And, while the men who fought for the rebellion are
entirely subdued, the men who wrote for it have seven devils now for
every one that formerly possessed them.
Footnote 85:
Montgomery (Ala.) Ledger.
APPENDIX.
A.
[The following is the speech made by Chief-Justice Chase to the negroes
at Charleston, under the circumstances narrated on page 83:]
MY FRIENDS—In compliance with the request of General Saxton, your friend
and mine, I will say a few words.
He has kindly introduced me as a friend of freedom; and such, since I
have taken a man’s part in life, I have always been. It has ever been my
earnest desire to see every man, of every race and every color, fully
secured in the enjoyment of all natural rights, and provided with every
legitimate means for the defense and maintenance of those rights.
No man, perhaps, has more deplored the war, from which the country is
now emerging, than myself. No one would have made greater sacrifices to
avert it. Earnestly desirous, as I always was, of the enfranchisement of
every slave in the land, I never dreamed of seeking enfranchisement
through war. I expected it through peaceful measures. Never doubting
that it would come sometime; fully believing that by a wise and just
administration of the National Government, friendly to freedom, but in
strict conformity with the National Constitution, the time of its coming
might be hastened; I yet would gladly have put aside, if I could, the
cup of evil, of which our Nation has drunk so deeply. Not through those
seas of blood, and those vast gulfs of cost, would I have willingly
sought even the great good of universal emancipation.
But God, in His providence, permitted the madness of slavery-extension
and slavery-domination to attempt the dismemberment of the Union by war.
And when war came, there came also the idea, gradually growing into
settled conviction in the hearts of the people, that slavery, having
taken the sword, must perish by the sword. It was quite natural,
perhaps, that I, having thought much on the relations of the enslaved
masses to the Republic, should be among the first to recognize the fact
that the colored people of the South, whether bond or free, were the
natural allies of the Nation, [prolonged cheers,] in its struggle with
rebellion, and the duty of the National Government to assert their
rights, and welcome their aid. A very few months of experience and
observation satisfied me that if we would succeed in the struggle we
must, as a first and most necessary measure, strike the fetters from the
bondsmen. [Cheers.]
Such was my counsel in the Cabinet; and when our honored President,
whose martyrdom this Nation now mourns, in common with all lovers of
freedom throughout the world, after long forbearance, made up his mind
to declare all men in our land free, no one was more ready with his
sanction, or more hearty in his approval than myself. [Cheers.]
So, too, when necessarily that other question arose: “Shall we give arms
to the black men?” I could not doubt or hesitate. The argument was plain
and irresistible: If we make them freemen, and their defense is the
defense of the Nation, whose right and duty is it to bear arms, if not
theirs? In this great struggle, now for universal freedom not less than
for perpetual Union, who ought to take part, if not they? And how can we
expect to succeed, if we fail to avail ourselves of the natural helps
created for us by the very conditions of the war? When, therefore, the
President, after much consideration, resolved to summon black soldiers
to battle for the flag, I felt that it was a wise act, only too long
delayed. [Cheers.]
And now, who can say that the colored man has not done his full part in
the struggle? Who has made sacrifices which he has not made? Who has
endured hardships which he has not endured? What ills have any suffered
which he has not suffered?
If, then, he has contributed in just measure to the victory, shall he
not partake of its fruits? If Union and Freedom have been secured
through courage, and fortitude, and zeal, displayed by black as well as
white soldiers, shall not the former be benefited in due measure as well
as the latter? And since we all know that natural rights can not be made
secure except through political rights, shall not the ballot—the
freeman’s weapon in peace—replace the bayonet—the freeman’s weapon in
war?
I believe the right of the black man to freedom, and security for
freedom, as a result of the war, to be incontestible. I assert it as a
simple matter of justice.
In my judgment, the safety of nations, as well as of individuals, stands
in justice. It is a true saying, that, “he who walketh uprightly walketh
surely.” The man or the nation that joins hands with justice and truth,
and relies steadfastly on God’s providence, is sure to issue from every
trial safely and triumphantly. Great struggles may have to be gone
through; great sacrifices made; great dangers encountered; even great
martyrdoms suffered. We have experienced all these. Multitudes of
martyrs have perished in this war; the noblest of them all fell but
lately by an assassin’s hand; but our great cause has thus far
triumphed. There may be still perils ahead. Other martyrdoms may be
needed. But over all, and through all, the just cause will surely come
out triumphant in the end; for a just God is on the throne, and He wills
the triumph of justice.
I have said that the battle is over and the victory won. The armies of
rebellion are disbanded; peace is coming, and with it the duties of
peace. What are these?
The condition of the country is peculiar. A great race, numbering four
millions of souls, has been suddenly enfranchised. All men are now
looking to see whether the prophecies of the enemies of that race will
be fulfilled or falsified.
The answer to that question, men and women of color, is with you. Your
enemies say that you will be disorderly, improvident, lazy; that wages
will not tempt you to work; that you will starve rather than labor; that
you will become drones and vagabonds. And while your enemies scatter
these predictions, many who are not your enemies fear their fulfillment.
It remains with you whether they shall be fulfilled or not.
You need not feel much anxiety about what people say of you. Feel rather
that, under God, your salvation must come of yourselves. If, caring
little about men’s sayings, you go straight on in the plain ways of
duty; if by honesty, temperance, and industry, by faithfulness in all
employments and to all trusts, and by readiness to work for fair wages,
you prove yourselves useful men and women; if out of economical savings
from each week’s earnings you lay up something for yourselves in a wet
day; if, as cultivators of the soil, as mechanics, as traders, in this
employment or that employment, you do all in your power to increase the
products and the resources of your county and State; and if, whatever
you do, you make proofs of honesty, sobriety, and good will, you will
save yourselves and fulfill the best hopes of your friends.
God forbid that I shall have yet, before I die, to hang my head and
say—well, I expected a great deal of this people; that they would bear
freedom; that they would be honest, industrious, and orderly; that they
would make great progress in learning, in trades, in arts, and, finally,
run the race, side by side, with the whites; but I find I was mistaken;
they have allowed wretched prejudices and evil passions to grow up among
them; they have neglected their opportunities and wasted their means;
they have cherished mean envy and low jealousy, where they should have
fostered noble emulation and generous rivalry in all good works; they
have failed because unwilling to take their lot cheerfully, and
persevere courageously in the work of self-improvement.
I may say, with the apostle, “I hope better things of you, though I thus
speak.” I know the heart of the working-man, for I have known his
experience. When a boy on a farm, in Ohio, where then the unbroken
forest lay close to our dwelling, I knew what work was. In our rough log
cabins we fared as hard and labored as hard as you fare or labor. All we
had to go upon—all the capital we had—was good wills to work, patient
endurance, and fair opportunity for education, which every white in the
country, thank God, could have then; and every black boy, thank God
again, can have now. It was on this capital we went to work, and we came
to something; [loud cheers, and cries of “That you did!”] and you may go
to work on the same capital and come to something also, if you will. I
believe you will. You wont spend your time in fretting because this or
that white man has a better time than you have, or more advantages; nor
will you, I hope, take short cuts to what looks like success, but nine
times out of ten will turn out to be failure.
I talk to you frankly and sincerely, as one who has always been your
friend. As a friend, I earnestly advise you to lay your foundations well
in morality, industry, education, and, above all, religion. Go to work
patiently, and labor diligently; if you are soldiers, fight well; if
preachers, preach faithfully; if carpenters, shove the plane with might
and main; if you till the ground, grow as much cotton as the land will
yield; if hired, work honestly for honest wages, until you can afford to
hire laborers yourselves, and then pay honest wages. If you act thus,
nobody need doubt your future. The result will gloriously surpass your
hopes.
Now about the elective franchise. Major Delany has told you that he
heard me say, in the Capitol at Washington, that the black man ought to
have his vote. If he had happened to hear me twenty years ago in
Cincinnati, he would have heard me say the same thing. [Cheers and
prolonged applause.]
Matters have been working, since then, toward that result, and have a
much better look now than then. If all the people—all the white people,
I mean, for the colored people seem pretty well agreed—felt as I do,
that it is the interest of all that the rights of all, in suffrage as in
other matters, should be equal before the law, you would not have to
wait long for equal rights at the ballot-box; no longer than it would
take to pass the necessary law. [Cheers.] But very many of the white
people do not see things as I do; and I do not know what the National
Government proposes to do. I am not now, as you know, in the Cabinet
councils; nor am I a politician; nor do I meddle with politics. I can
only say this: I believe there is not a member of the Administration who
would not be pleased to see suffrage universal; but I can not say, for I
do not know, that the Administration is prepared to say that suffrage
shall be universal.
What I do know is this; that if you are patient, and patiently claim
your rights, and show by your acts that you deserve to be entrusted with
suffrage, and inspire a confidence in the public mind that you will use
it honestly, and use it too on the side of liberty, and order, and
education, and improvement, you will not have to wait very long. I can
say this safely on general principles. Common sense tells us that
suffrage can not be denied long to large masses of people, who ask it
and are not disqualified for its exercise. Believing in your future as I
do, I feel sure you will have it sometime; perhaps very soon; perhaps a
good while hence. If I had the power it would be very soon. It would, in
my judgment, be safe in your hands to-day; and the whole country would
be better off if suffrage were now universal.
But whatever may be the action of the white people here in Charleston,
or of the Government at Washington, be patient. That you will have
suffrage in the end, is just as sure as it is that you respect,
yourselves and respect others, and do your best to prove your worthiness
of it. Misconduct of any kind will not help you, but patience and
perseverance in well-doing will help you mightily. So, too, if the
National Government, taking all things into consideration, shall come to
a conclusion different from mine, and delay to enroll you as citizens
and voters, your best policy, in my judgment, is patience. I counsel no
surrender of principle—no abandonment of your just claims; but I counsel
patience. What good will fretting and worrying and complaining do? If I
were in your place I would just go to work for all good objects, and
show by my conduct that the Government, in making a delay, had made a
mistake. [Cheers.] If you do so and the mistake is made, it will be the
more speedily corrected.
Let me repeat, that I think it best for all men—white men, black men,
and brown men, if you make that distinction, that all men of proper age
and unconvicted of crime, should have the right of suffrage. It is my
firm conviction, that suffrage is not only the best security for
freedom, but the most potent agent of amelioration and civilization. He
who has that right will usually respect himself more, be more respected,
perform more, and more productive work, and do more to increase the
wealth and welfare of the community, than he who has it not. Suffrage
makes nations great. Hence I am in favor of suffrage for all; but if the
Government shall think differently, or if circumstances delay its
action, I counsel calmness, patience, industry, self-respect, Respect
for others, and, with all these, firmness.
Such, in my judgment, is your duty. Ordinarily the simple performance of
duty is so blessed of God, that men who live in the doing of it, are the
best off, in all respects, even in this world. But if these immediate
rewards do not attend its performance, still, if a man carries in his
heart the consciousness of doing right, as in the sight God, rendering
to each his due, withholding from none his right, contributing all he
can to the general improvement, and diffusing happiness to the extent of
his power through the sphere of which he is the center, he may go
through life as happy as a king, though he may never be a king, and go
at last where no wrong finds entrance, nor any error, because there
reigns one God and one Father, before whom all his children are equal.
[Prolonged cheers.]
B.
[The following is a letter from Rev. Richard Fuller, D. D., of
Baltimore, whose visit to his former slaves on St. Helena Island has
been described. Dr. Fuller’s high position in the Baptist Church, and
his prominence in former times as a defender of the divinity of slavery,
in the discussions with President Wayland, give weight to his
indorsement of the substantial accuracy of what has been said, in the
foregoing pages, as to the condition and prospects of the Sea Island
negroes. A few sentences of a purely personal nature are omitted:]
“MY DEAR SIR:—I could add very little to your clear and full
statements concerning our visit to St. Helena, and the condition in
which we found the negroes. I can only repeat that the freedmen at
Port Royal, under General Saxton, seemed to me to present a
favorable solution of the question of free labor.
Against my convictions and apprehensions, I was brought to the
conclusion, that their former masters might cultivate their fields
profitably by these hired servants.
You are mistaken, however, as I think, in speaking of the slaves on
these islands as less advanced in intelligence, or morals than the
colored people in the interior.
My interest in these people makes me constantly solicitous about
their conduct. Never was there a problem more serious or difficult
than that which is now before the Nation, as to this race, whose
destiny has been confided to the wisdom and honor of our Government.
I can only pray that God will give our rulers His aid and blessing
in this critical and portentous crisis.
Most sincerely,
RICHARD FULLER.”
C.
LETTER FROM CHIEF JUSTICE CHASE TO A COMMITTEE OF COLORED MEN IN NEW
ORLEANS.
NEW ORLEANS, June 6, 1865.
_Gentlemen_—I should hardly feel at liberty to decline the invitation
you have tendered me, in behalf of the loyal colored Americans of New
Orleans, to speak to them on the subject of their rights and duties as
citizens, if I had not quite recently expressed my views at Charleston,
in an address, reported with substantial accuracy, and already published
in one of the most widely circulated journals of this city. But it seems
superfluous to repeat them before another audience.
It is proper to say, however, that these views, having been formed years
since, on much reflection, and confirmed, in a new and broader
application, by the events of the civil war now happily ended, are not
likely to undergo, hereafter, any material change.
That native freemen, of whatever complexion, are citizens of the United
States; that all men held as slaves in the States which joined in the
rebellion against the United States have become freemen through
executive and legislative acts during the war; and that these freemen
are now citizens, and consequently entitled to the rights of citizens,
are propositions which, in my judgment, can not be successfully
controverted.
And it is both natural and right that colored Americans, entitled to the
rights of citizens, should claim their exercise. They should persist in
this claim respectfully, but firmly, taking care to bring no discredit
upon it by their own action. Its justice is already acknowledged by
great numbers of their white fellow-citizens, and these numbers
constantly increase.
The peculiar conditions, however, under which these rights arise, seem
to impose on those who assert them peculiar duties, or rather special
obligations to the discharge of common duties. They should strive for
distinction by economy, by industry, by sobriety, by patient
perseverance in well-doing, by constant improvement of religious
instruction, and by the constant practice of Christian virtues. In this
way they will surely overcome unjust hostility, and convince even the
most prejudiced that the denial to them of any right which citizens may
properly exercise is equally unwise and wrong.
Our national experience has demonstrated that public order reposes most
securely on the broad base of universal suffrage. It has proved, also,
that universal suffrage is the surest guarantee and most powerful
stimulus of individual, social and political progress. May it not prove,
moreover, in that work of reorganization, which now engages the thoughts
of all patriotic men, that universal suffrage is the best reconciler of
the most comprehensive lenity with the most perfect public security and
the most speedy and certain revival of general prosperity?
Very respectfully, yours,
S. P. CHASE.
Messrs. J. B. ROUDANEZ, L. GOELIS and L. BANKS, Committee.
D.
The Captain-General of Cuba, in a conversation with Chief-Justice Chase,
expressed the belief that Coolie labor would be gradually substituted
for slave labor, and that slavery itself would come to an end in Cuba
within ten years.
THE END.
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THE WHEAT PLANT. Its Origin, Culture, Growth, Development,
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BUCHANAN (Robert) on Grape Culture, and LONGWORTH (NICHOLAS) on
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HOOPER’S (E. J.) WESTERN FRUIT BOOK. A Compendious Collection of
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KERN’S (G. M.) Practical Landscape Gardening. With reference to
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THE THREE GREAT TEMPTATIONS of Young Men. With several Lectures
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MOFFAT’S (Rev. Jas. O., D. D.) Life of Chalmers, (Rev. THOMAS D.
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HUGH MILLER’S Scenes and Legends of the North of Scotland. Fourth
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MOFFAT’S (Rev. Robert) Missionary Labors and Scenes in Southern
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RICE’S (Rev. N. L., D. D.) Romanism, the Enemy of Free
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THE CHRISTIAN PROFESSION. A Series of Letters to a Friend, on the
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Christian Profession. By JOSEPH CLAYBAUGH, D. D. Second
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CROTHERS’ (Rev. Samuel, D. D.) Life and Writings. By Rev. ANDREW
RITCHIE, Author of “Sacramental Catechism.” 1 vol. 12mo.,
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HISTORY OF THE PURITANS, and Pilgrim Fathers. By STOWELL and
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POETRY OF THE VEGETABLE WORLD. A Popular Exposition of the
Science of Botany, and its relation to Man. By M. J. SCHLEIDEN,
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THE COURSE OF CREATION. With a Glossary of Scientific Terms added
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FARR’S (Edward) ANCIENT HISTORY, Containing the History of the
Egyptians, Assyrians, Chaldeans, Medes, Lydians, Carthagenians,
Persians, Macedonians, the Seleucidæ in Syria, and the
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THE BLENNERHASSETT PAPERS. Embodying the Private Journal of
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the purposes and aims of those engaged in the attempted
Wilkinson and Burr Revolution; embracing, also, the first
account of the “Spanish Association of Kentucky,” and a memoir
of Blennerhassett. By WILLIAM H. SAFFORD. 1 vol. 8vo., muslin,
665 pages, 3 50
ROSECRANS’ CAMPAIGN WITH THE FOURTEENTH ARMY CORPS; or the Army
of the Cumberland. A Narrative of Personal observations, with
an Appendix, consisting of an Official Report of the _Battle of
Stone River_. By W. D. BICKHAM. With a Topographical Sketch of
the Battle-field. 1 vol. 12mo., 476 pages, 2 00
BAYARD TAYLOR’S CYCLOPEDIA OF MODERN TRAVEL. A Record of
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THE TRIALS FOR TREASON AT INDIANAPOLIS, Disclosing the Plans for
Establishing a North-Western Confederacy. Being an Official
Record of the Trials before the Military Commission convened by
Special Orders No. 129, Headquarters District of Indiana;
Brevet Major-General A. P. HOVEY, Commander of the District.
Brevet Brigadier General SILAS COLGROVE, President; H. L.
BURNETT, of the Department of the Ohio and Northern Department,
Judge Advocate of the Commission. Containing the Testimony,
Arguments, Finding and Sentence, in the case of HARRISON H.
DODD; also of WILLIAM A. BOWLES, ANDREW HUMPHREYS, HORACE
HEFFREN, LAMBDIN P. MILLIGAN, and STEPHEN HORSEY. Developing
the Origin, History, Extent, Names of Officers, etc., of the
Secret Orders of Knights of the Golden Circle, the Circle of
Honor, the Order of American Knights, and Order of the Sons of
Liberty—their Organization, Rituals, Passwords, Grips, Oaths,
Obligations and Penalties; their ostensible and real purposes.
With accurate Illustrations of the Greek Fire Shells, Hand
Grenades, Rockets and Infernal Machines of the Conspirators,
introduced in Evidence on the Trials. To which is added the
full Report of Judge Advocate General Holt on the Order of
American Knights, _alias_ the Sons of Liberty; a Western
Conspiracy in aid of the Southern Rebellion. Edited by BENN
PITMAN, Recorder to the Military Commission. 1 vol. 8vo., with
five Portraits. ☞_Sold to Subscribers only._
MEDICAL BOOKS.
BEACH’S (Wooster, M. D.) THE AMERICAN PRACTICE, Condensed, or the
Family Physician, being the Scientific System of Medicine on
Vegetable Principles, designed for all Classes. In Nine Parts.
This work embraces the character, causes, symptoms, and
treatment of the Diseases of men, women and children of all
climates. By W. BEACH, M. D., member of the Medical Society of
the City and County of New York; of the Medical and
Physiological Society of Wetterau, Germany; of Leipsic, Saxony;
of the Medical Society of Bamberg, Bavaria; member of the Royal
College of Physicians and Surgeons of Berlin, Prussia, etc.,
etc. Illustrated with nearly Two Hundred Engravings.
Fifty-fifth Edition, Revised. Complete in one volume, octavo,
873 pages. Sheep, $5 00
BEACH’S (Wooster, M.D.) AMERICAN PRACTICE OF MEDICINE. Revised,
Enlarged, and Improved; being a Practical Exposition of
Pathology, Therapeutics, Surgery, Materia Medica and Pharmacy,
on Reformed Principles; embracing the most useful portions of
the former work, with corrections, additions, new remedies, and
improvements; and exhibiting the results of the author’s
investigations in Medicine in this country, and in a year’s
tour in Europe. By W. BEACH, M. D. Illustrated with Three
Hundred Engravings, colored to life. In three vols., royal 8vo.
Sheep, 36 00
BEACH’S (Wooster, M. D.) IMPROVED SYSTEM OF MIDWIFERY, Adapted to
the Reformed Practice of Medicine. Illustrated by numerous
Colored Plates. To which is annexed a Compendium of the
Treatment of Female and Infantile Diseases, with remarks on
Physiological and Moral Elevation. By W. BEACH, M. D. New and
Revised Edition. 1 vol. large quarto. Sheep, 8 00
KING’S American Eclectic Obstetrics. By JOHN KING, M. D.,
Professor of Obstetrics and the Diseases of Women and Children,
in the “Eclectic Medical Institute of Cincinnati.” With Seventy
Illustrations. 1 vol. royal 8vo. Sheep, 800 pages, 5 00
THE AMERICAN DISPENSATORY. By JOHN KING, M. D., Professor of
Obstetrics, and Diseases of Women and Children, in the
“Eclectic Medical Institute, Cincinnati.” The Sixth Edition,
Revised and Enlarged. PART I contains an account of a large
number of medicinal plants indigenous to this country, many of
which were for the first time presented to the profession in
this work, giving their botanical descriptions, general
chemical histories, therapeutical properties and uses, together
with a large amount of information relative thereto, of
practical value to the chemist, pharmaceutist and physician.
PART II contains practical pharmacy, and a description of the
various pharmaceutical compounds in use among Medical
Reformers, especially of that class to which the author
belongs, known as Eclectics. The various chemical and
pharmaceutical processes described are mainly those of recent
date, and such as have been found by ample experience to be the
best; these are fully and clearly explained, so that every
apothecary may be enabled to prepare, without difficulty, all
or any of the more modern preparations of Reformers, whenever
ordered. PART III is devoted to the various mineral medicines,
their chemical histories, therapeutical virtues and uses,
together with a vocabulary explaining the Latin words and
abbreviations frequently met with in medical prescriptions;
tables of doses; weights and measures; chemical composition of
mineral waters; specific gravities; hydrometrical equivalents;
solubility of salts, acids, bases, etc., etc., all of which are
of much utility and indispensable to the chemist and
pharmaceutist. The work contains a full and complete index, so
arranged that any medicine, compound, or table, etc., may be
promptly found without any delay or difficulty. 1 vol., royal $10
8vo., 1509 pages, 00
KING’S Chart of Urinary Deposits. Paper, 50
GUNN’S NEW FAMILY PHYSICIAN; or, Home Book of Health, Forming a
Complete Household Guide; giving many Valuable Suggestions for
avoiding Disease and Prolonging Life, with plain directions in
cases of emergency, and pointing out in familiar language the
Causes, Symptoms, Treatment and Cure of Diseases incident to
Men, Women and Children, with the simplest and best Remedies;
presenting a Manual for nursing the Sick, and describing
minutely the properties and uses of hundreds of well-known
Medicinal Plants. By JOHN C. GUNN, M. D., author of “Gunn’s
Domestic Medicine.” With supplementary treatises on Anatomy,
Physiology and Hygiene, on Domestic and Sanitary Economy, and
on Physical Culture and Development. Hundredth Edition, Revised
and Enlarged. Newly Illustrated and Re-stereotyped. 1 vol.
royal octavo, 1218 pages. _Sold to Subscribers only._
JONES. The American Eclectic Practice of Medicine. By I. G.
JONES, M. D., late Professor of the Theory and Practice of
Medicine, in the “Eclectic Medical Institute of Cincinnati,”
etc., etc. Extended and Revised at the request of the author,
by WM. SHERWOOD, M. D., formerly Professor of General, Special
and Pathological Anatomy, in the “Eclectic Medical Institute of
Cincinnati,” etc. 2 vols. 8vo. Sheep, 1600 pages, 10 00
KOST’S Elements of Materia Medica and Therapeutics. Adapted to
the American Eclectic or Reformed Practice, with numerous
Illustrations. By J. KOST, M. D., Professor of Materia Medica,
Therapeutics and Botany, in the American Medical College,
Cincinnati, etc., etc. 1 vol. 8vo., 700 pages. Sheep, 5 00
SCUDDER’S PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE DISEASES OF WOMEN. By JOHN M.
SCUDDER, M. D., Professor of General, Special and Pathological
Anatomy, in the “Eclectic Medical Institute of Cincinnati.”
Illustrated by Colored Plates, and numerous Wood Engravings.
With an Introduction by GEORGE W. BICKLEY, M. D., Professor of
Physiology, Institutes of Medicine, and Medical Jurisprudence,
in the “Eclectic Medical Institute of Cincinnati,” etc. And a
paper on the Diseases of the Breasts, by ROBERT S. NEWTON, M.
D., Professor of Surgery in the “Eclectic Medical Institute of
Cincinnati,” etc. 1 vol. 8vo. Sheep, 4 00
KOST’S TREATISE ON THE PRACTICE OF MEDICINE. Adapted to the
Reformed System, comprising a Materia Medica, with numerous
Illustrations, by JOHN KOST, M. D., author of “Elements of
Materia Medica and Therapeutics.” 1 vol. 8vo. Sheep. 625 pages, 3 50
SYME’S Principles and Practice of Surgery. By JAMES SYME,
Professor of Clinical Surgery, University of Edinburgh, Surgeon
to the Queen, etc. Edited, with Illustrations, by ROBERT S.
NEWTON, M. D., Professor of Surgery in the “Eclectic Medical
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RENOUARD’S (Dr P. V., of Paris) HISTORY OF MEDICINE. From its
Origin to the Nineteenth Century, with an Appendix containing a
Philosophical and Historical Review of Medicine to the present
time. Translated from the French by CORNELIUS G. COMEGYS, M.
D., Professor of the Institutes of Medicine, in the “Ohio
Medical College.” 1 vol. octavo, 719 pages. Sheep, 4 00
☞This work is without a rival in the language, and has been
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recommended by Drs. Jackson, Dunglison, and other Professors in
Philadelphia and elsewhere.
MUSIC BOOKS, Etc.
JUST READY. HALLOWED SONGS. A collection of the most popular
Hymns and Tunes, both old and new, designed for Prayer and
Social Meetings, Revivals, Family Worship, and Sabbath Schools.
By THEO. E. PERKINS, PHILIP PHILLIPS and SYLVESTER MAIN, 1 00
SPRING BLOSSOMS. A Collection of Music for Sunday Schools. With
Rudiments. By PHILIP PHILLIPS. 1 vol. 128 pages. Paper, sewed, 25
Bound, 30
ORIOLA; A New and Complete Hymn and Tone Book for Sabbath
Schools. By WILLIAM B. BRADBURY, Author of “The Shawm,”
“Jubilee,” “The School Carol,” “Golden Chain,” “Golden Shower,”
etc. Thirtieth Edition, Enlarged. 272 pages, 60
ORIO. All the Sunday School Hymns from “Oriola, a complete Hymn
and Tune Book for Sabbath Schools.” By WM. B. BRADBURY. 32mo.,
277 pp. 25
THE HARP. A collection of choice Sacred Music; derived from the
composition of about one hundred eminent German, Swiss,
Italian, French, English, and other European Musicians; also,
original tunes by German, English and American authors. Many of
them having been arranged or composed expressly for this work.
By LOWELL MASON and T. B. MASON, 1 00
THE MISSOURI HARMONY; or, a Collection of Psalms, Hymns, Tunes
and Anthems, from Eminent Authors, with an Introduction to the
Grounds and Rudiments of Music, in four parts. By ELDEN D.
CARDEN. New Edition, revised, enlarged, and corrected by
CHARLES WARREN, Newly Stereotyped in Patent Notes, 80
THE SACRED MELODEON. Containing a great variety of approved
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with many original compositions; on a New System of Notation,
designed for the use of Churches, Singing Societies, and
Academies. One Hundredth Edition. By A. S. HAYDEN, 1 10
IN PRESS.
AFTER THE WAR; Down the Coast and Up the Mississippi. By
[“Agate”] WHITELAW REID, Special Correspondent of the
_Cincinnati Gazette_. 1 handsome volume, 12mo., of about 600
pages. Illustrated. When the tour of inspection to the cities
of the Southern Coast was decided on by Chief Justice CHASE and
several officials of the Treasury Department, the Judge
complimented his friend, the Congressional Librarian, with an
invitation to accompany him on the trip. Duly provided with a
pass from President Johnson, Mr. REID accompanied the party, on
board the Government Steamer _Wayanda_, and spent a month or
more in the voyage to New Orleans, and in visiting with the
distinguished gentlemen the coast cities of the rebellious
States. Occurring immediately after the Rebel armies had been
disbanded, he became possessed of many facts, and witnessed
many incidents replete with interest, which he has here given
to the public in his own agreeable manner. As “Agate,” he is
well known as one of the most brilliant descriptive writers in
the country.
THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Now stereotyping and soon to be published by authority of the Secretary
of War and the Judge Advocate General, the only authorized edition of
THE TRIAL OF THE CONSPIRATORS,
David E. Herold, Edward Spangler, Lewis Payne, Michael
O’Laughlin, Samuel Arnold, Mary E. Surratt, George A. Atzerodt,
Samuel A. Mudd, before a Military Commission, at Washington,
specially convened by President Johnson. President of the
Commission, Major-General David Hunter; Judge Advocate,
Brigadier-General Joseph Holt, Judge Advocate General; Special
Judge Advocates, Hon. J. A. Bingham and Brevet Colonel H.
L. Burnett; Special Provost Marshal of the Commission,
Major-General Hartranft. Containing the Testimony, Documents
introduced in Evidence, Discussion of Points of Law, Arguments
of Counsel for the Accused, and the Reply of Special Judge
Advocate, Hon. John A. Bingham; also, the Findings and
Sentences of the Accused; with Portraits, on steel, engraved by
Ritchie. _Compiled and arranged by_ BENN PITMAN, Recorder to
the Commission. 1 vol. royal octavo, double columns. This
Trial developed, not only the Plot and the details of the
Assassination of President Lincoln, but a series of crimes and
plots to which the more unscrupulous traitors resorted when the
Rebellion gave token of failure by a contest of arms on the
battle-field.
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Transcriber’s note:
1. Items VI and VII are missing in the list in the footnote on p. 90.
2. Silently corrected typographical errors.
3. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.