CHAPTER XVI

TWILIGHT TRIUMPHS

I

Jackson returned to the White House after the election in a serious

physical condition. The exertions of the hot summer, the long and

wearisome journey, the keen disappointment over the loss of Tennessee,

and his humiliation over his defeat in the Hermitage precinct, had

greatly weakened the old lion. The return journey to the capital had

increased his debility, and soon after reaching the White House he was

driven to his bed by a hemorrhage of the lungs. Ill almost to death, no

word of sympathy reached him from his foes, and from his bed he grimly

directed and encouraged the counter-attacks with the spirit of the

Jackson of New Orleans. In his final Message to Congress, he paid

tribute to the fidelity and integrity of his subordinates, and in

ordinary times this would have been permitted to pass unchallenged in

view of his early relinquishment of power. But the times were not

ordinary. The last short session was to be one of extraordinary

bitterness, with personal altercations commonplace, and with statesmen

of prominence toying all too lightly with their pistols.

Thus the tribute to the subordinates of the Executive departments was

eagerly seized upon by Henry A. Wise, the brilliant and impassioned

young Whig of Virginia, as a pretext for a bitter personal attack--one

of the most severe, satiric, sarcastic philippics to be found in the

records of Congress from the first session to the present hour. The way

was paved for it through the presentation of a resolution providing for

the appointment of a special committee to deal with that portion of the

Message to which Wise took exception. He summoned to his purpose all the

accumulated charges of eight years of rancorous party warfare, marched

them with a militant swing before the House, and demanded an

investigation to determine, on the eve of the stricken President’s

departure from public life, whether he had been falsely accused. Had

Jackson actually made such claims for his subordinates? he asked. No, he

had not even written the Message because physically unfit. “It comes to

us and the country reeking with the fumes of the Kitchen Cabinet.”

The excited Representatives gathered about the young orator were not

kept long in doubt as to the particular object of his attack. Describing

Jackson’s electioneering activities in Tennessee, Wise dropped the veil:

“I am told,” he said, “that they carried him around like a lion for

show, and made him roar like a lion. They had catechisms prepared for

him, and the negotiations of the mission were conducted by pre-concerted

questions and answers. A crowd would collect on the highway, or in the

bar-rooms, and some village politician of the party would inquire, ‘What

think you, General, of such a man?’ In a loud tone, much too stentorian

for those lungs which are now lacerated, the answer rang, ‘He is a

traitor, sir.’ ‘There, there,’ repeated the demagogues in the crowd,

‘did you not hear that?’ ‘What think you of another, General?’ ‘He is a

liar, sir.’ ‘What of another?’ ‘He made a speech for which he paid a

stenographer five dollars.’ And another was ‘on the fence sir, on the

fence.’ ‘But, General, what think you of Mr. [the first time that Reuben

was ever called ‘Mister’] Reuben M. Whitney?’ ‘There is no just cause of

complaint against Mr. Whitney, sir; he is as true a patriot as ever was;

they are all liars who accuse him of aught of wrong.’”[926] Thus it was

evident from the speech of Wise that the attack was aimed at Whitney,

erroneously described by some historians as a member of the Kitchen

Cabinet,[927] but nevertheless entrusted with the public money. Little

can be said in defense of Jackson’s confidence in this man, who had been

ferociously assailed in the House in the preceding spring by Wise and

Balie Peyton, a hot-headed Whig from Tennessee. With the clever support

of the Democrats, the resolution was adopted and Wise was made chairman

of the investigating committee. This investigation, probably intended

merely as a peg on which to hang partisan harangues against the stricken

President, to whose physical condition Wise had made sneering reference,

accomplished nothing.

Before the committee had got fairly started, it struck a snag in a

personal altercation in the committee room between Peyton and Wise on

one side, and Whitney on the other, resulting in the refusal of the

latter to appear again unless assured that members of the committee

would attend unarmed! The balking witness was thereupon cited for

contempt and dragged to the bar of the House; and the clever

Administration leaders quickly grasped the opportunity to divert

attention from the main question to the arrogant, violent methods of the

hot-headed young Whigs in charge. Thus Whitney set himself to the task

of proving that he could not appear before the committee without serious

danger of assassination. Witnesses to the altercation, on which he based

his conclusion, were summoned, and a week was consumed in the hearing of

evidence and the cross-examination of witnesses.

The incident on which Whitney based his fears is graphically described

in the testimony of John Fairfield, a Representative from Maine.[928]

The picture painted of the committee room scene is not inspiring.

Whitney had declined to answer a question because of reflections on his

integrity by Peyton, and it seems that he had gone so far as to scowl at

the Tennessee Hotspur in explaining his refusal. It was a day when honor

was a sensitive plant, and Peyton sprang to his feet with a promise to

“take his life upon the spot.” The equally fiery Wise, ever ready for a

combat, rose to the occasion, and took his position beside his irate

colleague with the comment that “this damned insolence is intolerable.”

Encouraged by the open sympathy of Wise, the Tennesseean began to

meditate aloud, as on the stage, on the enormity of the insult, and to

mutter that he would not be insulted “by a damned thief and robber.” His

passion, feeding on his hot meditations, and his excitement growing

greater, he wheeled upon Whitney, who, alarmed, sprang to his feet and

claimed the protection of the committee. “Damn you--damn you!” shouted

the white-faced Peyton, “you shan’t say a word while in this room--if

you do I will put you to death.” With these words he put his hand to his

bosom and moved toward the object of his fury, and Wise and other

members of the committee tried to calm the infuriated statesman. “Don’t,

Peyton,” cried Wise, “damn him, he is not worth your notice.” Somewhat

mollified by this assurance, the insulted Representative sank into his

chair--but his blood still boiled. “Damn him, his eyes are upon me!” he

cried as in a melodrama. “Damn him, he is looking at me--he shan’t do

it!” By this time it was thought possible to calm the nerves of the

jumpy Peyton if the witness, whose eyes were so offensive, could be

removed from the room; and as he passed out, Wise requested the

committee to remain seated to prevent an encounter in the corridor.[929]

Thus far the impulsive Virginian appeared in the favorable light of a

peace-maker, but, finding pleasure in the narration of the manner in

which the hated minion of the Administration had been frightened out of

his wits, he began to boast that his purpose in getting close to Whitney

had been to shoot him at the slightest provocation, and he was thus

drawn into the controversy along with Peyton.

Nothing could have been more pleasing to the political managers of the

Administration. Before the galleries, packed to hear the eye-witnesses,

the two Whigs began to appear more and more as quarrelsome,

pistol-toting bullies taking advantage of their position to browbeat and

intimidate an unprotected witness. The Democratic press, under the

inspiration of Blair and Kendall, devoted columns to the evidence, and

sentiment was turned against the Whig leaders until they began to

complain that they, and not Whitney, were apparently at the bar. “Sir,”

Wise declared, “it is I who am on trial and not Reuben M. Whitney. I

have no doubt of the contrivance to make this issue before the

country.... I wish to know, sir, if there are not other officers of the

Government who have issued the order that the power of this House, and

the Executive power of the country, are both to be brought to bear upon

two humble and inexperienced members of the House. Sir, I have felt it.”

The affair had now worked around to the distinct advantage of the

Administration, and Wise and Peyton, and not Jackson, were in distress.

The psychological hour had struck to end the farce. The motion to

dismiss Whitney was made and carried, and when the name of Wise was

called, he solemnly rose:

“Mr. Speaker,” he said, “I shall not vote until I ascertain whether I am

discharged from prosecution or not.”

As the smiling House offered no information, his name is not recorded

among those voting. Thus the one offensive against Jackson, launched by

his enemies on the eve of his relinquishment of power, ended in a

riproaring farce.

II

In the Senate the offensive was taken by Jackson’s supporters when

Benton served notice that he would demand a vote on his motion to

expunge the vote of censure from the records. Much water had passed over

the dam since the persistent Missourian had first offered his

resolution. With the aid of the Kitchen Cabinet, he had made it a

national issue. The fight had been carried into the States of the

Senators who had voted for the censure, and, in numerous instances, the

offending member had either been defeated for reëlection, or the

legislature had been prevailed upon to instruct him to vote to expunge.

One of the opponents of the Benton resolution had died and been

succeeded by a Jackson sympathizer. Through defeat, or resignations

forced by instructions from legislatures, enemies had given place to

friends from Connecticut, New Jersey, North Carolina, Illinois,

Mississippi, and Virginia. New Senators, friends of Jackson, had entered

from the new States of Arkansas and Michigan. A private poll convinced

Benton that the triumph was at hand, all the sweeter because coming on

the eve of Jackson’s retirement. The day after Christmas he reintroduced

his original resolution, and on January 12th supported it in a speech

laudatory of Jackson--a pæan of anticipated triumph. The old man, always

a trifle pompous and stilted in his style, was never more so, but in his

most extravagant praise he unquestionably spoke the language of his

heart. Beginning by recalling the discouraging circumstances under which

he first offered his resolution, he gloatingly declared that the

Opposition had become “more and more odious to the public mind and

musters now but a slender phalanx of friends.” The people had been

passing on the censure; had passed upon it in the triumph of Van Buren,

who had publicly proclaimed his adherence to the plans of Benton. He

would not rehash the constitutional arguments. The debate had ended and

the verdict had been rendered, but the occasion called for some

reference to the achievements and triumphs of the Administration. Then

he hastily sketched its battles, claiming in the aftermath of each the

vindication of events--the destruction of the Bank, the removal of the

deposits, the triumphant termination of the controversy with the

French.

“And now, sir,” he concluded, as we may imagine with his chest thrown

out, “I finish the task which, three years ago, I imposed upon myself.

Solitary and alone, and amidst the taunts and jeers of my opponents, I

put this ball in motion. The people have taken it up and rolled it

forward, and I am no longer anything but a unit in the vast mass which

now propels it. In the name of that mass, I speak. I demand the

execution of the edict of the people; I demand the expurgation of that

sentence which the voice of a few Senators and the power of their

confederate, the Bank of the United States, has caused to be placed upon

the journal of the Senate, and which the voice of millions of freemen

has ordered to be expunged from it.”

Thus spoke the champion of Jackson in the tones and manner of a

conqueror. As he resumed his seat, John J. Crittenden of Kentucky rose

to protest against the “party desecration” of the record, and after a

few words from Senator Dana, who favored the expunging record, the

Senate adjourned. On the following day some of the great orators of the

Opposition were put forward to oppose the resolution.

We are told by an eye-witness that the eloquent Preston “spoke in a

strain of eloquence inspired by his feelings of great aversion.”[930] If

Benton was theatrical, as has been justly charged by historians, the

Whigs were even more so, as we shall see. Beginning with great

solemnity, and describing his shock and sorrow, Preston proceeded:

“Execution is demanded--aye, sir, the executioners are here with ready

hands. Exercise your function, gentlemen.... The axe is in your

hand--perform that which is so loudly called for. Execution, sir, of

what, of whom? Is the axe aimed at men who voted for the resolution you

are about to expunge? Is it us you strike at? If so, ... in God’s name

let the blow come, and as the fatal edge fell upon my neck, I would

declare with honest sincerity that I would rather be the criminal of

1834 than the executioner of 1837.” More: the names of the Senators

refusing to expunge would in the future “be familiar as household words”

and be “taught to children as the names of Washington and Adams and

Hancock and Lee and Lafayette are now taught to our children.”

A moment later the orator’s pensive melancholy had turned to rage.

“Why not expunge those who made the record?” he thundered, forgetting

how many had been “expunged.” “If the proceedings had a guilt so

monstrous as to render necessary this novel and extraordinary course,

the men themselves who perpetrated the deed--it is they who should be

expunged. Men who entered so foul a page upon the journal cannot be

worthy of a seat here. Remove us! Turn us out! Expel us from the Senate!

Would to God you could! Call in the pretorian guard! Take us--apprehend

us--march us off!”[931]

After Rives and Niles had spoken in support of the resolution, Calhoun

mournfully rose, and with funereal sadness, not unmixed with scorn,

pointed out the resemblance of the proceedings to the degenerate days of

Rome. “But why do I waste my breath?” he asked, in conclusion. “I know

it is all utterly vain. The day is gone; night approaches, and night is

suitable to the dark deed we meditate. There is a sort of destiny in

this thing. The act must be performed; and it is an act that will tell

on the political history of this country forever.... It is a melancholy

evidence of a broken spirit, ready to bow at the feet of power. The

former act[932] was such a one as might have been perpetrated in the

days of Pompey and Cæsar; but an act like this could never have been

consummated by a Roman Senate until the times of Caligula and Nero.”

After Calhoun concluded, unsuccessful efforts to adjourn were made,

until Clay announced his intention to speak at length, and his request

for delay was granted. Had his supporters realized how far from absolute

certainty of success Benton felt, they would have favored, instead of

fought, an adjournment. The following day was Saturday, and a careful

poll disclosed the disconcerting diversity of opinion as to details

which threatened the success of the project, and Benton gladly agreed to

a postponement of the discussion until Monday. That night the then

famous restaurant of Boulanger found all the Jacksonian Senators seated

about the banquet board. The clever host had loaded the table with his

choicest offerings, and as soon as the statesmen had reached the mellow,

accommodating mood, they settled down to the real purpose of the feast.

Realizing that he lacked the deftness and finesse required for ironing

out all differences as to details, Benton had assigned the work of

conciliation to Silas Wright, Allen of Ohio, and Linn of Missouri. Even

so, it “required all the moderation, tact, and skill of the prime movers

to obtain and maintain the union upon details, on the success of which

the measure depended.”[933] But when, at midnight, the Senators

dispersed, all conflicting views had been reconciled, and for the first

time an actual majority was pledged to a single programme. It was

decided to call the resolution up on Monday, and to keep it constantly

before the Senate, without adjournment, until the “deed” was done.

To prevent any of his flock from wandering afield in search of

refreshments, Benton had made ample preparations, and a tourist,

wandering into Benton’s committee room at four o’clock on Monday

afternoon, would have assumed, in view of the vast quantities of cold

ham, turkey, rounds of beef, pickles, wines, and coffee, that he had

stumbled into a senatorial café. That day, Clay appeared in the Senate

ostentatiously garbed in black as though in mourning for the murdered

Constitution. So ugly was his mood that he even refused snuff offered

by a Democratic Senator he knew was going to vote to expunge. The

galleries were packed to witness the drama, or melodrama, and

impatiently sat through the preliminary work of the Senate. At length

the hour came for the consideration of the resolution, and all eyes

turned to Clay, who thoroughly enjoyed his rôle in the play. As his tall

form slowly rose, there was a rustling in the galleries as the

spectators shifted their position to get a better view of the great

enemy of Jackson. On his feet, he stood a moment in silence, as though

weighed down by the importance of his task, if not by its hopelessness.

Then he began in subdued tones, albeit his silvery voice was heard

distinctly over the chamber. Such a hardened observer of historical

incidents as Sargent describes the scene as “grand, impressive, and

imposing,” and “even solemn,” as though “some terrible rite was to be

performed, some bloody sacrifice to be made upon the altar of

Moloch.”[934]

“What object?” he demanded. Was it necessary because of the President?

“In one hand,” he continued, “he holds the purse, and in the other he

brandishes the sword of the country. Myriads of dependents and

partisans, scattered all over the land, are ever ready to sing hosannas

to him, and to laud to the skies whatever he does. He has swept over the

Government during the last eight years like a tropical tornado. Every

department exhibits traces of the ravages of the storm.... What object

of his ambition is unsatisfied? When, disabled from age any longer to

hold the scepter of power, he designates his successor, and transmits it

to his favorite, what more does he want? Must we blot, deface, and

mutilate the records of the country, to punish the presumptuousness of

expressing any opinion contrary to his own?

“What object?” demanded Clay. “Do you intend to thrust your hands into

our hearts and pluck out the deeply rooted convictions which are there?

Or is it your design merely to stigmatize us? Standing securely upon

our conscious rectitude, and bearing aloft the Constitution of our

country, your puny efforts are impotent; and we defy all your power.

“What object?” reiterated the orator. “To please the President? He would

reject, with scorn and contempt as unworthy of his fame, your black

scratches and your baby lines in the fair records of his country. Black

lines. Black lines.... And hereafter, when we shall lose the forms of

our free institutions, all that now remain to us, some future American

monarch, in gratitude to those by whose means he has been enabled, upon

the ruins of civil liberty, to erect a throne, and to commemorate

especially this expunging resolution, may institute a new order of

knighthood, and confer on it the appropriate name of the ‘Knights of the

Black Lines.’”

But why continue, he inquired, as he closed his fierce philippic.

“Proceed then with your noble work.... And when you have perpetrated it,

go home to the people, and tell them what glorious honors you have

achieved for our common country. Tell them that you have extinguished

one of the brightest and purest lights that ever burned on the altar of

civil liberty. Tell them that you have silenced one of the noblest

batteries that ever thundered in defense of the Constitution, and

bravely spiked the cannon. Tell them that henceforth, no matter what

daring or outrageous act any President may perform, you have forever

hermetically sealed the mouth of the Senate. Tell them that he may

fearlessly assume what powers he pleases, snatch from its lawful custody

the public purse, and command a military detachment to enter the halls

of the Capitol, overawe Congress, trample down the Constitution, and

raze every bulwark of freedom; but that the Senate must stand mute, in

silent submission, and not dare to raise its opposing voice.”

Such the theatrical strain of a speech which the schoolboys of

well-regulated Whig families were to declaim for the delight of their

elders for a generation, and to call forth a fulsome note from the

sober-minded Kent.

As Clay sat down, James Buchanan rose to reply, admitting that it was

the part of prudence to remain silent after the Whig orator had

“enchanted the attention of his audience.” Fluent, logical, if not

eloquent, he followed Clay’s speech point by point, rehashing with him

the Bank controversy--leading up to the removal of the deposits and the

vote of censure--defending Jackson at every step. If Jackson’s act was

one of tyranny, unconstitutional, aimed at civil liberty, why, he

demanded, “had the Whigs merely censured him without giving him the

opportunity to reply? Why had they not done their duty and instituted

impeachment proceedings? True, they insisted that they had not imputed

any criminal motive to the President--”

Clay was instantly on his feet, hotly insisting that “personally he had

never acquitted the President of improper intentions.” To which the

courtly Buchanan replied with a compliment to the Kentuckian’s “frank

and manly nature,” and passed on.

The Whigs now attempted to adjourn, but Benton’s drilled forces were on

hand to vote down Bayard’s motion, and the debate proceeded. Other

speakers followed, men of lesser light, while the Senators themselves,

satiated with the arguments, began to pass out in twos and threes to

regale and refresh themselves in Benton’s room. Such of the Whigs as

were not too bitter were cordially invited to partake of the feast, and

some accepted. Clay sent some of his friends to the committee room to

ascertain the nature of the attraction, and the emissaries lingered too

long over the meat, and especially the drink, and he became furious.

With the coming of night the curious packed the corridors and lobbies,

and the great chandelier which lighted the little chamber shed its glow

on the gay dresses of the ladies of fashion, many of whom had been

admitted to the floor.

As the hour grew late, and there was a pause in the debate, the eyes of

all were fixed on Webster, who sat gloomily in his seat. He glanced

around to see if others proposed to speak, then rose to make the final

protest. An eye-witness tells us that “his dark visage assumed a darker

hue”; that “his deep-toned voice seemed almost sepulchral.”[935] As was

his custom, he spoke with more moderation than Clay, Calhoun, or

Preston, and was all the more impressive on that account. He refrained

from hysterical denunciations, and from comparisons with the degenerate

days of Rome. “But,” he said, “we make up our minds to behold the

spectacle which is to ensue. We collect ourselves to look on in silence

while a scene is exhibited which, if we do not regard it as a ruthless

violation of a sacred instrument, would appear to us to be but little

elevated above the character of a contemptible farce. This scene we

shall behold, and hundreds of American citizens--as many as may crowd

into these lobbies and galleries--will behold it also--with what

feelings I do not undertake to say.”

Reiterating, then, his protest, he concluded: “Having made this protest,

our duty is performed. We rescue our own names, characters, and honor

from all participation in this matter; and whatever the wayward

character of the times, the headlong and plunging spirit of party

devotion, or the fear or the love of power, may have been able to bring

about elsewhere, we desire to thank God that we have not, as yet,

overcome the love of liberty, fidelity to true republican principles,

and a sacred regard for the Constitution, in that State whose soil was

drenched to a mire by the first and best blood of the Revolution.”

While Webster was speaking, two Whig Senators, realizing that the

contest had degenerated into a trial of nerves and muscle, went to

Benton with the suggestion that nothing could be gained by delaying the

vote.[936] When no one rose to continue the argument at the conclusion,

there was a moment of silence and then the cry of “Question” rose. The

roll was called, with forty-three Senators in their seats, five absent,

and the resolution was passed by a vote of 24 to 19.

Benton instantly demanded the execution of the order of the Senate.

While the clerk was out to get the original journal, Benton, in perfect

ecstasy, ostentatiously congratulated persons in the lower gallery,

until the glowering countenance of Balie Peyton warned him of a possible

explosion.[937] But the Tennessee firebrand was not the only person in

the gallery, or, for that matter, on the floor, with a deadly hate of

Benton in the heart. The galleries remained true to the Bank and Biddle,

and some of the Senators, having freely indulged themselves, were in a

quarrelsome mood. Fear was entertained for Benton’s life by some of his

friends, including his wife. Just previous to the vote, Senator Linn had

brought in pistols for the defense, if required, and Mrs. Benton,

seriously alarmed, took her place by her husband’s side on the floor. As

the clerk returned with the record, the defeated statesmen, pretending

to a patriotism that could not look upon the “deed,” filed out of the

chamber--all but Hugh Lawson White who never deserted his post. As the

President _pro tem_ announced that the “deed” was done, the hitherto

sullen and silent gallery broke into groans, hisses, imprecations.

Enraged and excited, Benton sprang to his feet with the demand that the

“ruffians” that caused the disturbance be apprehended and brought to the

bar. “I hope the sergeant-at-arms will be directed to enter the gallery,

and seize the ruffians.... Let him seize the Bank ruffians. I hope they

will not be suffered to insult the Senate as they did when it was under

the power of the Bank of the United States when ruffians, with arms upon

them, insulted us with impunity.... Here is one just above me that may

easily be identified--the Bank ruffians!”

Thus the ringleader was dragged to the bar. But here was a diversion

that had not entered into the agreement as to details at Boulanger’s on

Saturday night, and the wrangle that followed ended in the discharge of

the culprit from custody. As the vote to discharge was announced, the

person in custody demanded to be heard. “Begone!” cried King, in the

chair--and the incident was closed. But Benton’s blood was hot, and on

leaving the Capitol he encountered Clay, whom he suspected of having

instigated the gallery disturbance, and a bitter altercation resulted.

But after the two men, personally not unfriendly and related by

marriage, had exercised their vituperative vocabulary, Benton insisted

on seeing Clay home, and did not leave until three in the morning when

Clay had sought his couch. Thus ended a dramatic episode--so dramatic

and historic that on the following morning Webster requested Henry A.

Wise to prepare a description which was afterwards given in an address

at Norfolk.[938]

The triumph, we may be sure, was sweet to the stricken veteran in the

White House. Within a week he invited all his senatorial friends and

their wives to an elaborate dinner. Hovering on the verge of the grave,

he dragged himself from his bed to greet his guests, accompanied them to

the dining-room, seated Benton in his place at the head of the table,

and retired to his couch, while the celebration below continued until a

late hour.

III

The last days of Jackson in the White House could not have been other

than days of joyous thanksgiving. Entering the White House the most

popular of all Americans, eight years of the most bitter controversies

in the Nation’s history had only tended to strengthen the affections of

the people. Through the greater part of his Presidency he had been

constantly harassed by a hostile Senate, and his enemies had been

defeated or otherwise retired, until now both branches of the Congress

were devoted to his policies. His most powerful enemies had been

humiliated. The prize of the Presidency dangling before Calhoun in the

beginning was now forever beyond his reach. Clay had been defeated in

his ambition and shamefully set aside by his ungrateful party. The man

of his own choice had been elected to succeed him, and the hated censure

of the Senate had been expunged by the order of the people. Few

Presidents have ever departed from the scene of their power with more

for which to be grateful and less to regret.

But the old man had run his race and been surfeited with the sweets of

personal triumphs, and was eager to return to the calm of his beloved

Hermitage, among his old and cherished friends and faithful slaves, and

near to the tomb of his idolized Rachel. By sheer will power he had

fought back the specter which had hovered by his sick-bed, to this end.

Confined to his room most of the time, debilitated by age and disease,

the old man’s mind was not free from anxieties for the future of his

country. He knew too well the temper of public men, and comprehended too

keenly the delicate problems pressing for solution, not to know that

there were dangers ahead. It was his desire to give some parting advice

to the people in his final Message, but he was persuaded to convey his

last word in the form of a “Farewell,” like Washington. To the

preparation of this paper he devoted much time and thought during the

last two months, and, while he had the assistance of Roger B. Taney in

the phrasing of his thoughts, all the ideas, and much of the language,

originated with him. Strangely enough, the “Farewell” of Jackson is

scarcely known, and some historians are prone to smile upon it as an

unworthy imitation of the Washington paper. It was nothing of the sort.

It smacks, in large part, of prophecy. The man who wrote it saw, in

fancy, the swaying columns of the blue and gray, and he strove to avert

the clash. The old hero of the Nullification fight, feeble and sick,

bending over his desk in the White House of 1837, was writing and

pleading in the spirit of the Lincoln of 1861 as he wrote his touching

inaugural appeal for peace.[939] Having finished his “Farewell,” to be

given out on the day of leaving office, the old man impatiently awaited

his release. His friends, he knew, would not suffer by the change. The

Jackson Cabinet was to be continued, with the exception of Cass, who was

to be sent to France, thus making way for Joel Poinsett, who had been

Jackson’s right hand in the Nullification struggle.

On Washington’s birthday he received the public in a farewell reception,

famous because of the mammoth cheese donated by admirers, greater in

circumference than a hogs-head. Two men with knives made from saw blades

cut into the enormous mass, giving each guest a piece weighing from two

to three pounds. Some, who had provided themselves with paper, wrapped

their portion and bore it away as a souvenir; others, not so thoughtful,

carried theirs in their hands. Much of it crumbled in the hands of the

bearers and was trampled on the floor. It was Jackson’s farewell, and

thousands pushed their way into the White House, and, after getting

their portion of the cheese, pressed on into the Blue Room, where the

President, much too feeble to stand, received and greeted his visitors

from his chair. Beside him stood the cordial Mrs. Donelson, while just

behind him Martin Van Buren greeted all with a smile and a courtly

bow.[940]

IV

The Jackson of the White House would have commanded attention in any

assembly, even to the last. More than six feet in height and slender to

attenuation, his limbs long and straight, and his shoulders slightly

stooped, he carried himself proudly, and not without grace. His white

hair stood erect, giving a full view of a forehead that indicated

intellectual power. His eyes, deep-set, clear but small, were blue in

color and noticeably penetrating, and the great spectacles he wore

accentuated their boring quality. These eyes, flashing with the

fierceness of the fight, could easily melt, in tenderness, to tears. His

strong cheek-bones and lantern jaws denoted the warrior. His strongly

chiseled chin and firm mouth told of his inflexibility. His chest was

flat, and indicated his most pronounced physical weakness. Seen upon his

walks about Washington, wearing his high white beaver hat, with his

widower’s weed, and carrying a stout cane adorned with a silken tassel,

he looked the part of the patriarch who could either bestow a

benediction or a blow. Throughout his two terms his health was wretched,

and time and again, stricken with disease, his death had seemed only a

matter of days, but the iron will prevailed over the failing flesh. His

hair grew whiter. The lines in his face deepened. His step lost some of

its spring. He was forced to abandon his long walks and the pleasures of

the saddle, and remain more and more in the White House. But the eye

retained its fire, his voice its fervor, and his spirit never flagged.

In moments of relaxation, toward the close, there was a softened

expression, but in his fighting moments he differed little from the grim

old man who entered the mansion of the Presidents as Adams took his

departure.

The libels of his enemies of the Whig aristocracy notwithstanding, he

had not been unworthy, socially, of the stately traditions of his

environment, and had impressed all visitors with his fine courtesy,

courtliness, ability, and graciousness.[941] Never before or afterwards

were there such incongruous crowds at the receptions, but this

disclosed less the taste of the master of the Mansion than his political

principles; and his dinners in tone and taste commanded the admiration

of his enemies.[942] These receptions and dinners had drawn heavily on

his resources, and toward the close left him seriously embarrassed. He

himself could have lived on monastic fare. A weak stomach forced him to

eat sparingly, and he often dined on bread, milk, and vegetables; but

there were always guests at the table, which was invariably ladened as

for a feast.[943]

Perhaps it was not without regret that he passed through the rooms of

the historic house in those last days, for he had converted the White

House into a home, and it was rich in memories of the sort that tug at

the heart. Fond of his family, and especially of the young women

members, this “home” had been the scene of several marriages and

christenings. The beautiful Emily Donelson, the wife of his secretary

and niece, the mistress of the mansion, had presided with grace and

dignity and brightened the days and nights. In a physical sense she was

an exquisite woman, of medium height, her figure slender and

symmetrical, her hands and feet as tiny as a child’s. Her hair and eyes

were a dark brown, her lips beautifully moulded, her complexion fair.

Many found in her a striking resemblance to Mary, Queen of Scots, as she

appears in her pictures. Her taste in dress was beyond reproach, and

soon after entering the White House her toilette was “the envy and

admiration of the fashionable circles.”[944] Her judgment in social

matters was infallible, and Jackson depended upon her advice. “You know

best, my dear, do as you please,” was his only suggestion when delicate

problems were submitted to him. Fond of society, vivacious, dignified,

and always gracious, she not only commanded admiration, but affection.

An excellent conversationalist, she possessed the art, so seldom found

in good talkers, of being an ingratiating listener. In contact with the

brightest minds of the capital, she lost nothing by the comparison.

“Madame, you dance with the grace of a Parisian,” remarked a

condescending foreign minister. “I can hardly realize that you were born

in Tennessee.” “Count,” she retorted, “you forget that grace is a

cosmopolite, and, like a wild flower, is much oftener found in the woods

than in the streets of a city.” During her days in the White House her

four children were born, and Jackson, who was delighted to have

childhood about him, took a keen interest in their christenings. He was

godfather for two, Van Buren for one, and Polk--all Presidents--for the

other.

Another of the White House women was Sarah Yorke Jackson, daughter of

Peter Yorke, of Philadelphia, and wife of another nephew. She was much

younger than Mrs. Donelson, having been married but a short time before

the inauguration, but Jackson, fearing some misunderstanding as to

precedence, called them together and announced his will. “You, my dear,”

he said to Mrs. Jackson, “are mistress of the Hermitage, and Emily is

hostess of the White House.” The arrangement was satisfactory to both,

and no misunderstandings marred their relations. Mrs. Jackson was

happily indifferent to social prestige, but in the spirit of helpfulness

did her part. Highly accomplished and beautiful, graceful, and possessed

of wonderful poise in one so young, she was intensely devoted to

Jackson, and the old man reciprocated the affection in full measure.

Usually, in the evening, Jackson gathered his family about him, and if

Senators, diplomats, or Cabinet Ministers appeared, they were drawn into

the family circle. If the business which brought them happened to be of

importance, he would, perhaps, draw them into a distant part of the

simply furnished parlor which was lighted from above by a chandelier.

In the winter the fire blazed in the grate, and, arranging their chairs

about the fireplace, the women applied themselves to their sewing while

gossiping of the events of the day. Here would be found Mrs. Jackson and

Mrs. Donelson, perhaps Mrs. Livingston, possibly Mrs. McLane, or some

other woman of the White House circle. Playing about the room would be

five or six children in irreverent disregard of the old man in the long

loose coat, seated in an armchair, smoking his long reed-stem pipe with

a red clay bowl. Mayhap Livingston or Van Buren or Forsyth would be

reading him an important dispatch from a foreign minister, while the

children, with their shouts and screams, would all but drown the voice

of the visitor. Nothing disturbed by the clamor, the old man would bend

forward and listen more intently. Perhaps he would wave his long-stemmed

pipe toward the rowdies, with an apologetic smile. But never a cross

word.

The hour for retirement would come. The children would withdraw and be

tucked in their beds. The President would go to his room. There he would

sit awhile at the table, and, by the light of a single candle, would

read a chapter from the Bible that had belonged to Rachel, and then gaze

awhile at her picture propped up before him. The light would be snuffed.

The old man would retire, and the negro bodyguard would lie down on the

floor and join his master in sleep. Suddenly a child’s cry would

penetrate the President’s chamber, and he would awaken--and listen. Then

he would get up, go to the room of the little one, and, brushing

objections aside, take it in his arms and walk the floor with it until

it slept. This was not an unusual occurrence.[945]

After breakfasting in the morning, Jackson would go to his office, on

the second floor, and, lighting his pipe, would settle down to the

routine work of the day. Bookshelves lined the room. Busts of the

President, the work of various sculptors, and a number of portraits,

all by Earle, looked upon the original from shelves and tables. There

flocked the politicians, Lewis with a report, Blair with a leader,

Kendall with a programme. There he planned and fought his battles with

the politicians, but when evening came he looked forward to the joys of

domesticity, or the diversions of the company of women upon whom he

looked “with the most romantic, pure, and poetic devotion.”[946] The

accomplished Mrs. Livingston would enliven him with her vivacious

conversation on all manner of topics, her daughter Cora would delight

him with her animation and wit, and his eyes would fill when Mrs. Philip

Hamilton, daughter of McLane, responded to his never-failing invitation

to play and sing his favorite song from Burns. Mrs. McLane, an

attractive and entertaining chatterbox, with interested motives for

attempting to fascinate the old warrior, was always a welcome diversion,

and Mrs. Rives, the stately wife of the Virginia Senator; Mrs. Macomb,

wife of the General; and Sallie Coles Stevenson, who resembled Mrs.

Livingston in intelligence and tact, were frequent guests. These had

given to the White House something of the charm of the Hermitage; but at

times, in the bitterness of the continual struggle, when the old man

grew weary of the bauble of power, and felt his faith in mankind

slipping, and homesickness for the Hermitage possessing him, he had

often laid aside the cares of state, turned his back upon the scene of

his struggle and the house of his triumphs, and walked across the Avenue

to the home of the Blairs, where he knew he could find a haven of rest.

There he knew he could appear, not as the head of the State, but as

Andrew Jackson of the Hermitage. It became his second home. There he

could forget his enemies, and, in the homey atmosphere of a house

pervaded by the personality of a sincere and unaffected woman, he could

revive his fainting spirits.

But he was surfeited with triumphs, and the Hermitage called him home

to the tomb of Rachel. The twilight was closing in upon him. He knew it

was time to go.

V

The dawn of inauguration day found him so ill and debilitated that he

should have remained in bed, but the soldier spirit of the man refused

to yield to the promptings of the flesh. He was up early, doing his full

part. The day was ideal--as Van Buren had promised Clay. The clear sky,

the bright, cheery sunshine, the balmy air could not have been better

ordered for the distinguished invalid. A great throng stretched back

from the east front of the Capitol to witness the historic scene, and

the eastern windows were packed with the more favored spectators. It was

plainly to be seen from the attitude of the multitude that the real

reverence and enthusiasm was for the leader whose race was run, rather

than for his successor. “For once,” observed Benton, “the rising was

eclipsed by the setting sun.” The old man, feeble and bowed, sat

listening to the inaugural address of the man he had elevated to the

highest office in the world. Van Buren concluded. Jackson rose and began

slowly to descend the steps of the portico to his carriage which was

waiting to convey him back to the White House. At that moment, the

pent-up feelings of the crowd burst forth in cheers and acclamations.

“It was the acclaim of posterity breaking from the bosom of

contemporaries,” wrote Benton. The old man, deeply touched to tenderness

and humility, acknowledged his appreciation by mute signs. From one of

the upper windows a rough fighting man witnessed the scene with an

emotion he had never felt before. From thence, Benton looked down upon

the close of a memorable “reign,” of which he was to become the

historian as he had been its defender.

That night Jackson slept as usual in the White House as the guest of

President Van Buren, who insisted that he remain in his old quarters

until in May or June the trip back to the Hermitage could be made in

greater comfort, but the journey held no terrors for the homesick

statesman. The following afternoon he walked across the Avenue to the

home of Frank Blair for a final visit with the family within whose bosom

he had passed many joyous hours during the eight years of storm and

stress. A little later, Benton called with William Allen, then Senator

from Ohio, and for many years the world knew nothing of the nature of

that final conference. Benton himself was mysteriously silent, nor did

he furnish any enlightenment in his great history of the “Thirty Years.”

But long after most of the participants in the politics of that day were

mouldering in the grave, Blair and Allen told the story to one of the

President’s biographers. Jackson talked, and the others listened. He

told them of his two principal regrets--that he had never had an

opportunity to shoot Clay or to hang Calhoun. He had no regrets because

of his crushing of the Bank, nor because of his encouragement of the

spoils system. But he left office feeling that his work would have been

more nearly completed if Texas had been annexed and the Oregon boundary

dispute had been settled at fifty-four-forty. To his loyal supporters he

left one admonition that afternoon:

“Of all things, never once take your eyes off Texas, and never let go of

fifty-four-forty.”

The following day witnessed his departure. He took with him the picture

of Rachel which had been upon his desk through his eight years of trial,

her Bible, to which he had been devoted, her protégé Earle, the artist,

who was to remain with him at the Hermitage, and to be buried in its

peaceful shade.

Thus ended the reign of Andrew Jackson.

THE END

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INDEX

Abolitionists, Taney and case, 138;

Thompson’s crusade, denunciations, 434;

exclusion of mail matter, 435, 445;

as issue (1836) and Van Buren, 435, 444, 446-48;

Calhoun and sectionalism over petitions, 443-45.

Adams, J. Q., and dining with colleagues, 13;

and Mrs. Livingston, 22;

effect of “bargain” story, 31;

and vilification (1828), 32, 34;

and defeat, 34-36;

and Jackson’s inauguration, 45, 48;

and Van Buren, 53, 55;

on Ingham, 57;

and crystallization of parties, 64;

disloyalty of officials under, 67;

and rejection of Hill, 83;

Calhoun’s opposition to Administration, 90, 92;

and Webster-Hayne debate, 98;

and Crawford, 107-09;

and Jackson-Calhoun break, 111-13;

on Mrs. Eaton affair, 121, 132;

organ of Administration, 159;

on Clay, 174, 191;

as Opposition leader, 176;

and rejection of Van Buren, 181;

and Clay and tariff, 185, 186;

tariff report and bill (1832), 189, 193;

and overtures by Jackson, 189;

political character, 190, 191;

and Bank recharter as issue, 211;

Bank investigation report, 216;

on Nullification, 261, 265;

and compromise tariff, 281;

and ending of Twenty-second Congress, 286;

on Jackson at Harvard, 289;

on end of tour, 290;

and removal of deposits, 342;

on Choate, 348;

and House committee to investigate Bank (1834), 349;

and spring election (1834), 354;

and Florida Purchase Treaty, 389;

and French Spoliation Claims, 399, 400;

tributes to Jackson, 400, 417;

and Webster, 414;

castigation of Senate, 414-19;

Whig resentment, 419;

on Van Buren and other candidates (1836), 438, 450.

_See also_ Elections (1828, 1832).

Adams, Mrs. J. Q., “slandered,” 32, 83.

Alabama, and expunging of censure, 369.

_Albany Argus_, in campaign of 1832, 243.

_Albany Journal._ _See_ Weed, Thurlow.

Allen, William, and expunging of censure, 465;

final conference with Jackson, 480.

American system. _See_ Internal improvements; Tariff.

Amusements, in Washington, 16-29.

Anderson, ----, opera in Washington, 28 _n._

Anti-Masons, Clay’s attitude, 234, 238;

presidential nomination (1832), Wirt and Clay, 235-37;

Jacksonians denounce, 237;

in campaign, 249;

and Granger (1836), 433.

_Appeal_, as White’s organ, 451.

Archer, W. S., and Ingham, 43;

and Nullification, 261, 265;

and French Spoliation Claims, 400.

Arlington, as residence, 7.

Arnold, R., peculation, dismissal, 75 _n._

Assassination conspiracy, charge, 376-78;

Poindexter affair, 378, 379, 382.

Attorney-General. _See_ Berrien, J. M.; Butler, B. F.; Taney, R. B.

Austria, treaty, 229.

Baldwin, Henry, and Treasury portfolio, 42;

on Tyler, 78 _n._

Baltimore, National Republican Convention, 175;

Jacksonian, 289;

Bank harangues, 330;

Democratic Convention, 429.

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, opening to Washington, 1.

Bank of the United States. _See_ National Bank.

Bankhead, Charles, and French Spoliation Claims, 420, 421.

Barbour, James, on Clay’s tariff speech, 188;

on presidential contest (1836), 432;

and slavery issue, 435;

and instructions to expunge censure, 441.

“Bargain” story, political effect, 31;

Tyler and, 79;

revival (1832), 249;

Forsyth and, 389.

Barry, W. T., selection as Postmaster-General, 49;

career and character, 61;

and recall of Harrison, 74;

at Jefferson’s Birthday dinner, 101;

and Berrien, 129;

and Blair, 161;

and Post-Office corruption, 183, 371-76;

and Bank, 210, 217;

and Houston, 241;

and removal of deposits, 293, 303;

Spanish mission, death, 374.

Barton, T. P., chargé at Paris, marriage,

406;

and French Spoliation Claims, 408, 409.

Bell, John, and White’s candidacy, Blair’s attack, 428, 429;

defeated for Speaker, 439;

and Van Buren, 439.

Bennett, J. G., press letters from Washington, 16;

attack on Bank, 204;

and removal of deposits, 297, 298.

Bentham, Jeremy, and Livingston Code, 135.

Benton, T. H., in campaign of 1828, 58;

and dismissals under Jackson, 72;

and Webster-Hayne debate, 92, 98, 103;

at Jefferson’s Birthday dinner, 101, 102;

on establishment of the _Globe_, 160;

as Jacksonian leader, 176;

and rejection of Van Buren, 181;

and tariff, 195;

land sale graduation plan, 196;

report on public lands, 198;

hostility to Bank, 204;

and postponement of Bank issue, 208;

and Bank investigation, 215;

and Bank veto, Clay episode, 219, 224, 225;

Jackson duel as campaign material, 246;

on Webster and Jackson, 276;

on compromise tariff, 278, 283 _n._;

and removal of deposits, 307;

leader against Bank, 319;

political character, 319;

and Senate measures on deposits, 322;

speech on censure, 331;

and Webster’s compromise recharter measure, 335;

on resolution to restore deposits, 350;

and Taney’s report on finances, 351;

and expunging censure, 368, 369, 371, 461, 462;

patronage inquiry, 383;

on extinguishment of debt, 385;

on Fortifications Bill, 404, 410, 412;

and French Spoliation Claims, 408, 409;

on politics in Abolitionist affairs, 447;

conciliation dinner, 465;

and expunging excitement, altercation with Clay, 470, 471;

at dinner celebrating expunging, 471;

on Jackson at Van Buren’s inauguration, 479;

last conference with Jackson, 480.

Bernard, Simon, on Calhoun, 89 _n._

Berrien, J. M., selection as Attorney-General, 44;

career and character, 60;

and Mrs. Eaton, Calhoun adherent, resignation, 121, 123,

125, 127, 129, 130;

and Nullification, 125, 127, 388;

becomes Whig, 132.

Bibb, G. M., on Barry, 372;

patronage inquiry, 383.

Biddle, Nicholas, and Lewis, 155;

Mason episode, 203;

warning against politics, 203;

and attitude of Administration (1831), 204-07;

and press propaganda, 207, 228;

and problem of application for recharter, 209;

forced to recharter application, 212, 213, 217;

character, 212;

and recharter before Congress, 216;

on veto message, 221;

in campaign of 1832, 238, 239;

hope in Clay-Nullifiers union, 291;

and Wall Street, 300 _n._;

control over Bank, 305;

policy of economic coercion, 310, 313-15;

and rejection of Government Bank directors, 324;

and Clay’s selfish attitude, 332, 360, 366;

and Webster’s recharter measure, 334;

and election riots, 363;

final opinion of a supporter, 368.

_See also_ National Bank.

Binney, Horace, on drinking, 18;

and removal of deposits, 314;

and Webster’s compromise recharter measure, 334;

as champion of Bank, as orator, 343;

in debate on deposits, 344, 346, 347;

and Jackson, 347;

report on deposits, 348.

Black, John, and Abolitionist petitions, 444 _n._

Blair, F. P., on rapid communication, 1;

on Washington society, 27;

establishment of the _Globe_ as Jackson’s organ, 160, 161, 164;

advent in Washington, appearance, relations with Jackson, 161,

162, 478, 480;

political career and character, 162-64;

Green contest, 164;

and daily paper, 165;

as editor of _Globe_, 165-67;

value of services, 169;

political use of rejection of Van Buren, 182;

and tariff issue, 188;

and Clay’s land policy, 200;

and Bank, 218;

and Bank veto, 219, 221;

on premature recharter of Bank, 208 _n._;

on Webb as turncoat, 228;

on Nullifiers and Clay, 232, 233;

on Clay and Anti-Masons, 237;

and Jackson retirement canard, 240;

campaign methods, 242-44;

campaign personalities, 247, 248;

on Jackson and Nullification, 252;

on compromise tariff combination, 280, 283;

and Bank and Clay-Calhoun union, 291;

and removal of deposits, 296, 298;

and Barry, 303;

and Cabinet paper on deposits, 305;

and excitement over deposits, 330;

on Hopkinson and Bank, 347;

on Whig Bank policy, 367;

and assassination conspiracy, 377, 378, 382;

and French crisis, 395, 396, 411;

and White, 424, 425;

and vice-presidential candidates (1835), 431;

denunciation of White’s candidacy and

Bell, 428, 429;

and Whitney affair, 461;

on Jackson’s last conference, 480.

_See also_ Kitchen Cabinet; _Washington Globe_.

Boarding houses, in Washington, 12.

Bodisco, Baron, as social leader, 27.

Booth, J. B., appearances in Washington Theater, 16.

Bouldin, J. W., and French Spoliation Claims, 400.

Branch, John, selection as Secretary of the Navy, 44;

career and character, 59;

appearance, manner, 59;

at Jefferson’s Birthday dinner, 101;

Mrs. Eaton controversy, resignation, Calhoun adherent, 119,

120, 123, 125, 126, 130;

becomes Whig, 132.

Branch, Mrs. John, and Mrs. Eaton, 120, 123.

Broglie, Duc de, and Spoliation Claims, 390, 406, 408.

Brooke, Francis, and Clay’s health, 249;

and instructions to expunge censure, 441.

Brown, Jesse, as hotel keeper, 3.

Bryant, W. C., on Biddle, 368.

Buchanan, James, and Cabinet position, 129;

and _Globe_ as official organ, 168;

and French Spoliation Claims, 390, 397;

and Fortifications Bill, 403;

and Abolitionist petitions, 444;

and Abolitionist mail, 445;

on expunging censure, 468.

Burges, Tristam “mess,” 12;

and French Spoliation Claims, 401.

Butler, B. F., and Cabinet offer, 1;

manner, 10;

appointment as Attorney-General, 310;

and Jackson’s Protest, 339;

confirmed, 352.

Bynum, J. A., and Fortifications Bill, 404.

Cabinet, Butler and portfolio, 1;

exclusion of presidential aspirants, 40;

Van Buren and Calhoun and selection, 40;

selection of first, 40-45, 119;

factional character, 45, 125;

character of Jackson’s first Secretaries, 53-63;

Tyler and selection, 79;

effect of Jackson-Calhoun break, 115;

wrecked by Mrs. Eaton, 116, 119, 123, 130-32;

resignation, 124-27;

construction of new, 127-30;

reception of new, 130;

character of new Secretaries, 132-43;

attitude on Bank recharter, 217;

second reorganization, 287;

and removal of deposits, 292, 293, 303, 305;

dismissal of Duane, third reorganization, 309, 310;

Senate’s rejection of Taney, 352;

fourth reorganization, 358, 359;

Kendall succeeds Barry, 374;

Van Buren’s, 473.

Cadwalader, Thomas, as Bank agent at Washington, 210-12;

bears recharter application, accident, 214.

Calhoun, J. C., “mess,” 12;

and Harriet Martineau, 14;

and Mrs. Livingston, 22;

in society, 24;

presidential aspirations and Van Buren, 40, 85;

and selection of Cabinet, 40-42, 44, 45;

and Tyler, 77;

and Jackson’s appointments, 85, 86;

political effect of break with Jackson, 88, 110, 111, 115;

political career and character, 88-91;

and War of 1812, 89;

opposition to Adams’s Administration, 90, 92;

appearance, 91;

and Webster-Hayne debate, 92, 97;

and Jackson’s Union toast, 102, 103;

and Jackson’s Seminole campaign, break with Jackson, 103-06, 110-15;

and Crawford, 107, 108;

Jackson pamphlet, 113;

followers eliminated from Cabinet, 125, 130;

Duff Green’s organ, 159;

and party leadership, 173;

and Clay, 173;

as anti-Jackson leader, 176, 285;

and rejection of Van Buren, 178, 181;

invitation to join Opposition, 184;

and Bank, 210;

and support of Clay (1832), 231-33;

Blair on attitude (1832), 233;

and South Carolina’s vote, 251;

Nullification and Jackson’s hatred, 252, 269, 277, 279, 480;

Exposition, 253;

letter urging Nullification, 254;

and Nullification Proclamation, 265;

journey to Washington, 266;

taking seat in Senate, 267;

and message on Nullification, 269;

constitutional resolutions, 269;

speech on Force Bill, 274;

and compromise tariff, 277-82;

and rescission of Nullification, 284;

and distress petitions, 327;

speech on censure, 331;

confidence in Bank success, 332;

and Webster’s recharter measure, 334, 335;

on Jackson’s Protest, 341;

Ritchie on presidential ambition, 364;

rage against Jackson, 368;

on Post-Office corruption, 369;

on expunging censure, 370, 371, 464;

and assassination conspiracy, 377;

patronage inquiry and report, 382-84;

and Abolitionist petitions and sectionalism, 443-45;

bill on Abolitionist mail, political motive, 445-48;

attack on

Jackson and Van Buren (1836), 449;

Jackson’s triumph, 472.

Calhoun, Mrs. J. C., and Mrs. Eaton, 120.

Cambreleng, C. C., as Jackson leader, 177;

and French Spoliation Claims, 399, 401;

and Fortifications Bill, 404, 411, 414.

Campbell, J. N., and Mrs. Eaton, 119, 120.

Capitol, in the thirties, 8-11.

Cartoons, in campaign of 1832, 241.

Carusi, Louis, assembly, 28.

Cass, Lewis, on McLean and justiceship, 49;

selection as Secretary of War, 129;

career and character, 140-43;

and Bank, 212, 217;

and Nullification, letter to Virginia, 255, 262;

in New England tour, 289;

and removal of deposits, question of resignation, 293, 303, 305, 309;

French mission, 473.

Censure of Jackson, Senate resolutions introduced, 325;

debate, 330-32;

passage, 337;

Jackson’s Protest, 338, 339;

debate on Protest, refusal to receive it, 339-42;

State Legislatures and instructions to expunge, attitude

of Senators, 368, 441-43;

first expunging movement (1836), 369-71;

expunging as national issue, and changes in Senate, 461, 462;

Benton’s and Buchanan’s speeches, 462, 463;

Whig speeches, 463-69;

Benton’s Democratic conciliation dinner, 465;

Benton’s refreshments at Capitol, 465, 468;

vote to expunge, 469;

tension, ceremony, protest of gallery, 470, 471;

Jackson’s dinner, 471.

Chabaulon, Henri de, and Spoliation Claims, 405.

Chapman, J. G., exhibition of paintings, 28.

Chevalier, Michel, on campaign parade, 245.

Cheves, Langdon, and Treasury portfolio, 43.

Choate, Rufus, as Opposition leader, 177;

Bank speech, 348.

Cholera, and campaign of 1832, 243, 247, 249.

Churches, of Washington, 8.

Civil service, office-seekers and Jackson, 38, 39, 66, 69, 70;

office-holders and Jackson, 39;

McLean and proscriptions, 49;

Van Buren’s attitude, 54;

Jackson and exigent origin of spoils system, 64, 67-69, 480;

office-holding class, 65;

demands for proscription, 65;

dismissals, hardships, extent, 70-74;

dismissal of criminal officials, 75;

Senate’s rejection of nomination of editors, 76, 80-87;

review under Jackson, 228;

Senate’s patronage inquiry, 382-84;

proposed repeal of four-year-tenure law, 384.

Clay, Henry, and Harriet Martineau, 14;

and Mrs. Livingston, 22;

in society, 24;

effect of “bargain” story, 31;

and campaign of 1828, vilified, 32;

and defeat (1828), 35, 36;

and Jackson’s inauguration, 48;

personal opposition to Jackson, 50-53;

and crystallization of parties, 65;

and Tyler, 77, 79;

and Kendall, 145, 146, 148;

return to Senate as leader of Opposition, 171, 172;

character, as politician, 172-75;

Calhoun on, 173;

Adams on, 174, 191;

nomination for Presidency, 175;

search for an issue, 175, 177;

platform, 176;

and rejection of Van Buren, 178-80;

West Indian trade negotiations, 178;

and confirmation of Livingston, 182;

tariff plan (1832), 185-87;

tariff speeches, 187, 188;

and conference tariff bill, 195;

vulnerable public lands policy, 195-97;

and public lands bill, speech, 197-200;

makes recharter of Bank his issue, 206-12, 217;

on Bank veto, 221, 222, 224;

Benton episode over Bank, 225;

conduct of campaign, 230;

and Nullifiers, 231;

and Anti-Masons, 234-38;

campaign abuse, 247;

during campaign, 249;

defeat, 251;

Nullification and playing politics, 260, 261, 264, 280, 285;

and Force Bill debate, 270;

and compromise tariff, 278-81, 283;

pocket veto of land bill, 286;

and distress petitions, 315, 327;

resolution on depository banks, 322;

demand for Cabinet paper on Bank, 323;

and legal basis of deposits controversy, 325;

resolutions censuring Jackson, 325;

speech on censure, 330;

confidence in Bank victory, 332;

selfish attitude toward Bank, 332, 335, 366;

and Webster’s compromise recharter measure, 335;

Van Buren and histrionics over distress, 335-37;

resolution to restore deposits, 350;

and Taney’s report on finances, 350;

and expunging censure, speech, 369, 371, 465-68;

and Barry, 372;

and Poindexter investigation, 382;

and Forsyth, 389;

and French crisis, 396,

397, 417;

and White’s candidacy, 424;

and candidacy (1836), 431;

on possible Whig candidates, 432, 433;

and rejection of Taney, 441;

during campaign, endorses Harrison, 452;

and election of Van Buren, 456;

Benton altercation after expunging, 471;

Jackson’s triumph, 472;

Jackson’s hatred, 480.

_See also_ Election (1832).

Clayton, A. S., and Bank investigation, 215.

Clayton, J. M., and crystallization of parties, 65;

as Opposition leader, 176;

and rejection of Van Buren, 180;

appearance, character, 183;

and Post-Office investigation, 183;

invitation to Nullifiers, 184;

and Force Bill, 270, 271;

and compromise tariff, 278, 280, 282, 283.

Coach hire, in Washington, 4.

Cockfighting at Washington, 18.

Colombia, relations with, 229.

Congress, _Twenty-first_: beginning of campaign speeches, 55;

Senate and Jackson’s nominations, 76, 80-87;

Webster-Hayne debate, 92-99.

_Twenty-second_: Clay as leader of Opposition, 172;

other leaders, 176, 177;

rejection of Van Buren, 177-82;

investigation of Post-Office, 183;

tariff of 1832, 185-89, 193-95;

public lands, 197-99, 286;

Bank recharter and investigation, 214-26;

campaign denunciation, 229;

Administration’s tariff bill (1833), 267;

annual message, 257;

message on Nullification, 268, 269;

Force Bill, 269-76, 281;

compromise tariff, 277-82;

dramatic end, 286.

_Twenty-third_: petitions on Bank question, 315, 327-29;

leaders in Bank controversy, 319-21;

Senate measures on removal of deposits, 322-24;

legal basis of deposits contest, 325;

public interest in Bank debate, 326;

censure of Jackson, 325, 330-33, 337, Webster’s

compromise recharter measure, 333-35;

Van Buren and Clay’s histrionics, 335-37;

Jackson’s Protest, not received, 338-42;

House measures and debate on deposits, 342-49;

House committee to investigate Bank, 349, 350;

Senate resolution to restore deposits, 350;

Taney’s special report on finances, 350-52;

rejection of nominations, 352;

and expunging censure, 368-71;

Post-Office investigation and reorganization, 369, 371-74;

Poindexter investigation, 382;

patronage inquiry, 382-84;

French crisis, 392, 393, 396, 397, 399-402;

Fortifications Bill, 402-05;

Speakership contest, 429.

_Twenty-fourth_: French crisis, 408-11;

debate on failure of Fortifications Bill, 410-20;

Speakership, 439;

confirmation of Taney, 440;

expunging censure, 441, 442, 461-71;

Abolitionist affairs and politics, 443-48;

Whitney affair, 457-61.

“Coodies,” 137 _n._

Cooper, Thomas, and National Bank, 291.

Corwin, Thomas, as Opposition leader, 177.

Cox, M. M., peculation, dismissal, 75 _n._

Crawford, W. H., Washington residence, 6;

and Jackson-Calhoun break, 104-06;

political career and character, candidacy (1824), 106-10;

and Adams, Jackson, Calhoun, 107, 108;

charges against, investigation, 107, 108.

Crittenden, J. J., and expunging of censure, 463.

Crockett, Davy, biography of Van Buren, 436-38.

Custis, G. W., residence, 7.

Cuthbert, Alfred, Fortifications Bill, 413;

and Abolitionist petitions, 444 _n._;

on politics in Abolitionist affairs, 447.

Dallas, G. M., and Livingston, 128 _n._, 182;

Bank recharter bill, 214.

Dana, Judah, and expunging of censure, 463.

Dancing, in Washington, 26.

Daniel, P. V., and Attorney-Generalship, 310.

Davis, Jefferson, on Calhoun’s eyes, 92 _n._

Davis, M. L., press letters from Washington, 16.

Dawson, Moses, rejection by Senate, 82.

Denmark, claims against, 229.

Depository banks, proposed regulation, 383, 384.

Deposits. _See_ Removal of deposits.

Dickerson, Mahlon, as Jacksonian leader, 176;

vice-presidential candidacy, 182;

and tariff bill, 194, 195;

and Bank, 211 _n._, 217;

Secretary of the Navy, 359.

District of Columbia, Van Buren and slavery in, 451.

Donelson, A. J., and Jackson’s Union toast, 101;

in New England tour, 289;

and message on French crisis, 392.

Donelson, Mrs. Emily, and Mrs. Eaton, 123;

as mistress of White House, 475.

Drayton, William, and Ingham, 43;

and Cabinet position, 129;

and Nullification, 269.

Drinking, in Washington, 18.

Duane, W. J., character, selection as Secretary of the Treasury, 287, 288;

and removal of deposits, 294-97, 303;

recalcitrance and dismissal, 306-09.

Dupin, A. M. J. J., and Spoliation Claims, 391.

Earle, Ralph, in Jackson’s New England tour, 289;

at White House, 478;

return to Hermitage, 480.

Eaton, J. H., selection as Secretary of War, 43, 119;

political career and character, 57;

in campaign of 1828, 58;

at Jefferson’s Birthday dinner, 101;

and Peggy O’Neal, marriage, 118;

resignation, 124;

and return to Senate, 128;

pursuit of Ingham, 131, 132;

later career, 132.

Eaton, Mrs. J. H., [Peggy O’Neal], wrecks Cabinet, 116, 123-25, 130;

character, appearance, 117;

relations with Eaton, marriage, 118;

Jackson’s investigation and championship, 119, 120;

snubbing and championing, political effect, 119-22;

later career, 132;

as graft go-between, 376.

Edwards, Ninian, and Crawford, 107, 108.

Election of 1824, rival Cabinet candidates, 107-10.

Election of 1828, significance, 31, 34, 81;

Washington and, 31, 35;

vilification, 32-34;

Adams’s Administration and defeat, 35, 36;

Eaton as Jackson’s manager, 58;

newspapers in, 81;

Calhoun’s attitude, 91;

Lewis’s services, 153.

Election of 1832, quick returns, 2;

elimination of Calhoun, 110, 111, 115;

Jackson’s candidacy, 164, 172;

Clay’s nomination, his search for an issue, 175, 177, 226;

his platform, 176;

and Senate’s rejection of Van Buren, 181, 182;

union of elements of Opposition, 184;

failure of tariff as issue, 188, 195;

Clay’s land policy as issue, 196, 199, 200;

Bank as issue, 207, 209, 212-14, 217, 219, 223, 225, 226, 244, 248;

as democratic campaign, 227;

newspapers in, 228;

Kendall’s review of Jackson’s Administration, 228-30;

Nullifiers’ support of Clay, 230-33;

Anti-Masons and Clay, 234-37;

Jacksonians denounce Anti-Masons, 237, 238;

Bank propaganda, 238-40;

canards on Jackson, 240, 241;

Whig cartoons, 241;

Kitchen Cabinet and organization and publicity, 242-45;

meetings and parades, 245, 246;

personalities, 246;

candidates during campaign, 249, 250;

Democratic confidence, 250, 251;

result, 251;

and Nullification, 252.

Election of 1834, Bank and spring elections, 354-57;

Whig Party, 357;

Whig purpose and methods, 358;

Democratic purpose, 361;

verdict on Bank of fall elections, 361-65;

riots in Philadelphia, 363.

Election of 1836, Van Buren as heir apparent, 423;

White as anti-Van Buren prospect, 424;

Whigs and White’s candidacy, 424, 425;

Democratic efforts to suppress White, 426;

Blair’s denunciations of White and Bell, 428, 429;

Democratic Convention, Tennessee and, 429;

Democratic vice-presidential nomination, 430, 431;

Clay and candidacy, 431;

Whig candidates, 432, 433;

Whig hope in election by House, 432;

Whig vice-presidential candidates, 433;

slavery issue as anti-Van Buren weapon, 435, 436, 444, 446-48, 452;

Crockett’s biography of Van Buren, 436-38;

Adams on candidates, 438, 450;

Van Buren’s campaign attitude, 438;

Jackson’s activity, White’s attack on it, 448, 452, 453;

lack of issues, 449, 451;

basis of White’s candidacy, 449;

campaign methods, 451;

queries to candidates, 451, 452;

Clay and campaign, 452;

results, comparison with 1832, 454-56.

Everett, Edward, as Opposition leader, 177;

tariff conference, 185, 186;

and Jackson at Harvard, 289;

report on Bank, 349;

and French crisis, 399, 401.

Ewing, Thomas, as anti-Jackson leader, 176;

and rejection of Van Buren, 180;

and instructions to expunge censure, 442.

Fairfield, John, on Whitney affair, 459.

Farewell Address, purpose, character, 472.

Fashions, at Washington, 20.

Federalists, Webster as, 94, 95;

Taney as, 137.

Ferdinand of Spain, and Florida Treaty, 389.

Fiske, John, on Jackson’s foreign policy, 421.

Florida, Purchase Treaty, Forsyth’s credit, 389.

_See also_ Seminole campaign.

Floyd, John, overtures to Clay, 231;

South Carolina’s electoral vote, 251;

and Nullification, 261.

Foote, H. S., on Kendall, 374.

Force, Peter, in campaign of 1828, 32.

Force Bill, presentation, 269;

debate in Senate, 270-72;

Calhoun’s speech, 274;

Webster’s speech, 275;

passage, 282.

Foreign relations, Jackson’s selection of ministers, 50;

_Globe_ as official organ, 168, 169;

Van Buren as Minister to England, 177;

accomplishments under Jackson, 229;

character of Jackson’s advisers, 389;

Oregon boundary, 390, 480;

results of Jackson’s policy, 421.

_See also_ French Spoliation Claims.

Forsyth, John, and Webster-Hayne debate, 93;

and Jackson-Calhoun break, 104-06;

as Jacksonian leader, 176;

and rejection of Van Buren, 180;

and Bank, 211 _n._;

and Nullification, 269, 271;

and compromise tariff, 282;

and Attorney-Generalship, 310;

on distress petitions, 315, 327, 329;

and call for Cabinet paper, 323;

in censure debate, 332;

and Webster’s recharter measure, 335;

and Jackson’s Protest, 341, 342;

on naming Whig Party, 357;

selection as Secretary of State, 359;

character, 386-89;

as diplomatist, 389, 390;

and French crisis, 392, 398, 405, 420;

and Fortifications Bill, 404, 411;

and slavery issue, 435;

and Georgia’s vote (1836), 455.

Forsyth, Mrs. John, as social leader, 23;

and F. S. Key, 25.

Fortifications Bill, failure (1835), responsibility, 402-05, 413;

Adams’s castigation of Senate, 414-20.

Foster, J. W., on Jackson’s foreign policy, 422.

Four-year-tenure law, proposed repeal, 384.

Fox, H. S., as social leader, 27.

France. _See_ French Spoliation Claims.

_Frankfort Argus_, under Kendall and Blair, 146-48, 163;

Blair’s attack on Nullification, 160.

Frelinghuysen, Theodore, in censure debate, 332;

on Jackson’s Protest, 340;

defeat, 362.

French Spoliation Claims, Jackson’s treaty, 229, 386;

failure to appropriate payments, 386, 391;

dilemma of French Government, 390, 391;

need of strong public stand, 391, 397;

annual message (1834) on, 392, 393;

Whig attitude, 393, 395, 396, 420, 422;

message and Whig opposition in France, 394, 405, 411;

French protest on message, 395;

Senate and message, adverse report, 396, 397;

Livingston’s reply to French protest, 398;

imminence of war, 398, 399, 409, 410;

House discussion, Adams’s attitude, 399-402;

failure of Fortifications Bill, responsibility, 402-05, 410-19;

explanation demanded of France, 405;

French demand for apology, 405, 408;

Livingston leaves, 406;

his ovation at home, 407;

personal phase of crisis, 406, 407, 409;

Jackson and demand for apology, 408;

message on crisis, 409-11;

British mediation, French backdown, 420, 421.

Fuller’s Hotel, 3.

Gadsby, John, as hotel keeper, 3.

Gales, Joseph, in campaign of 1828, 32;

printer to the House, 277.

_See also_ _National Intelligencer_.

Gallatin, Albert, West Indian trade negotiations, 178;

warning to Bank, 318, 360.

Gambling, in Washington, 18.

Gardner, J. B., rejection by Senate, 82.

Garrison, W. L., mobbed, 434.

Georgetown, as residence section, 5, 7.

Georgia, and Nullification, 388;

vote in 1836, 455.

_Globe._ _See_ _Washington Globe_.

Gossip, in Washington society, 25.

Granger, Francis, vice-presidential candidacy, 433.

Great Britain, character of Jackson’s Minister to, 50, 177;

West Indian trade negotiations, 178;

Oregon controversy, 390, 480.

Green, Duff, and spoils system, 65, 68;

and Calhoun’s presidential aspirations, 85, 91;

and Webster-Hayne debate, 97;

and Jackson-Calhoun break, 113, 114, 159;

and Mrs. Eaton, 130;

paper as Jackson’s organ, 159;

and Blair, 164;

and loan from Bank, 207;

support of Clay, 231, 232;

printer to Senate, 277;

and Force Bill, 284;

and Bell, 429;

in campaign of 1836, 451.

_See also_ _United States Telegraph_.

Green, Nathaniel, pre-inaugural conferences, 39.

Grundy, Felix, on Barry, 372;

and Webster-Hayne debate, 93;

and White, 128, 426;

as Jacksonian leader, 176;

and tariff, 195;

and Force Bill, 271, 272;

in debate on censure, 332;

and Webster’s recharter measure, 335;

and Abolitionist mail, 445.

Hamilton, Alexander, Jr., and Bank, 204, 318, 360.

Hamilton, James, and Ingham, 43;

and Nullification, 253;

Calhoun’s Nullification letter, 254.

Hamilton, James A., as Van Buren’s Washington agent, 41;

and Jackson-Calhoun break, 104, 105, 114;

and McLane, 125;

political importance, 201;

and Jackson’s first message, 201, 202;

and Bank investigation, 215;

and Bank veto, 217, 218;

and Nullification, 256, 257, 263;

and removal of deposits, 290, 291, 306;

and spring elections (1834), 354;

and French crisis, 398.

Hamilton, Mrs. Philip, and Jackson, 478.

Hamilton, Thomas, on Washington, 2, 4, 5;

on Supreme Court, 10 _n._;

on slavery, 11;

lionized, 14;

on Capital’s social charm, 19.

Hardin, Benjamin, and Spoliation Claims, 402;

Randolph on, 402.

Harper, William, and Nullification, 253, 388.

Harris, Thomas, removes bullet from Jackson, 246.

Harrison, Benjamin, as lawyer, 54.

Harrison, W. H., cause of final illness, 14 _n._;

recall,74;

presidential candidacy, Clay’s attitude, 432, 433, 452;

and slavery issue, 436;

Adams on, 438;

electoral vote, 454.

Hartford Convention, Webster’s attitude, 95.

Hawes, A. G., Johnson incident, 373.

Hayne, R. Y., and Ingham, 43;

Webster debate as political, 92, 93, 98;

Union issue, 93, 97, 99, 103;

political career and character, 96;

speech, effect, 96, 97;

Webster’s reply, 98;

and Jackson’s Union toast, 102;

as anti-Jackson leader, 176;

and rejection of Van Buren, 180;

and tariff, 187, 194;

and Nullification Proclamation, 265;

and arming of Nullifiers, 268;

urges caution, 277;

and rescission of Nullification, 284.

Health, conditions at Washington, 29.

Hendricks, William, and Bank, 211 _n._

Hermitage, Jackson’s journeys to and from, 250,

252, 358, 360, 361, 452, 453, 480.

Hill, Isaac, in campaign of 1828, vilification, 32, 33, 157;

pre-inaugural conferences, 38, 39;

and spoils system, 66, 71, 73;

rejection by Senate, 82, 83;

protests on rejection, 86, 87;

becomes Senator, 87, 129;

on Webster, 95;

political career and character, as editor, 155-58;

appearance, 158;

rôle in Kitchen Cabinet, 169;

and tariff, 195;

Mason episode, 202;

campaign methods, 242, 245, 248;

campaign bets, 251;

in New England tour, 289;

and petitions on Bank, 329;

and Webster’s recharter measure, 335;

and vice-presidential candidates (1835), 431;

on Calhoun and sectionalism, 444.

_See also_ Kitchen Cabinet.

Holland, W. M., biography of Van Buren, 438.

Holmes, John, and rejection of Van Buren, 180 _n._;

campaign abuse, 248.

Hone, Philip, on campaign of 1832, 251;

on Nullification Proclamation, 263;

on Jackson in New York, 289 _n._;

on Bank and depression, 311, 312, 352;

and distress meeting, 316;

on campaign (1834), 362, 365;

final judgment on Biddle, 368;

on French crisis, 393, 405, 407, 409;

on Van Buren during campaign, 438;

on campaign, 450.

Hopkinson, Joseph, and Bank, Blair’s accusation, 347.

Horse-racing, at Washington, 18.

Hotels, in Washington, 3.

House of Representatives, chamber, 9.

_See also_ Congress.

Houston, Sam, attack on Congressman, 241.

Hughes, ----, opera in Washington, 28 _n._

Hugo, Victor, on Livingston Code, 135.

Huygens, Madame, and Mrs. Eaton, 122.

Ice cream, as social novelty, 26.

Inauguration, of Jackson, character of crowd, 36, 47;

his arrival and reception, 37;

his attitude and conferences, 38-40;

selection of Cabinet 40-45;

Adams and, 45, 48;

ceremony, 46;

reception at White House 47;

Jackson’s second, 287;

Van Buren’s, 479.

Indian Queen, as hotel, 3.

Industry, prosperity, 229.

Ingersoll, C. J., and Bank recharter, 215, 218.

Ingham, S. D., selection as Secretary of the Treasury, 42;

political career and character, 57;

and office-seekers, 69;

and Mrs. Eaton controversy, resignation, 123, 126;

and Bank and Calhoun, 125;

flight from Eaton, 131, 132;

and Mason episode, 203;

Calhoun’s tribute, 275.

Ingham, Mrs. S. D., and Mrs. Eaton, 120, 123.

Internal improvements, Jackson’s vetoes, 171;

Clay’s platform, 176.

Irving, Washington, in Washington, 15.

Jackson, Andrew, and Booth’s acting, 16;

and horse-racing, 18;

and cock-fighting, 18;

election as revolution, 31, 34, 81;

vilified in 1828, and attacks on wife, 32-34;

arrival at Washington, 37;

pre-inaugural attitude and conferences, 38-40;

selection of first Cabinet, 40-45, 49;

and Adams, later overtures, 45, 189;

inauguration, reception at White House, 46-48;

first disaffections, 48, 50;

and McLean and proscriptions, 49;

and Tazewell and English mission, 50;

Clay’s personal opposition, 50-53;

and Eaton, 58;

and origin of spoils system, attitude of advisers, 64, 67-69, 480;

and crystallization of parties, 65, 67;

clamor of office-seekers, 66, 69, 70;

dismissals under, 70-76;

and recall of Harrison, 74;

Tyler’s hostility, 78-80;

and press, 81;

and rejections by Senate, 86;

political effect of break with Calhoun, 88, 110, 111, 115;

and Webster-Hayne debate, 93, 97, 99, 100;

Jefferson’s Birthday dinner, Union toast, 100-03;

Calhoun and Seminole campaign, break with Calhoun, 103-06, 110-15;

and Crawford, 107, 109;

and Eaton’s marriage, 118;

and Mrs. Eaton, 119-21;

resignation of Cabinet, 123-27;

construction of new Cabinet, 127-30;

and Eaton-Ingham letters, 132;

first contact with Livingston, 134;

Taney’s support (1824), 139;

character of Kitchen Cabinet, 144;

relations with Lewis, 151-54;

establishment of organ, 158-61;

and Duff Green, 160;

and Blair, 162, 166, 478, 480;

candidacy for reëlection, 164, 172;

and _Globe_ finances, 165 _n._;

services of Kitchen Cabinet, 169;

evidences of leadership, 171;

tariff views, 171, 185;

opponents and supporters in Congress (1832), 176, 177;

union of elements of Opposition, 184;

and tariff as issue, 188, 195;

and land policy, 196;

Bank in first message, reason for attack, 201-04;

attitude on Bank (1831), Biddle’s overtures, 204-08;

and Bank as issue, 209;

and compromise recharter, 212, 215;

and Bank investigation, 215;

Bank veto, 217-22, 244;

and Supreme Court, 220;

Kendall’s campaign review of Administration, 228-30;

and Anti-Masons, 237;

retirement and health canards, 240, 241;

and Houston’s attack, 241;

campaign abuse (1832), 246;

and cholera, 247;

during campaign, confidence, 249-51;

reëlection, 251;

and expected Nullification, 252;

and Unionist dinner, 254;

Poinsett as agent in South Carolina, 255;

preparation to combat Nullification, 255;

desire for peaceful settlement, 256-58, 268;

annual message (1832), 257;

Nullification Proclamation, 257-60;

intention to punish Nullifiers, 259, 269, 273, 277-79;

and Virginia’s attitude, 262;

and Van Buren’s attitude, 263, 264;

and tariff bill (1833), 267;

message on Nullification, 268;

and Webster’s attitude, overtures, 274-77, 288, 332;

and compromise tariff, 279, 280, 281;

Nullification and union of opponents, 285;

second inauguration, address, 287;

second reorganization of Cabinet, 287, 288;

New England tour, 288-90;

origin of plan to remove deposits, 289-92;

and Duane’s attitude on deposits, 295;

and delay in removal, 297;

and divided counsel on removal, 299;

and Van Buren’s attitude, 299-301;

and Taney’s advocacy, 301;

determines on removal, 302;

Cabinet paper on reasons for removal, 303-05;

and attitude

of Cabinet, 306, 309;

dismissal of Duane, third reorganization of Cabinet, 307-09;

and Bank’s curtailments, 313, 361;

and distress petitions, 316;

character of papers on Bank, 322;

and Senate’s call for Cabinet paper, 323;

censure by Senate, 325, 330-32, 337;

Protest, 338, 339;

Senate’s refusal to receive Protest, 339-42;

and Binney, 347;

fourth reorganization of Cabinet, 358, 359;

character of Bank fight, 367;

expunging of censure, 368-71, 441-43, 461-71;

and Post-Office reorganization, 372;

attempt to assassinate, conspiracy charge, Poindexter, 376-79, 382;

relations with Poindexter, 380, 381;

and extinguishment of debt, 385;

French Spoliation Claims treaty, 386;

and failure to pay claims, 386, 391, 392;

and foreign affairs advisers, 389;

and Oregon, 390;

annual message on failure to pay French claims, 392, 393;

and French protest on message, 398;

Adams’s tributes, 400, 417;

and Fortifications Bill, 404;

and Cora Livingston, 406;

and Mme. Pageot, 407;

and French demand for apology, 408;

special message on French crisis, 409-11;

and British mediation, 420;

and French backdown, 421;

results of foreign policy, 421;

and Van Buren as successor, 423;

White’s drift from, 424;

and White’s candidacy, 426;

and Abolitionists, 435, 445;

and memorial to Marshall, 440;

White’s attack on campaign activity, 448, 453;

campaigning in Tennessee, 453;

illness, 457;

and Whitney, 458;

dinner to celebrate expunging, 471;

triumphs, 471;

and future dangers, Farewell Address, 472, 473;

farewell reception, 473;

appearance, 473;

health, 474;

social attitude, 474;

life at White House, 475-77;

work routine, 477;

and society of women, 478;

at Van Buren’s inauguration, acclaimed, 479;

last day at Washington, 479;

final conference, advice, hatred of Clay and Calhoun, 480;

departure, 480.

_See also_ Election (1828, 1832).

Jackson, Mrs. Andrew, campaign attacks on, 32, 83.

Jackson, Sarah Y., and Jackson, 476.

James, G. P. R., on Tyler, 80.

Jefferson, Thomas, and Crawford, 109;

on Livingston Code, 135.

Jefferson’s Birthday, dinner (1830);

Nullifiers’ purpose, Jackson’s Union toast, 100-03.

Johnson, R. M., on Cabinet crisis over Mrs. Eaton, 123;

and Kendall, 146;

and overtures to Adams, 189;

vice-presidential nomination, 431.

Johnson, W. C., Barry incident, 373.

Johnston, J. S., and Nullification, 279.

Kane, E. K., and Bank, 211 _n._

Kemble, Fanny, in Washington, 16;

Story’s verses, 17 _n._

Kendall, Amos, pre-inaugural conferences, 39;

on Barry, 62;

and spoils system, 68, 73;

Senate and appointment, 84;

and Van Buren and Calhoun, 85;

and rejection of Hill, 87;

career and character, as editor, 144-48, 374;

and Clay, 145, 146, 148;

in campaign of 1828, 148;

as office-seeker, 148;

rôle in Kitchen Cabinet, 149-51;

and coming of Blair, 161;

value of services, 169;

political use of rejection of Van Buren, 182;

and tariff issue, 188;

and Clay’s land policy, 200;

hostility to Bank, 203, 204, 218;

and Bank veto, 219, 221;

campaign review of Administration, 228-30;

campaign methods, 242, 243;

and removal of deposits, 291-93;

and recess removal, 294;

and Duane’s attitude, 294, 295;

sounding of State banks, 296, 297, 302;

and Cabinet paper on deposits, 305;

on Duane, 308 _n._;

and Jackson’s Protest, 339;

wisdom in Bank controversy, 366;

Postmaster-General, reforms, 374-76;

and exclusion of Abolitionist mail, 435;

and Whitney affair, 461.

_See also_ Kitchen Cabinet.

Kent, James, and suffrage, 54;

on Livingston Code, 135;

in campaign of 1832, 236.

Kentucky, Eaton and campaign of 1828, 58;

“Courts” contest, 163.

Key, F. S., and Mrs. Forsyth, 25;

and Berrien, 129;

on disruption of Cabinet, 130.

Kinchy, ----, and ice cream, 26.

King, J. P., patronage inquiry, 383, 384.

King, W. R. and land report, 198;

and Force Bill. 272;

and expunging censure, 369, 370;

Poindexter investigation, 382;

and Fortifications Bill, 403;

on politics in Abolitionist affairs, 445, 446.

Kitchen Cabinet, importance, 144, 169;

character and rôle of members: Kendall, 144-51;

Lewis, 151-55;

Hill, 155-58;

Blair, 161-69;

and establishment of organ, 160, 161;

campaign methods, 227;

in campaign of 1832, 242-45;

and removal of deposits, 293;

and deposits excitement, 330, 350;

and expunging censure, 369;

Forsyth’s attitude, 389;

and French crisis, 422;

and Whitney, 458.

_See also_ members by name.

Krudener, Baron de, and Mrs. Eaton, 122.

Lafayette, Marquis de, and Spoliation Claims, 391.

Latrobe, B. H., Van Ness house, 8;

Senate Chamber, 9.

Lawrence, C. W., mayoral election, 355.

Leavenworth, Henry, on Isaac Hill, 86.

Lee, Henry, rejection by Senate, character, 82.

Lee, R. E., marriage, 8.

Leigh, B. W., Virginia commissioner to Nullifiers, 284;

as leader of Opposition, 285;

Bank leader, 319;

political character, 321;

and Webster’s recharter measure, 334;

on Jackson’s Protest, 340, 341;

protested reëlection to Senate, 363, 364;

and French crisis, 397 _n._;

and Fortifications Bill, 412;

and instructions to expunge censure, 441, 442;

and Abolitionist petitions, 444 _n._;

and Abolitionist mail, 445.

Letcher, R. P., and compromise tariff, 278-80, 282;

and White, 425.

Lewis, Delia, marriage, and Jackson, 407.

Lewis, W. B., and spoils system, 68;

and Jackson-Calhoun break, 103-05;

character, rôle in Kitchen Cabinet, 151-55, 169;

in election of 1828, 153;

and Biddle, 155;

and coming of Blair, 162;

and Jackson’s candidacy for reëlection, 172;

and Bank, 205, 218;

on McLane’s Bank report, 209;

and Bank veto, 219;

campaign methods, 242, 244;

and Nullification, 275;

and removal of deposits, 305, 306;

attempt to exclude from floor of House, 324;

and spring elections (1834), 354;

and French crisis, 398;

and McLean’s candidacy, 423;

and vice-presidential candidates (1835), 431.

_See also_ Kitchen Cabinet.

Lexington, Ky., greeting of Jackson, 246.

_Lexington Observer_, on Bank veto, 221.

Linn, L. F., and expunging censure, 465, 470.

Livingston, Cora, as belle, 23, 406;

marriage, and Jackson, 406, 478.

Livingston, Edward, and Webster-Hayne debate, 93, 99;

Crawford investigation, 108;

selection as Secretary of State, 127;

and Berrien, 129;

career and character, 133-36;

Code, 135;

Clay and confirmation, 182;

and Bank issue, 207, 212, 215, 216;

and Bank veto, 219;

and Anti-Masons, 237;

Nullification Proclamation, 257-60;

and Webster’s attitude on Nullification, 274;

French mission, 287;

and removal of deposits, 293;

and Spoliation Claims, 386, 390, 391, 394, 395, 398;

leaves France, 406;

ovation on return, 407;

and message on crisis, 409.

Livingston, Mrs. Edward, as social leader, 22;

and Jackson, 478.

Livingston Code, 135.

Locofocos, and Van Buren, 452.

Lodge, H. C., on Webster-Hayne debate, 97;

on Webster and Jackson, 277.

Louis Philippe, and Spoliation Claims, 390, 391.

Louisiana, Bank and election (1834), 356.

McDuffie, George, and Ingham, 43;

as Opposition leader, 177, 285;

career and character, 191-93;

tariff report and speech, 189, 193;

and Bank issue, 211;

Bank recharter bill, 214, 215;

and Nullification, 253;

and Nullification Proclamation, 265;

public harangues on deposits, 330;

and deposits question in House, 343-45, 348.

McLane, Louis, and Treasury portfolio (1829), 42, 43;

on Branch, 44;

English mission, 50;

and Attorney-Generalship, 125;

selection as Secretary of the Treasury, 127, 128;

West Indian trade negotiations, 178;

tariff report, 189, 193;

public lands report, 196;

Bank report, 208, 210;

and Bank issue, 207, 209, 210, 212, 216;

transfer to State portfolio, 287;

and removal of deposits,

question of resignation, 290 _n._, 292, 293,

296, 297, 300, 303, 305, 309;

resigns, 359.

McLane, Mrs. Louis, as social leader, 23;

and Mrs. Eaton, 131;

and Jackson, 478.

McLean, John, treachery to Adams, 35;

selection as Postmaster-General, 44;

and proscriptions, transfer to Supreme Court, 49;

and presidential candidacy, 423, 432.

Macomb, Alexander, and Kendall, 148.

Madison, James, on Livingston Code, 135;

and tariff, 188.

Maine, H. J. S., on Livingston Code, 135.

Mangum, W. P., and Bank, 211 _n._;

and Force Bill, 271;

Poindexter investigation, 382;

and French crisis, 396;

electoral vote for, 433, 454.

March, C. W., on Webster-Hayne debate, 97.

Marcy, W. L., and tariff, 195;

and Bank, 318.

Marryat, Frederick, on Washington, 6;

on Capital’s social charm, 19.

Marshall, John, and Fanny Kemble, 16;

and Mrs. Livingston, 22;

on Berrien, 60;

on Livingston Code, 135;

and tariff, 188;

and Nullification Proclamation, 260;

and Taney, 440;

Jackson and memorial, 440.

Martineau, Harriet, on Washington, 2;

on the avenues, 6;

on Senate, 9;

lionized, 13;

on Washington life, 20;

on statesmen in society, 24;

on Kendall, 150;

and assassination conspiracy, 379.

Mason, Jeremiah, Hill episode, 202.

Massachusetts, in election of 1836, 433, 454.

_Mechanics’ Free Press_, in campaign of 1832, 248.

“Messes” at Washington, 12.

Mexico, relations with, 229.

Michigan, Cass’s services, 141.

“Millennium of the minnows,” 51, 130.

Mississippi, election (1834), 364.

Monroe, James, and Wirt and Jackson, 38;

and Jackson’s Florida operations, 78.

Moore, Gabriel, and Abolitionist petitions, 444 _n._

National Bank, Jacksonian hostility, first message on, 171, 201-04;

Hill-Mason episode, 202;

attitude of Administration on, as issue (1831), 204-09;

and warnings, overtures to Jackson, 204;

Clay forces recharter as issue, 207, 209;

subsidized press, 207, 228;

Administration and McLane favorable report, 208, 210;

problem of application for recharter, 209-12;

Whig leaders force application, 212-14;

recharter in Congress, 214, 215;

congressional investigation, results, 215, 216;

veto expected, 217;

Cabinet and veto, 217;

preparation of veto message, 218;

veto message as campaign appeal, its character, 219-21, 244;

its reception, 221;

excitement over question, 222;

veto before Congress, speeches, 222-26;

propaganda in campaign of 1832, 238-40;

Democratic campaign literature on, 243, 244, 248.

_See also_ Removal of deposits.

_National Gazette_, “Vindex” articles, 347;

and French crisis, 396;

on Fortifications Bill, 411.

_National Intelligencer_, in campaign of 1828, 32;

and Jackson retirement canard, 240;

and removal of deposits, 298;

and French crisis, 394, 395, 397, 411;

on Fortifications Bill, 414.

_National Journal_, in campaign of 1828, 32;

as Adams organ, 159.

National Republican Party. _See_ Whig Party.

_National Telegraph._ _See_ _United States Telegraph_.

Navy Department. _See_ Branch, John; Dickerson, Mahlon; Woodbury, Levi.

Negro colonization, use of public lands proceeds, 198, 199.

Nesselrode, Count, and _Globe_, 168.

New England, Jackson’s tour, 288-90.

_New Hampshire Patriot_, under Hill, 157;

in campaign of 1832, 243, 248, 249.

_See also_ Hill, Isaac.

New Jersey, and Van Buren, 182;

election (1834), 361.

New York, Anti-Masons in, 234;

coalition electoral ticket (1832), 236;

and Nullification, 263, 264;

election (1834), 361, 362;

and Democratic vice-presidential nomination (1835), 430, 431.

New York City, Jackson parade, 245;

Jackson in, 289;

Bank meeting, 316;

Bank harangues, 330;

Bank question in municipal election (1834), 354-56;

and French crisis, 407.

_New York Courier and Enquirer_, Van Buren organ,

and Jackson’s reëlection, 172;

attack on Bank, 203;

goes over to Bank, 208, 228;

and French crisis, 394.

_See also_ Webb, J. W.

_New York Evening Post_, and Bank, 239.

Newspapers, Washington correspondents, 16;

Senate’s rejection of nomination

of editors, 80;

Jackson and power, 81;

in campaign of 1828, 81;

establishment of Jackson organ, _Globe_, 158-61;

in Bank controversy, 207;

in campaign of 1832, 228, 242;

Bank controlled, 305;

in campaign of 1836, 451.

Nicholas, R. C., and Abolitionist petitions, 444 _n._

Niles, J. M., and expunging censure, 464.

_Niles’ Register_, on Bank and depression, 312, 341;

on Whigs, 357.

Noah, M. M., pre-inaugural conferences, 39;

rejection by Senate, career, 82;

reappointment, confirmation, 86;

and attack on Bank, 203.

Nullification, and Webster-Hayne debate, 97-99;

Jefferson’s Birthday dinner, Jackson’s Union toast, 100-03;

and reorganized Cabinet, 130;

Nullifiers and support of Clay (1832), 231-33;

denounced by Jacksonians, 233;

Jackson and anticipated, 252;

growth of South Carolina sentiment, 253;

Calhoun’s Exposition, 253;

Calhoun’s letter to Hamilton, 254;

Unionists, Poinsett as Jackson’s agent, 254, 255;

Jackson’s preparation to combat, 255;

Jackson’s desire for peaceful settlement, 256-58, 68;

annual message on, 257;

preparation of Jackson’s Proclamation, 257-59;

his intention to punish, 259, 269, 273, 277, 279;

character of Proclamation, 260, 263;

Webster’s attitude and speech, 260, 273-77;

Clay’s political play, 261, 264, 270, 280;

attitude of Virginia, Clay’s intrigue, Cass’s letter, 261-63;

Virginia commissioner to South Carolina, 262, 284;

Van Buren and attitude of New York, 263, 264;

South Carolina and Proclamation, 265;

Calhoun’s journey to Washington and senatorial oath, 266, 267;

Administration’s tariff bill, 267;

armed preparations, 268;

Jackson’s special message, reception, 268, 269;

Force Bill, 269;

Calhoun’s resolutions, 269;

debate in Senate, 270-72;

Calhoun’s speech, 274;

union of Jackson’s opponents, 277, 285;

origin of compromise tariff, 277-81;

compromise bill, Clayton’s amendments, 281-84;

passage of Force Bill, 282;

Ordinance rescinded, 284;

and origin of Whigs, 285;

Georgia and, 388.

Octagon House, 8 _n._

Offices. _See_ Civil service.

Ohio, in election of 1836, 431.

O’Neal, Margaret. _See_ Eaton, Mrs. J. H.

Opera, in Washington, 28.

Oregon, Jackson’s attitude, 390, 480.

Otis, H. G., on Clay’s tariff speech, 188;

denounces Abolitionists, 434.

Pageot, Alphonse, American marriage and Spoliation Claims, 398, 407, 409.

Parton, James, on Barry, 62.

Patent Office, visitors and, 8.

Patronage. _See_ Civil service.

Penn, Shadrach, attacks on, 147.

Pennsylvania, tariff and election of 1832, 185, 188;

and Bank as issue, 209;

election of 1834, 361.

Peyton, Balie, Whitney affair, 459;

and expunging censure, 470.

Philadelphia, Jackson in, 289;

Bank harangues, 330;

election riots, 363;

and French crisis, 407.

_Philadelphia Standard_, and Bank, 239.

Pinckney, William, peculation, dismissal, 75 _n._

_Pittsburgh Statesman_, in campaign of 1832, 247.

Pleasants, J. H., and Nullifiers and Clay, 232, 262.

Poindexter, George, on Blair, 164;

and Bank, 211 _n._, 217;

and Force Bill, 272, 276;

as leader of Opposition, 285;

public harangues on deposits, 330;

on Jackson’s Protest, 339;

defeat, 365;

and assassination conspiracy, 378, 379, 382;

career and character, relations with Jackson, 379-82;

on evils of patronage, 384.

Poinsett, J. R., and opposition to Nullification, 254, 255, 268, 269;

later career, 285, 473.

Political parties, beginning of basis in policies, 64, 65, 67.

Polk, J. K., and White, 128;

as Jacksonian leader, 177;

and Bank, 232;

in debate on deposits, 344, 345;

report on deposits, 348;

and White’s candidacy, 426;

Speakership contests, 429, 439.

Poore, B. P., on Washington morals, 19;

on Berrien, 60;

on Mrs. Eaton, 117;

on McDuffie, 192;

on Jackson and Calhoun, 279.

Porter, Alexander, and Abolitionist petitions, 444 _n._

Porter, P. B., and defeat (1828), 35.