The Imperial Commissioner Keshen now wisely resolved to gain as much
time as he could by negotiation; and seemed in the first instance to
have almost equalled his predecessor Lin, in his desire "to control the
foreigners, and to reduce them to submission." His conferences with
that functionary, who now remained at Canton as viceroy, were numerous
and confidential; but, instead of precipitating the crisis by mad
violence, he professed to trust rather to the "employment of _truth_
and the _utmost reason_" to attain his ends.
Keshen's cautiousness was at once shewn by the instructions which
he issued respecting the nature of the _white flag_, and by his
enjoining that for the future the troops were "not rashly to open their
artillery, without _first_ ascertaining what was the purpose of the
approach of any boat bearing such a flag." And, moreover, that "they
were not to _provoke_ hostilities, by being the first to fire on the
foreign ships, nor in their _desire for honours_ to endeavour to create
trouble." On his side, likewise, Captain Elliot was quite as anxious to
avoid a collision as Keshen himself; and thus affairs went on until the
close of the year, without any approach whatever to a solution of the
difficulties. Keshen exhibited a vast deal of tact and
"---- _cunning_, which in fools supplies,
And amply, too, the place of being wise."
Great as our force already was even at that period, it does not at
all seem to have intimidated Keshen, who appeared to gain courage as
he gained time. Indeed, it could hardly be expected that the ancient
barrier of Chinese pride and self-sufficiency would crumble down before
a single blow, however strong; and even the chief actor in the scene
himself hesitated long to strike, when he knew that it would make an
empire tremble.
But the great, the haughty, the mysterious China was at length destined
to open her portals to the resistless "barbarian." Among the important
personages who contributed indirectly to bring about this wonderful
result, perhaps not the least remarkable was the Empress herself,
to whom some allusion has already been made. Very little was heard
concerning her at the time, in remote parts of the world, and therefore
a few additional notices must be interesting. She must, indeed, have
been a person of no ordinary character, who could have raised herself,
by her talents and her fascinations, to a seat upon the throne of
the Emperor of China. Her early history is little recorded, but her
influence was secretly known and felt in almost every part of the
empire, even before she obtained the short-lived honours of an empress.
It is difficult to imagine how any woman, brought up in the subordinate
position which is alone allotted to the sex in China, with the
imperfect education which is there attainable, and with all the
prejudices of her early life, and the proud assumption of superiority
of the other sex to contend against, could have had imparted to her
the peculiar tone of character which she possessed. In her attempts
to reform and to improve, she never ceased to be _Chinese_; indeed,
she seems to have thought that to _restore_ what was fallen to decay
was the best kind of reform. She sought the removal of abuse, the
purification of public offices, and the improvement of the details of
administration throughout the country. Her influence became paramount;
and those who could not be gained by her arguments are said to have
been led by her fascinations.
The words of the Emperor's public eulogy of the Empress, after her
death, will in a measure point out this feature in her character.
He declared that "she was overflowing of kindness to all, lovely
and winning." She held control over the hearts of those about her,
not by dint of authority, but by gentleness and forbearance. "Her
intercourse," he added, "lightened for me the burden of government, and
the charms she spread around conciliated all hearts. And now I am alone
and sad."
In her choice of persons for high employment, the Empress possessed the
most valuable of all talents to those who are called upon to exercise
their power of selection--that of distinguishing not merely abstract
merit, but of discerning those less conspicuous qualities of the
mind which constitute _fitness_ for office and aptitude for public
distinction.
The greatest influence of the Empress seems to have been exercised
about the years 1835 and 1836, and it was just at that period that the
question was so keenly debated, at court and elsewhere, whether opium
should be permitted, under certain modified regulations, or whether it
were possible to put an end to the traffic by force, and to _drive the
nation_ from its use by fear. This was evidently the commencement of a
new era in that country, for whatever might be the result of the debate
upon this important question in the Chinese cabinet, the effect of it
was to occasion the agitation of the subject throughout the empire.
Agitation in China!
But a spirit of change had now begun to tincture even the minds of
true Chinamen, and the amiable Empress herself became affected by, and
even in a measure encouraged, that movement. The vice-president of
the sacrificial board, by name Heu Naetze, and others, amongst whom
was reckoned also Keshen, belonged to the immediate favourites of the
Empress, and but for that high protection it is probable that Heu
Naetze would hardly have ventured to present his famous memorial in
favour of the legalization of the opium-trade.
His chief and most important argument was, not that it would be a good
thing in itself, but that it would be perfectly impossible to prevent
it by any means the government could adopt; and also that foreign
trade generally was of importance to China, from the revenue which it
produced, and the employment which it gave to the people. He shewed how
totally ineffectual every increase of punishment, even to death itself,
had proved, for the prevention of the practice, which, on the contrary,
had increased tenfold; and he then went on to make it evident that
"when opium was purchased secretly, it could only be exchanged with
silver; but that, if it were permitted to be bought openly, it would
be paid for in the productions of the country." And he cleverly adds:
"the dread of the laws is not so great among the people as the _love
of gain_, which unites them to all manner of crafty devices, so that
sometimes the law is rendered wholly ineffective." But he would still
prohibit all public officers, scholars, and soldiers, from using it,
under pain of instant dismissal from the public service.
It is known that the Empress received this recommendation with
particular favour, but the Emperor referred it for the consideration of
the crafty old Tang, the Governor of Canton, who was at the very time
deriving a large revenue from winking at the clandestine sale of the
drug. The answer of Tang and his colleagues was decidedly favourable
to the project. They declared that "_the circumstances of the times_
rendered a change in the regulations necessary." They openly admitted
that the payment of distinct duties would be far less onerous than
the payment of _bribes_; that the laws could then be administered,
and would be _respected_; and that the precious metals which were now
oozing out of the empire would then be retained in it. They even went
so far as to say that the _dignity_ of the government would by no means
be lowered by it; and they farther declared that the prohibition of the
luxury made it more eagerly sought for.
Here, then, was clearly another triumph on the Empress's side; and
those who were opposed to her principles feared it as such, and
redoubled their efforts to produce her fall. But the recommendation did
not even stop at that point; for it went so far as even to encourage
the cultivation and preparation of the poppy within the empire, in
order to exclude a portion of the foreign article from the market.
One might have supposed that the influences which were now at work to
produce a better state of foreign trade, backed by the countenance of
the Empress, and supported by the apparent neutrality of the Emperor,
would have sufficed to occasion some modification in the existing laws.
Keshen himself, who had what is called a long head, though in good
favour with the Empress, and influential in the country, seems to have
remained at that time neutral upon the question in agitation. Others,
however, shewed a bitter hostility to every change, but bitterest
of all to the whole race of foreigners. When they could no longer
argue with success against the principles of what might be called the
free-trade party, they raked up all the smouldering ashes of deadly
hostility to foreigners, because they were _not Chinese_, (however
estimable they might otherwise be,) and they appealed to an old saying
of the Emperor Kanghe, the grandfather of his present Majesty--namely,
"that there is cause for apprehension, lest, in centuries to come,
_China may be endangered by collision with the various nations of
the West, who come hither from beyond the seas_." Indeed, it is
well known that there prevailed in China a tradition to that effect;
and also another, "that China would be conquered by a woman, in time
to come." And so generally were these two predictions or traditions
remembered during the war, that the impression came to prevail among
many of the people that it would be useless to resist us, because we
were a people from the far west, and were ruled by a queen.
The two principal memorials on the opposite side of the question have
been pretty generally circulated; one being by Choo Tsun, a member of
council and of the Board of Rites, the other by Heu Kew, a censor of
the military department. They argued for the _dignity_ of the empire,
and the danger "of _instability_ in maintaining the laws." They called
for increased severity of the law itself, not only to _prevent_ the
exportation of _silver_, but to arrest the _enervation_ and destruction
of the people, and they openly declared their belief that the purpose
of the English was to weaken the people and to ruin the central land;
and they further appealed to all the "luminous admonitions" of the
emperors and others of olden days against the influence of foreigners.
Memorials also came in from many of the provinces, particularly those
along the coast, shewing that even the army had become contaminated
by opium, and that soldiers sent against the rebels in recent
seditions were found to have very little strength left, though their
numbers were large. In short, the whole of the memorialists on the
_anti-importation_ side argued to the effect that increased severity
could stop the use of opium, and therefore that it _ought_ to be
stopped, because it tended to enervate the people, and make them an
easy prey to the foreigner, while the quantity of silver exported
enriched the latter in proportion as it impoverished the former. Thus
the hatred of opium and detestation of the foreigner became very nearly
synonymous.
At length, when the Emperor's beloved son died from the effects of
opium in the imperial palace, then the grief of the Emperor, and the
conviction of the misery produced by the drug, worked upon his feelings
fully as much as upon his judgment. An attempt was made to place the
question upon _moral_ grounds; and the Emperor affected on a sudden to
weep for the misfortunes of the nation, and to lament the depravity of
his "dear children;" and his paternal heart, in the exuberance of its
benignity, determined to cut off all their heads, if they would not
mend their ways. Thus, by degrees, the reformation of morals became the
subject of agitation quite as much as the principles of trade had been
before. By this time, the influence of the Empress had quite declined.
She forgot that in making many friends she had made many influential
enemies. Neither her beauty nor her talents could save her, and she
fell rapidly from her pinnacle of power. She only lived to share
the Emperor's throne for about five or six years; a very short but
remarkable reign. She could not survive the loss of her power; and when
her opponents so completely recovered theirs, her proud spirit sunk
under the weight which pressed upon her.
Nothing could be more touching than the expressions of the Emperor,
published in the Pekin Gazette. He calls her a perfect pattern of
"filial piety;" and therefore bestows upon her the posthumous title of
the "perfectibility of filial obedience." It should be here remarked,
that what they call "filial piety" is the highest moral attribute in
the Chinese system of ethics.
The Empress died in the beginning of 1840, and was buried with great
pomp; the whole nation was ordered to go into mourning for a month,
and the public officers were not to shave their heads for one hundred
days, as a mark of their sorrow. Her death left the Emperor Taou-kwang
surrounded by troubles and dangers in his old age, with few about him
whom he could trust, and none to comfort him in his difficulties. She
left two or three young children. But he had six children by his former
wife, of whom nearly all, or, it is believed, more than half have died.
The Emperor was born on the 20th September, 1782, and is therefore
upwards of sixty-two years old. He ascended the throne in 1820. The
troubles and continual disturbances which have marked his reign, the
frequent rebellions and disorders which have long been the constant
theme of his animadversions in the Pekin Gazette, may perhaps be
considered less as the result of his own measures than as the marking
features of the present era in Chinese history. He ascended the throne
when disorders were almost at their height, and when a conspiracy had
already broken out in his father's palace. Indeed, he was expressly
selected by his father to be his successor, (although not the _eldest_,
but the second son,) because he had on a former occasion distinguished
himself by his energy and success in crushing a traitorous attempt
within the palace.
The Emperor appears to be an amiable but weak man, well intentioned
towards his people, sensible of the difficulties of his country, but,
at the same time, blinded and misinformed by the favourites about him,
and retaining too many early prejudices to be able thoroughly to cope
with all the difficulties which have from time to time beset him.
The next most important character who figured at the period which
has been already alluded to was Commissioner Lin, of whom so much
has been said. The principal features of his character have been
already delineated. He is described as having been stout in person,
with a vivacious but not unpleasant manner, unless highly excited;
with a keen, dark, penetrating eye, which seemed to indicate that he
could assume two opposite characters, according as it might suit his
interest or his ambition. He had a clear, distinct voice, and is said
to have rarely smiled. His countenance indicated a mind habituated to
care. In the course of his proceedings at Canton, he seems never to
have permitted himself to adopt the character of a "negotiator," but
invariably to have assumed that of a "dictator," which was more natural
to him. His word was law. He was not dismayed by sudden difficulties,
and appears to have been quite sincere in all his wishes to arrest
the progress of the evils he complained of, and to reform the morals
of the people. With this object, he closed all the gaming-houses at
Canton, which were as numerous as the opium-shops, or more so, and were
generally maintained in conjunction with the latter; so much do vices
court each other's company.
In reality, Lin feared the foreigners as much as he hated them. But
the intercourse he now had with them led him to value their knowledge
more highly, and probably he knew full well that knowledge is power.
He had portions of English works translated for his own use, such
as Thelwall's pamphlet against opium, Murray's geography, (parts,)
&c.; and he had in his employ three or four young Chinamen, who knew
something of English, and of English habits, having visited the
straits' settlements, and one of them the United States.
Lin was by no means wanting in energy to meet the great crisis which
he had contributed so much to produce. In addition to the enlisting of
troops, the preparation of defences, the casting of guns, building of
fire-vessels and gun-boats, &c., he directed that many passages of the
river should be blocked up with stones, and others staked across with
piles.
In short, Lin was a bold, uncompromising, and specious man. He tried to
console the Emperor, by assuring him that he was quite certain that,
along the northern coast, sickness and cold would carry off all the
barbarian forces, even if the want of food, and the exhaustion of their
powder and shot, did not reduce them to extremities; but he never once
alluded to any probability of being able to beat off the barbarians in
fair fight.
With regard to his successor, Keshen, his character will be better
developed as we proceed. But it is worth while here to remark, that
Keshen appears to have been one of the few about the court who began to
apprehend serious consequences from Lin's measures. He had always been
cautious in committing himself, and though no friend of the foreigners,
he had feared their power, and felt the weakness of his own country, as
well as the necessity of trying some other measures than those means
hitherto employed, to put a stop to the perpetual disturbances which
took place in several parts of the empire, and threatened rebellion
even within the capital.
Keshen was an astute courtier, a polished and well-mannered man,
and all those who were present at either of his two interviews with
Captain Elliot were struck with his courteous and gentlemanlike manner.
Although he made every preparation for resistance, he seems to have
thought he could gain more by diplomacy, and he resolved to take
advantage of the disposition for negotiation rather than dictation on
Captain Elliot's part, to play his cards with tact and cunning, in the
hope of gaining time. But he saw his weakness, and the impossibility
of contending with success against our forces, and, having distinctly
reported thereon to the Emperor, he was, of course, set down as a
coward, and, consequently, as a traitor. He had the boldness to tell
the Emperor the actual weakness of his strongest points of defence;
whereas, Lin only stated how much stronger they _would_ have been,
had the government made it a rule to have devoted ten per cent. of the
whole customs' revenue of Canton to the improvement of their means of
defence, the building of ships, and the casting of cannon.
In one thing, however, Lin and Keshen were both of a mind--namely,
as to the importance of the foreign trade of Canton to the imperial
revenue. They ventured to correct the Emperor's notion that the
customs' duties of Canton were "unimportant, and not worth a thought,"
by telling him that they "already" produced upwards of thirty millions
of taels, or ten millions sterling, and that, as the revenue of
Canton far _exceeded_ that of any other province, a portion of this
considerable sum, which was obtained _from_ foreigners, should have
been applied to defending themselves against _foreigners_.[18]
Much has at various times been said about Keshen's treachery and bad
faith. But it will be seen, as we proceed, that he was driven into
these acts by the distinct orders of the Emperor, and that keeping
faith with _us_ was to be viewed as treachery to his master. Indeed,
the severity of Keshen's punishment at the Emperor's hands proves not
so much how ill he served his master, as how unfortunate he was in
having a much more profound head than Lin, in being able to see farther
into futurity, and to catch the shadows of coming events; in short,
how much too far in advance of his countrymen he was, in being able
to appreciate their position in the face of the foreigner, and how
unfortunate in _presuming_ to attempt to ward off the dreaded blow by
timely concession.
Without anticipating further the remarkable points in Keshen's career,
which will be better developed as we proceed, we may now turn our
attention to the interesting events of the year 1841.
We have already seen that there was little probability, at the close
of 1840, of any satisfactory arrangement being made between Keshen and
Captain Elliot without a resort to arms. Accordingly, all preparations
were completed; and, the first week in January having passed without
any nearer prospect of a settlement, although repeated opportunities
had been given to Keshen to arrange matters amicably, as had been
proposed at the conference at Tientsin, orders were at length issued
for the immediate resumption of hostilities. The morning of the 7th of
January, 1841, was the period fixed on for the attack upon the forts
at Chuenpee and Tycocktow, being the lowest, or, in other words, the
first, you approach in ascending the river. The object was to reduce
the whole of the famous defences of the Bogue one after the other, and,
if necessary, to destroy them.
The plan of attack upon Chuenpee, and the forts on the opposite
side of the river at Tycocktow, was as follows, under the direction of
Commodore Sir Gordon Bremer, who, it will be remembered, had become
commander-in-chief upon the retirement of Rear-Admiral the Honourable
George Elliot, in consequence of severe illness. The troops, comprising
detachments of the 26th and 49th regiments, (the greater part of which
were with their head-quarters at Chusan,) under Major Johnstone, of
the 26th, together with the whole of the 37th Madras Native Infantry,
under Captain Duff, of that regiment, and a detachment of the Bengal
Volunteers, under Captain Bolton, were to embark on board the
Enterprise and Madagascar steamers by eight o'clock in the morning,
to be conveyed to the point of debarkation, which was selected about
two miles and a half below Chuenpee, to the southward, where they
were to be landed in boats. The Nemesis took on board a large portion
of the 37th. A battalion of royal marines, upwards of five hundred
strong, under Captain Ellis, were to be landed in the boats of their
respective ships; while a body of seamen, under Lieutenant Wilson, of
the Blenheim, were also to join the landing force. A small detachment
of the royal artillery was to be under the command of Captain Knowles,
R.A., having under him the Honourable C. Spencer; and one twenty-four
pounder howitzer, with two six-pounder guns, one from the Wellesley,
and one from the Melville, were to be landed, together with thirty
seamen, to be attached to them for the purpose of placing them in
position; also fifteen men from the Blenheim were to be employed in the
rocket and ammunition service.
In front of the Chinese entrenchments there was a ridge, by which,
in a manner they were commanded, and upon the crest of this the guns
were to be placed. While this was being done, strong covering parties
were to be pushed in advance, and to act according to circumstances,
waiting for the effect of the fire from the guns, as well as from the
ships, which were to be placed in the best positions for silencing the
batteries.
The whole of the force on shore was under the command of Major Pratt,
of the Cameronians, and comprised altogether about one thousand five
hundred men.[19]
As regards the naval force engaged, it was ordered, that the Queen
and Nemesis steamers should proceed to take up a position within good
shelling distance, according as the depth of water would permit; and
at once to commence firing into the fort upon the summit of the hill.
Having rendered this post untenable, and having watched the advance
of the troops, which might be selected to take possession of it, they
were then immediately to attack the lower fort, along the shore near
the northern point, if it should not have been already abandoned or
carried. Meanwhile, the fire from the fort above, by this time expected
to be in possession of a portion of our troops, was also to be turned
in the same direction; and, when the enemy should be driven out, they
were to be "dealt with" by the remaining part of the troops.
The Madagascar and Enterprise steamers, as soon as they had landed
their troops, were to join the division under Captain (now Sir Thomas)
Herbert, in the Calliope, having with him, the Larne, Captain Blake,
and the Hyacinth, Captain Warren. They were directed to proceed to
attack the batteries, towards the northern extremity, as well as in
front, and to be prepared to proceed to capture some of the numerous
war-junks, which were seen at anchor at the bottom of Anson's Bay. The
two steamers above-mentioned, were also to hold themselves in readiness
to go alongside any ship that might chance to require their services.
Captain Belcher, of the Sulphur surveying vessel, was to take upon
himself the general charge of the steamers, in the first instance, so
far as concerned "the placing them in a position already ascertained
by him;" which, probably, referred to the position to be taken up for
shelling the upper fort, as well as to the point of debarkation for the
troops.
Such, then, was the plan of attack upon Chuenpee; that of Tycocktow
will follow better when the account of the Chuenpee action is completed.
The landing and re-embarkation of the forces was under the direction of
Lieutenant Symons, of the Wellesley, and the whole of it was conducted
with great regularity. The landing of any considerable body of troops
is always an exciting scene; but, now, for the first time in the
history of China, if we except the trifling affair at the barrier at
Macao, European troops were about to meet in battle the sons of the
"flowery nation," upon the very soil of the "Celestial Empire." Nor did
the Chinese shrink from the contest in the first instance, for they
had yet to learn the irresistible power of European warfare, and the
destructive efficacy of European weapons.
The leading troops were the royal marines and the royal artillery, the
guns being dragged along by the blue jackets. The road lay through a
winding valley for nearly the distance of a couple of miles, until it
led to a transverse ridge, from which, the whole of the Chinese works
could be viewed, consisting of a strong, entrenched camp, flanked by
small field-batteries of recent and hasty construction, and connected
with the Hill Fort above, by a high breastwork continued up the hill
towards it.
The object of the Chinese was evidently to protect the rear of the
fort, which was plainly the key of the position. In the rear of their
field-batteries were deep trenches for giving shelter to their men from
our shot, and the Chinese could be seen lining the works, and waving
their flags in defiance.
The guns of the royal artillery were soon in position upon the ridge,
and began firing with great precision into the entrenched camp; while
an advanced party of the royal marines, crossing the shoulder of the
hill to the right, drove the Chinese speedily from it; and, then,
descending into the valley beyond, came upon a second encampment, with
a small field-battery, which was soon cleared. A detachment of the 37th
M.N. Infantry had also been sent further round to the right of the
advance, where they encountered the Chinese in some force.
While all these operations were going on, The Queen and the Nemesis
steamers (the latter having first rapidly disembarked her portion of
the 37th, with the main body of the force) took up a position within
good shelling distance of the Hill Fort. The Nemesis, from her light
draught of water, was enabled to take up her station _inside_ The
Queen, and both vessels commenced throwing shell with great precision
into the fort, much to the astonishment of the Chinese, who were
unacquainted with this engine of destruction.
Captain Hall had on this occasion, as on several subsequent ones, the
able assistance, as a gunnery officer, of Mr. Crouch, one of the mates
of the Wellesley, who was permitted to serve for a time on board the
Nemesis.[20]
The Chinese could not long withstand the fire of the sixty-eight
pounder of The Queen, and the two thirty-two pounder pivot-guns of the
Nemesis, the shells from which could be seen bursting within the walls
of the fort.
At the same time, on the land-side, the principal entrenched camp
had by this time, been carried by the main body of the troops, and,
twenty-five minutes after the shelling of the fort had commenced, the
British flag was seen waving upon its top, and the firing ceased.
Major Pratt himself, with only two marines, had been the first to run
up the hill and reach the fort; upon which, the Chinese, seeing that
they were pressed behind as well as before, abandoned the fort in great
confusion, leaving Major Pratt and his followers in possession of this
most important position, upon which the British flag was hoisted by a
royal marine.
The Nemesis, as soon as this was perceived, hastened on to join the
ships of war, (the Calliope, Larne, and Hyacinth,) which had taken up
their positions, nearly within musket-shot of the lower batteries,
and were doing great execution. The works were however, constructed
of strong material, comprising large blocks of the composition called
chunam, very much resembling stone but less fragile. The Nemesis came
up just in time to pour in several discharges of grape and canister
from both the pivot-guns, and had then to witness one of the most
dreadful spectacles of war. The Chinese in the battery had already
been assailed by our troops from the fort above; and now, a party of
the royal marines, and the 37th M.N.I., which had previously cleared
the second camp in the valley behind, were seen coming round the hill,
ready to pounce upon them as they attempted to escape out of the fort.
The unfortunate men were thus hemmed in on all sides; and, being
unacquainted with the humane practice of modern warfare, of giving
and receiving quarter, they abandoned themselves to the most frantic
despair.
Now were to be seen some of those horrors of war which, when the
excitement of the moment is over, and the interest as well as danger of
strategic manoeuvres are at an end, none can remember without regret
and pain. The Chinese, not accepting quarter, though attempting to
escape, were cut up by the fire of our advancing troops; others, in
the faint hope of escaping what to them appeared certain death at the
hands of their victors, precipitated themselves recklessly from the top
of the battlements; numbers of them were now swimming in the river,
and not a few vainly _trying_ to swim, and sinking in the effort;
some few, however, perhaps a hundred, surrendered themselves to our
troops, and were soon afterwards released. Many of the poor fellows
were unavoidably shot by our troops, who were not only warmed with the
previous fighting, but exasperated because the Chinese had fired off
their matchlocks at them first, and then threw them away, as if to
ask for quarter; under these circumstances, it could not be wondered
at that they suffered. Some again barricaded themselves within the
houses of the fort, a last and desperate effort; and, as several of our
soldiers were wounded by their spears, death and destruction were the
consequence.
The slaughter was great; nor could it be easily controlled when the men
were irritated by the protracted and _useless_ attacks which were made
upon them from behind walls and hiding-places, even _after_ the British
flag was hoisted. It is wonderful that the casualties among the men
were not more numerous.
The commandant of the fort was killed at the head of his men; and it
is related that his son, as soon as he found that his father was dead,
resolving not to survive him, and being unable to avenge his death,
jumped into the sea, in spite of all remonstrance, and was drowned.
Those who have witnessed the individual bravery, be it courage or be it
despair, frequently exhibited by the Chinese during the war, in almost
every encounter, will be slow to stamp them as a cowardly people,
however inefficient they may be as fighting men in armed bodies,
against European discipline and modern weapons.
The most painful of all the scenes on this occasion was that of the
bodies of men burnt perhaps to death when wounded.
It is well known that the bow and arrow is the favourite weapon of the
Tartar troops, upon the dexterous use of which they set the highest
claim to military distinction. The spear also, of various forms and
fashions, is a favourite weapon both of Tartars and Chinese; but the
matchlock, which in all respects very nearly resembles some of the old
European weapons of the same name, except that the bore is generally
somewhat smaller, is of much more modern introduction, and by no means
so much in favour with the Chinese; this is occasioned principally by
the danger arising from the use of the powder, in the careless way in
which they carry it. They have a pouch in front, fastened round the
body, and the powder is contained loose in a certain number of little
tubes inside the pouch, not rolled up like our cartridges.
Of course, every soldier has to carry a match or port-fire to ignite
the powder in the matchlock when loaded. Hence, when a poor fellow is
wounded and falls, the powder, which is very apt to run out of his
pouch over his clothes, is very likely to be ignited by his own match,
and in this way he may either be blown up at once, or else his clothes
may be ignited; indeed, it is not impossible that the match itself
may be sufficient to produce this effect. At Chuenpee, many bodies
were found after the action not only scorched, but completely burnt,
evidently from the ignition of the powder.
In one of the latest encounters during the war, at Chapoo, where a few
of the Tartars defended themselves so desperately in a house in which
they had taken refuge, they were seen stripping themselves altogether,
in order to escape the effect of the fire upon their combustible
clothes when the building was in flames; and many other instances of a
similar kind were noticed during the war.
With respect to the attack upon the fort at Tycocktow, on the opposite
side of the river, the Nemesis was not concerned in that part of the
operations of the 7th January. The force employed on that service
was placed under the orders of Captain Scott, of the Samarang, 26;
and consisted, in addition to that vessel, of the Druid, 44, Captain
Smith; the Modeste, 18, Commander Eyres; and Columbine, 16, Commander
Clarke. Captain Scott was directed to proceed to attack the forts upon
Tycocktow, and to dismantle them, spiking the guns, and destroying the
forts as much as possible; after which, he was to take up a convenient
position in reference to the expected operations against the proper
Bogue forts higher up.
Captain Scott led the way gallantly in the Samarang, without returning
the fire of the Chinese, until he dropped anchor within cable's length
of the middle of the fort. The Modeste, Druid, and Columbine came up
almost directly after, and then commenced the terrific thunder of
artillery, which soon sufficed to shatter the walls, and to make a
breach, through which the seamen and marines, which were landed from
the ships, soon carried the fort by storm. The Chinese fled in all
directions up the hill, but not without witnessing, to their cost, the
deadly effect of our musketry upon their confused bodies; nor did they
yield without shewing some instances of bold personal courage.
The attack was led by Lieutenant Bowers, first lieutenant of the
Samarang, who received a sabre cut across the knee; which shews that
the Chinese did not run away without first coming to close quarters;
their loss, however, was considerable. The guns in the fort were all
spiked, and then thrown into the sea; the magazines and other buildings
were set on fire, (the wounded having been first removed;) but it was
not thought necessary to pursue the Chinese further.
As soon as these operations had been completed, the whole of the party
which had landed, comprising the boats' crews of all the ships engaged,
returned on board. Part of them had proceeded to attack the northern
end of the fort, namely, those of the Druid and Columbine, and were
commanded by Lieutenant Goldsmith, (since promoted,) and great praise
was given to all the officers and men concerned, for their gallantry
and good conduct. The number of guns destroyed was twenty-five; those
which were captured at Chuenpee amounted altogether to sixty-six
pieces, of various calibre, including those in the entrenchments,
as well as those upon the upper and lower forts. Many of the guns,
however, were not mounted, shewing that the preparations for defence
had not been completed; some were only 6-pounders, but a great portion
of the remainder were about equal to our own 12-pounder guns. Of
course, they were all rendered unserviceable.
The operations of this day have not yet, however, been all described.
So far as relates to Chuenpee and Tycocktow, little remains to be
added, except that the killed and wounded, on the part of the land
force, on our side, amounted to thirty; and on that of the naval
force, to eight men and officers. But the destruction of the war-junks
in Anson's Bay also formed part of the feats of this day; and, as it
more particularly relates to the Nemesis, it shall be reserved for a
separate chapter.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] The imperial revenues scarcely formed a third of what was actually
paid in various ways!
[19] FORCE EMPLOYED ON SHORE IN THE CAPTURE OF CHUENPEE.
Non-com. officers
and privates.
Royal artillery, under command of Captain Knowles, Royal artillery 33
Seamen, under lieutenant Wilson, of H.M.S. Blenheim 137
Detachments of the 26th and 49th regiments, under Major Johnstone,
of the 20th regiment 104
Royal marine battalion, under Captain Ellis, of the Wellesley 504
37th Madras Native Infantry, under Captain Duff, 37th N. I. 607
Detachment of Bengal Volunteers, under Captain Bolton 76
____
1461
Together with thirty seamen attached to the guns.
[20] In the official report of Captain Belcher, and on a subsequent
occasion, it is stated, by mistake, that Mr. Crouch was serving on
board The Queen. This active young officer well deserved the promotion
which he soon obtained. He was wounded at the close of the war, at
Chin-Keang-Foo.