CHAPTER II.

Earliest caravan trade—Ophir—Port of Ezion-geber—The

voyages of the Jewish ships—The inland commerce of

Solomon—Babylon—Gerrha and Tylos—Babylonian commerce—Assyrian

boats—Lydia—Ionia—Caria—Phrygia—Scythians—Their caravan routes to

India, _viâ_ the Caspian.

[Sidenote: Earliest caravan trade.]

Reference has already incidentally been made to a few of the caravan

routes of very ancient times: these and other more important routes

will now and hereafter be considered somewhat more in detail, as,

antecedently to the invention of boats, there must have existed some

interchange of commodities between different nations and tribes on

land, by the agencies of different kinds of beasts of burthen; and,

here, the records of Holy Writ are, as in so many other cases, the

first available; the earliest caravan noticed in history being that

mentioned in the 37th chapter of the book of Genesis, v. 25: “behold,

a company of Ishmaelites came from Gilead with their camels bearing

spicery and balm and myrrh, going to carry it down to Egypt;” and

again, v. 28: “Then there passed by Midianites merchantmen; and they

drew and lifted up Joseph out of the pit, and sold Joseph to the

Ishmaelites for twenty pieces of silver.”

Here there is a clearly defined trade at a very remote period of

authentic history, and one which there is no reason to suppose was even

then new or unusual.

Moreover, a somewhat subsequent statement, “all countries came into

Egypt to Joseph for to buy corn” (Gen. xli. 57), proves that Egypt was

already what it remained for many centuries, the granary of adjacent,

and even of distant nations; while some of the goods she received from

Palestine in exchange were in great demand for the embalmment of the

Egyptian dead.

This the first regular trade appears to have been conducted wholly

by camels, the “ships of the desert:” an animal marvellously adapted

by Providence for the toil it has to undergo in traversing for many

continuous days almost waterless deserts.

It is worthy of note, too, that in the earliest notice we have of any

trade at all, we find slave-dealing in full operation; and, supposing

for a moment the Biblical date B.C. 1862 to be correct, it is an

interesting though accidental coincidence, that in the year 1862

_after_ Christ, the same inhuman commerce was finally put a stop to in

the United States by the direct action of its government.

But the brief words of Genesis imply more than is at first obvious—they

imply a trade with Arabia—possibly even with the yet more remote

India; for balsam and myrrh are products of the Arabian province,

Hadramaut, and the spices may have come either thence or from India.

In like manner there is reasonable probability for believing that in

the remotest ages there was a trade between Egypt and the borders

of the Persian Gulf and Indian Oceans; indeed, recent researches

strongly lead to the belief that the Egyptians, like the Phœnicians,

were immigrants from the same neighbourhood, and connected, therefore,

with the chief cities of Chaldæa, such as “Ur of the Chaldees,” the

primitive Babel, and other sites, the great mounds of which have been

partially explored by Loftus and Taylor, though it is not as yet

possible in all cases to assign to them their true ancient names.

Babylon, the great city of Nebuchadnezzar, did not then exist, nor

could Nineveh have been of importance, at least commercially. All the

evidence available, and especially that obtainable through the latest

interpretation of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, tends to show that the

greatest people in the earliest period were the Chaldæans—a race

probably older than the Egyptians, and like them of Hamite origin—the

true inventors of alphabetic writing, astronomy, agriculture,

navigation, and of other sciences, which the Semites, in after days,

claimed as their own exclusive discoveries.

It was in connexion with this trade that the ports at the head of the

Ælanitic gulf came first into existence. As the caravans of Edom or

Idumæa passed to and fro between Egypt and the borders of Arabia, the

foundation of Elath and Ezion-geber would be but the satisfying of a

necessary want; becoming, when seized by King David, places of much

greater importance than they could have been in the hands of Hadad, or

of any other petty Idumæan prince.

[Sidenote: Ophir.]

David would seem to have been the first, in connection with caravans

from Petra and from the west, to open up, by means of a line of ships,

that trade with “Ophir” which his son Solomon afterwards made so

famous. Where and what “Ophir” was, has been the subject of innumerable

essays by men of learning, but to enter into a discussion of this

uncertain though interesting inquiry, would be out of our province.

Let it suffice that the first notice in the Bible[127] clearly means

by “Ophir” someplace in Arabia, where great wealth was found, and

was no doubt applicable afterwards to all other similar places.

Those writers who, relying on the native Indian names of some of the

products said to have come thence, assert Ophir to be the name of a

people near the mouths of the Indus, advance opinions more ingenious

than convincing. If Ophir were an Arabian entrepôt for the trade of

India, the occurrence of Indian names for certain Indian products

would be as natural as the use in English of the Persian word _shâl_,

which we pronounce as they do, “shawl.” Then David’s “gold of Ophir”

may have been simply descriptive of quality, as we used to speak of

“guinea-gold.”[128]

Be this, however, as it may, it is certain that to David the Jews owe

their first practical knowledge of the result of successful commerce,

though a careful consideration of the story of his life suggests that

his coffers were filled, not so much by any legitimate trade, however

extended, as by the conquest and plunder of his neighbours. Though

probably not averse to royal monopolies, the fashion of his day, David

was a great warrior, and it is likely, indeed it is so stated on more

than one occasion, that it was by the capture of Philistine (Phœnician)

towns, the overthrow of Moab, the plunder of Hadadezer, the

garrisoning of Syria and of its chief city, Damascus, and the extortion

of heavy tribute as the condition of peace, that David accumulated

the enormous wealth which he proposed devoting to the building and

decoration of the future Temple at Jerusalem:[129] but God said, “Thou

shalt not build an house unto my name, because thou hast shed much

blood upon the earth in my sight.”[130]

To Solomon more strictly belongs the great commercial results of a long

and peaceful reign, materially aided as this was by the king’s personal

superintendence, by his visits to Elath and Ezion-geber, by his treaty

of amity, mutual forbearance, and important commercial arrangements

with Hiram, King of Tyre, and last, not least, by the extraordinary

fame he thus obtained, leading, to the memorable visit to him by the

Queen of Sheba, and to the display of his wisdom and wealth, till she

felt, on beholding them, that “there was no more spirit in her.”[131]

[Sidenote: Port of Ezion-geber.]

Dean Stanley, in his “Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church,”

has eloquently described the position of Solomon’s chief port, where,

he says,[132] “Ezion-geber, the ‘Giant’s backbone,’ so called,

probably, from the huge range of mountains on each side of it, became

an emporium teeming with life and activity; the same, on the eastern

branch, that Suez has, in our own time, become on the western branch

of the Red Sea. Beneath that line of palm trees which now shelters the

wretched village of Akaba, was then heard the stir of ship-builders

and sailors. Thence went forth the fleet of Solomon, manned by Tyrian

sailors, to Ophir, in the far East, on the coast of India or Arabia.

From Arabia also, near or distant, came a constant traffic of spices,

both from private individuals and from the chiefs. So great was

Solomon’s interest in these, that he actually travelled himself to the

gulf of Akaba to see the port.”

It appears that the fleets though manned by Tyrian sailors, were under

charge of Jewish supercargoes, who were responsible for the stores

and merchandise, and conducted all the trading operations. This happy

alliance materially extended the commerce of both countries; for

shut out from the Mediterranean by the inefficiency of the ports of

Palestine, and with no communication with the Indian Ocean, except by

caravans traversing the Arabian desert, the Jewish people could in no

other way have derived material advantages from the valuable and much

coveted trade of the East. For the first time, too, the trade of Europe

was opened to the Jews through their connexion with the Tyrians; while,

on the other hand, the merchants of Tyre found in Israel a large and

lucrative field for the full development of their commerce.

[Sidenote: The voyages of the Jewish ships.]

So far as can now be ascertained, the joint fleets of Hiram and

Solomon sailed periodically from the Ælanitic or Akaba gulf, for

the East, somewhere between November and March, when the winds are

favourable for a voyage down the Red Sea. Thence, probably, a portion

of the ships shaped their course for the south-east shores of Africa,

from the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, to Zanzibar and Sofala; while a

second portion coasted to the northward till they reached the shores

of Beloochistan, Baroach (Barygaza), and even the western coasts of

Hindostan. Over-sea voyages from Arabia to India were doubtless of

considerably later date, when the character and use of the monsoons

had been more or less ascertained. “Every three years once came the

ships of Tarshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and

peacocks;”[133] a length of time which, at first sight, seems scarcely

credible, yet is accounted for by the habits of those early mariners.

The merchants of those days had no factors as consignees of their

produce or home manufactures, with orders to have ready a cargo in

return. They were therefore obliged to keep their ships as a floating

warehouse until the exported cargo had been sold, and the produce of

the country they were to take in exchange was ready for shipment.

Indeed Herodotus states, what seems to have been a common custom, that

when their stock of corn was exhausted, the mariners landed at some

convenient spot, sowed corn, and reaped the harvest, before proceeding

with their voyage.[134]

[Sidenote: The inland commerce of Solomon.]

There is some difficulty, looking at the present desolate and barren

state of Palestine and of the districts around it, in realizing the

possibility of such vast productiveness as the story of Solomon

evidently implies; and the face of the country must have greatly

changed in the last two thousand eight hundred years, for, now at

least, the land of the Edomites, and a great portion of Arabia from

the Persian Gulf to the Euphrates on the one side, and to the Red Sea

on the other, is perfectly barren. Yet, that Babylonia was once of

extraordinary fertility we know from the statements of Herodotus, and

it is possible that much of Palestine, now withering under the bane of

Turkish despotism, might revive with better and wiser treatment.

Mr. Rich[135] states that Babylonia “is not cultivated to above half

the degree of which it is susceptible;” and General Chesney[136] says

“that those portions of Mesopotamia which are still cultivated, as

the country about Hillah, show that the region has all the fertility

ascribed to it by Herodotus.”[137]

But though the Jewish trade under Solomon had reached proportions

so unusually large, these soon fell away and dwindled almost to

nothing under his successors. With his death came wars and divisions;

Jehoshaphat lost his ships at Ezion-geber, the Edomites revolted, the

Syrians under Rezin seized the port, till at length it fell into the

more powerful grasp of Tiglath Pileser, who thus finally destroyed

the only maritime career in which the Jewish people had ever taken an

active or successful part.

[Sidenote: Babylon.]

There is reason to believe that it was not many years before the time

of David that the great cities of Mesopotamia, strictly so called,

Babylon, and Nineveh, made themselves known as commercial entrepôts,

for the storing of goods on their way from the East to the West; and

that at first, and for a considerable period, Babylon was of the two

the most important. Placed advantageously so as to make available

both the Euphrates and Tigris, Babylon secured easy communication

with the interior of Asia, and was able, therefore, to supply all

the surrounding populations with the produce of the far East. She

soon became what the prophet calls her, “a land of traffic—a city of

merchants,” partly, no doubt, because the navigation of the Persian

Gulf presented fewer difficulties and dangers than that of the Red Sea,

while her traders were largely aided by the Phœnician settlement of

Tylos among the Bahrein Islands and by Gerrha, a port on the western

shores of the Persian Gulf.[138]

In Babylon itself there were manufactories of cotton and linen, which,

with the maritime imports not required for the use of the great city,

were carried by water as far as Thapsacus and thence distributed by

caravans all over Asia.

[Sidenote: Gerrha and Tylos.]

Gerrha was a place of large trade, and its merchants and ship-owners

are probably as old as any recorded in history, for they were not

merely the factors for the precious commodities of Asia and Europe,

but, in conjunction with the Midianites and Edomites, conducted the

first caravans on record. From the remotest times they carried on

an extensive trade with the Phœnicians in spices and aromatics, and

with Babylon in mineral salt and cotton, which the island of Tylos

produced in great abundance. Indeed, the words of Herodotus in his

first chapter clearly indicate the existence of such an ancient trade

conducted by aid of the Phœnicians.

[Sidenote: Babylonian commerce.]

Though frequently interrupted by the great internal revolutions of

Asia, in which Babylon was constantly compelled to take part, and

though the trading routes between Babylon and Tyre lay through wild and

inhospitable deserts, the intercourse between them continued for many

centuries, nor ceased, so far as we know from history, till the final

overthrow of Babylon by Cyrus and the Medes and Persians.

Of the objects of this commerce a tolerably certain account has been

preserved; and among these are found corn (which has been supposed to

be indigenous in Babylonia), dogs of an extraordinary breed, carpets,

cotton and woollen fabrics, woven and embroidered with figures of

mythic animals and famous alike for their texture and workmanship and

for the richness and variety of their colours. These native products

were exchanged for spices, ivory, ebony, cinnamon and precious stones.

The _sindones_, or flowing garments, of Babylon had a great reputation

from remote times, for it was “a goodly Babylonian garment,” which

tempted Achan to his destruction (Josh. vii. v. 21); and, centuries

after Babylon had almost ceased to be counted among the nations, an

Edict of Diocletian, A.D. 284, the purpose of which was to regulate the

maximum prices of articles in the empire, speaks of several products of

Babylonian manufacture.[139]

Herodotus[140] has given a curious description of the boats seen by

him when he was at Babylon—made of willows from Armenia, sewn round

with hides, so that they must have as much resembled the Welsh coracles

still in use, as they do some of the boats on the Assyrian monuments.

[Sidenote: Assyrian boats.]

If, indeed, we may assume that there was little difference between

Assyrian and Babylonian boats, the recently disentombed monuments of

Nineveh will afford excellent evidence of their character, whether for

purposes of war or pleasure, and confirm remarkably the accuracy of the

“Father of History.” Mr. Layard remarks, that vessels (or rather rafts)

of an exactly similar construction were used by him for the conveyance

of the sculptures he discovered, from Nimrúd to Bussorah. They were

generally built of twigs and boughs, and covered with skins smeared

with bitumen, to render them water-proof. Other boats represented on

the sculptures would seem to have been constructed of planks of poplar,

fastened together by wooden pins or trenails, and in some instances

by iron nails. But, though using boats and rafts of a rude type for

the conveyance of merchandise, there is no reason to suppose that

either the Assyrians or the Babylonians had any naval tastes. Like the

Egyptians and the Jews, when they wanted vessels of large dimension

or strength, they had recourse to their Phœnician neighbours. Thus,

Phœnician shipwrights built the vessels for Sennacherib’s invasion of

Chaldæa; as they were said to have done for Semiramis.[141]

Again, Shalmaneser, when about to besiege Tyre, manned his ships with

Phœnician sailors.[142]

It is probable that the vessels on the Assyrian sculptures range in

date from Tiglath Pileser I., B.C. 1110, to nearly the fall of the

empire, B.C. 625. The earliest are those of wicker work, covered with

skins.

[Illustration: (LAYARD, II. Series, Pl. 28.)]

On other sculptures we see:—

(1.) Vessels—carrying two chariots, and apparently

constructed of planks, with a double

arrangement of oars, one set for steering,

the other for rowing (Layard, I. Series,

Pl. 15, 16).

(2.) —— conveying planks, large stones, &c.

(Layard, II. Series, Pl. 10, 12, 13, &c.).

(3.) —— carrying horses (Layard’s Nin. and

Bab. p. 232).

In one instance, where a huge carved block of stone is being moved

(one of the great bulls weighing 10 tons), the boat is evidently a

flat-bottomed barge or raft.

After the Cypriote expedition, the Assyrian boats show signs of

improvement, hence a lighter and more ornamental class of vessel; one

of the best has the prow in the form of a horse’s head.

[Illustration]

Others have a broad top to their masts, not unlike the crow’s nest,

visible in some of the medieval boats, represented on the Corporate

seals of different English port towns.

Lastly, we find vessels wherein the oarsmen are obviously placed so as

to row to the best advantage. The ships are generally _biremes_, with

perhaps thirty rowers, and are decked.

On the deck of the second of these last illustrations two figures may

be noticed with white head-dresses or veils; these are, no doubt,

the wives who are accompanying their husbands in the expedition. The

circular objects attached to the sides of the ships are probably the

shields of the warriors. The rowers are evidently placed on a lower as

well as on an upper deck.

[Illustration: (LAYARD, I. Series, Pl. 71.)]

[Illustration: (LAYARD, I. Series, Pl. 71.)]

No representations of naval engagements have as yet been met with on

the Assyrian bas-reliefs, but they may be found hereafter.

The sculptures further show, contrary to what was long the received

opinion, that the ancients possessed mechanical contrivances for

diminishing manual labour, not unlike those now made use of. Indeed,

the genius that planned and carried out the sculptures at Nineveh,

might have been deemed equal to the knowledge of the pulley, or of the

wheel and axle; and such we find to have been the case. In the museum

at Leyden there exists a well made pulley, brought from Egypt; and on

a bas-relief from Nineveh we clearly discern that the old mechanical

contrivances differed inappreciably from those of modern days. Similar

appliances would certainly have been adopted on shipboard, and ancient

vessels must have been furnished with pulleys, or such other simple

mechanical contrivances as were required for raising the anchor,

hoisting heavy sails, or otherwise assisting manual labour.

In fact, the sculptures exhibit most of the common implements in

actual use, as the saw, the pickaxe, the adze, and the handspike (or

lever of the first class). Moreover, there are still preserved in the

British Museum specimens of the metallic parts of all the above-named

instruments.

Having called attention to the more important nations, the Tyrians, the

Carthaginians, the Babylonians and the Assyrians, some other peoples

who, in the ancient history of the world, played an important part, as

maritime or naval states, require to be noticed, but more briefly.

Among these are the following: Lydia, Ionia, Caria, Phrygia, Sinope,

Cilicia, and Scythia.

[Sidenote: Lydia.]

To take first Lydia. There can be no doubt that the Persians deemed

the conquest of Lydia one of the most important of their achievements,

in the erroneous belief that the Lydians were a great naval power. The

Lydians had a navy, and may have built it themselves (though Heeren

thinks not); but their real wealth lay in the great power of their

capital, Sardes,[143] and in the fertility of the plains above and

below it. The city has well nigh perished, but the meadows, once her

joy, still retain their marvellous luxuriance. Moreover, that Lydia

was very early a state unusually rich, may be inferred from the gold

coins still occasionally found there. These, it is now believed, are

the oldest specimens of coined money, a fact affording a striking proof

of the accuracy of Herodotus,[144] who, as a Greek, would naturally

have given the first origin of coinage to Argos, or to some other Greek

state.

[Sidenote: Ionia.]

Next in order, as memorable for their sea-faring and trading abilities,

are the inhabitants of Phocæa, Ephesus, and Smyrna, who long contested

with the Phœnicians the supremacy of the Archipelago; cities too,

which, in a humbler degree, would seem to have worked out an

inter-commercial system, much resembling the Hanseatic League of later

days.

[Sidenote: Caria.]

[Sidenote: Phrygia.]

Miletus, again, as the capital of Caria, achieved no small maritime

renown, and was the parent of colonies maintaining their sway for

centuries along the inhospitable shores of the northern side of the

Black Sea. “Her extensive commerce,” says Heeren, “was not confined

to the Mediterranean, but sought to monopolize the navigation of the

Euxine and of the Sea of Azov.”[145] Again, Phrygia, one of the

earliest commercial populations of Asia Minor, was famous for its

capital, Celænæ, a great internal entrepôt, and, in a less degree, for

the possession of Sinope, itself a colony of Miletus, and a port which

until now has attracted to itself a very considerable trade with the

populations on the shores of the Black Sea.

[Sidenote: Scythians.]

The Scythians, with boundaries perfectly undefinable, but who may be

roughly described as the inhabitants of the great Steppe country, now

known as Little Russia, and of the districts north of Circassia, for

centuries played an important part in the commerce of the ancient

world. Though chiefly nomads, they were also, to a great extent,

carriers by land, while no inconsiderable section of their population

devoted itself to agriculture. Strangely, however, they cultivated, not

that they might themselves enjoy the produce, but that they might sell

it to other nations. From the same districts, embracing Odessa, and

from the ports of the Sea of Azov, vast quantities of corn are still

annually imported into England.[146]

Nor was this all: like the modern inhabitants of the eastern shores of

the Black Sea, the Scythians were also notorious for their extensive

traffic in slaves, the countries situated to the north and east of this

inland lake affording then, as now, inexhaustible magazines for this

lucrative branch of commerce: they at the same time extended thence

their trading operations far into the interior of Asia. “As far as the

Argyppæi” (the modern Calmucks), says Herodotus,[147] “the country is

well known; and also that of the other nations which we have mentioned

before. For it is often visited either by the Scythians, of whom

inquiry may easily be made, or by the Greeks of the commercial towns on

the Borysthenes [Dnieper] and Pontus. The Scythians who go into these

districts usually carry on their affairs in seven different languages,

by the assistance of the same number of interpreters.”

[Sidenote: Their caravan routes.]

The Scythian caravans probably crossed the southern end of the Ural

mountains, and passed on, round the Caspian Sea, to Great Mongolia and

the Sea of Aral. Travelling with immense herds and numerous beasts

of burden, they were able to conduct with advantage the overland

trade through Asia Minor; following, during part of their journeys, a

road which Herodotus carefully describes and to which reference will

hereafter be made.

Herodotus states that their principal trade was in furs, and that it

had been carried on from time immemorial. They also probably dealt

largely in horses,[148] and other beasts of burden, and exchanged the

manufactures of the West for such animals, and for furs and metals of

various kinds, including gold, which was apparently to be procured in

considerable quantities.

[Sidenote: To India, _via_ the Caspian.]

These routes, as well as those through Bactra (Balkh) and Maracanda

(Samarcand), the two principal marts for Indian merchandise, were all

in connection with the Caspian Sea, across which, Herodotus informs us,

there existed an organised system of navigation.[149] On this point

Heeren remarks:[150] “In the Macedonian period, the productions of

India and Bactra were carried down the Oxus to the Caspian Sea; then

over this sea to the mouths of the Araxes and Cyrus; after that by land

to the Phasis, where they were once again conveyed by water to the

different cities on the coast of the Euxine Sea.”[151]

By means such as these, the chief trade between the western shores of

the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, and the East was carried on during

the earliest periods of history. Babylon, Susa, and Nineveh, on the one

hand, with David and Solomon on the other, having been the chief causes

alike of its early success and of its vast extension.

FOOTNOTES:

[127] Gen. x. 29.

[128] Taking all things into consideration, it looks very much as

if the Saphara of Ptolemy (vi. 7, 41), described as a metropolis of

Arabia, was the original Ophir.

[129] 1 Sam. xviii.; xix. 8; xxvii. 8; 2 Chron. viii. 17, &c.

[130] 1 Chron. xxii. 8.

[131] 2 Chron. ix. 4.

[132] Stanley Lectures, xxvi. p. 182.

[133] 2 Chron. ix. 21.

[134] Herod. iv. 42. Voyage of Pharaoh Necho.

[135] Rich, “First Memoir,” p. 12.

[136] Chesney, Euphrat Exped. ii. 602-3.

[137] Cf. also Ammianus (“March of Julian,” xxiv. 3) and Zosimus

(iii.) with Layard (“Nineveh” ii. 6), and Ker Porter (ii. p. 355), for

the luxuriance of the date-bearing districts, and the general sylvan

character of many of these plains.

[138] It has been supposed that the Babylonian vessels passed along

the Persian Gulf, from Bussorah to Crokala near Kurachi, and that

they there met the vessels of Gerrha and Tylos, and proceeded onwards

along the western coast of Hindustan to Ceylon; but there seems little

probability that any ships strictly Babylonian found their way to

India. Probably between Ceylon and Babylon there was more than one

transhipment of Indian and other produce.

[139] This Edict is a great curiosity. It was first copied by Sherard

in 1709 at Eski-Hissar (Stratonicæa), and this copy is preserved in the

Harleian MSS. at the British Museum, No. 7509. Leake, “Asia Minor,” pp.

229-239. It has been recently (1866) re-edited by Mr. W. H. Waddington

with great care.

[140] Herod. i. 194. Compare, also, description of boats at Rhapta

(Arrian’s Peripl. c. 16); and the name derived from the way the boats

were made by being sewn together.

[141] See Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. xix. 154.

[142] Menander ap. Joseph. Ant. Jud. ix. 14.

[143] Dion. lxxiv. Herod. i 80. Fellows’ “Asia Minor,” p. 281.

[144] Herod. i. 91.

[145] Heeren’s “Asiatic Nations,” vol. i. p. 70.

[146] The fisheries of the Black Sea were also particularly famous

in ancient times, the brackish waters of the Sea of Azov providing

excellent breeding grounds. Plin. ix. 15. Ælian. De Animal, xv. 5.

Athen. vii. p. 303. Polyb. iv. c. 5.

[147] Herod. iv. 24.

[148] Some of the names of the tribes near the Caspian, as the

Arimaspi, bear names which are compounded of the Sanscrit word for

“horse.”

[149] Herod. i. 203.

[150] Heeren’s “Asiatic Nations,” vol. ii. p. 32.

[151] There seems reason to doubt whether the Oxus ever flowed into the

Caspian Sea—it now flows into the Aral. (See Alex. Burnes’s “Journey to

Bokhara,” ii. p. 188.) On the other hand, Conolly believed he crossed

the bed of the river which did formerly flow by one branch into the

Caspian. (“Travels,” i. p. 50.) Dr. Vincent goes so far as to express

his belief that communication between the west and east, by one of the

routes specified above, was even more ancient than that by the Red Sea.

(“Commerce of the Euxine,” p. 113.)

History of merchant shipping and ancient commerce, Volume 1 (of 4) · 第 2 / 18 章