_Occurrences in New Spain immediately subsequent to the reduction of
Mexico_.
As soon as Cortes had leisure to think of objects of internal regulation,
he gave orders to have the aqueduct restored by which the city of Mexico
was supplied with water, and to have the city cleared of the dead bodies
and repaired, so that it might be again habitable within two months. The
palaces and houses were ordered to be rebuilt, and a certain portion of
the city was allotted for the natives, while another part was reserved for
the residence of the Spaniards. Guatimotzin made application to our
general, in the name of many of his principal nobles, requesting that all
their women of rank who had been taken by our soldiers, might be restored
to their husbands and fathers. This was a matter of considerable
difficulty; yet the general allowed a search to be made, with an assurance
that all should be delivered up who were inclined to return. Every house
was accordingly searched; and though many were found, three only of the
whole number were inclined to return to their families; all the rest
expressed their abhorrence at the idolatry of their countrymen, besides
which, many of them declared that they were pregnant, and refused to quit
the soldiers to whom they were attached.
One of the first public works undertaken in Mexico was an arsenal for the
reception of our flotilla which had been of such signal service during the
siege. To the best of my remembrance, Alvarado was appointed alcalde, or
chief magistrate, till the arrival of Salazar de la Pedrada. It was
currently reported that Guatimotzin had thrown great quantities of gold,
silver, and jewels, into the lake four days before his capture, and it was
well known that our allies had got large plunder as well as our own men
who served in the brigantines, and many of us suspected that Cortes was
well pleased that Guatimotzin had concealed much treasure, as he expected
to procure the whole for himself. It was then proposed in the army, that
Guatimotzin and the prince of Tacuba, his most confidential counsellor,
should be put to the torture, to extort confession of where the treasure
was secreted; this horrid act was certainly greatly against the
inclination of Cortes, yet he was forced to leave the unfortunate king and
the lord of Tacuba at the disposal of those avaricious wretches, who
alleged that our general objected to this infernal measure that he might
secure the gold for himself. In answer to all interrogatories on the
subject of the treasure, the royal Mexican officers uniformly protested
that no more existed than what had been produced; which, when melted, did
not exceed the value of 380,000 crowns; so that, when the royal fifth and
that for Cortes were deducted, those of the conquerors who were not
friends to Cortes were exceedingly dissatisfied. All that could be
extorted by the inhuman procedure of torture from the king and prince was,
that they had thrown some treasure into the lake, together with the
muskets and other arms captured during our flight from Mexico in the
preceding year, four days before the surrender. The place indicated was
repeatedly searched to no purpose by our best divers; but a sun of solid
gold, similar to one we got from Montezuma, with many ornaments of small
value, were found in a deep pond near his residence. The prince of Tacuba
declared under the torture that he had buried some gold at a place about
four leagues from Tacuba; but when Alvarado and six soldiers accompanied
him there, of whom I was one, he declared he had no gold, and had only
said so in hope of dying on the road. In fact the treasury was reduced
very low before the accession of Guatimotzin. I and several other good
divers searched that part of the lake which had been indicated by
Guatimotzin, but we found only some small pieces of gold, which were
immediately claimed by Cortes and Alederete the treasurer; who likewise
sent down other persons in their own presence, but all they got did not
reach the value of ninety crowns. We were all miserably disappointed to
find our shares so small; insomuch that Olmedo and all the captains
proposed to Cortes to divide the whole which belonged to the army among
the wounded, the lame, the blind, and the sick, all who were sound
renouncing their claims. We were all curious to know what our shares
amounted to, and it at length appeared that the share of a horseman was
only an hundred crowns. I forget how much belonged to a foot soldier; but
it was so small that none of us would accept the paltry sum, more
especially the soldiers of Narvaez, who never liked Cortes.
Many of our soldiers had incurred heavy debts. A crossbow cost fifty
crowns, a musket a hundred, a horse eight hundred or a thousand, and every
thing else in proportion. Our surgeon, master Juan, and Doctor Murcia our
apothecary and barber, charged very high, and there were various other
sources of debt, all to be satisfied from our miserable dividends. These
required to be regulated; and accordingly Cortes appointed two respectable
persons, Santa Clara and Lerena, to arbitrate all claims, which were
ordered to be cleared off within two years according to their award. The
value also of the gold was debased, to serve us in our dealings with the
merchants from Spain and Cuba; but it had the opposite effect, as they
charged more than double the difference on their goods. On these abuses
being known at court, our emperor was pleased to prohibit the farther
currency of this base metal, ordering it to be all received in payment of
certain duties, and no more of it to be made; and as two goldsmiths were
detected for putting off base metal with the legal mark of good, they were
hanged for the fraud.
As the best way to rid himself of troublesome demands, Cortes resolved to
send off colonies to make settlements at convenient situations. Sandoval
was sent for this purpose to occupy Coatzacualco and Tzapotecapan, the
south-eastern provinces of the Mexican empire. Juan Velasquez to Colima,
and Villa Fuerte to Zacatollan, the most westerly provinces on the south
sea. Christoval de Oli to take possession of the kingdom of Michuacan, and
Francisca de Orozco to Guaxaca or Oaxaco. The native chiefs of the distant
provinces could hardly be brought to believe that Mexico was destroyed,
and sent deputations to ascertain the truth of the report, bearing large
presents of gold to Cortes, and submitting themselves as vassals to our
emperor. Many came in person to Mexico, and even brought their children to
see the fallen condition of that great power which they had once held in
such awe and terror, expressing themselves in their own language, as who
should say, _Here stood Troy_. My readers may be curious to know how we,
the conquerors of Mexico, after encountering so many fatigues and dangers
to gain possession of that city, should now so readily abandon it in
search of new settlements. To this I answer: The books containing the
record of the Mexican revenues were examined to find whence Montezmna had
obtained the valuable articles of tribute, such as gold, cocoa, and cotton,
and we all wished to remove to these productive districts. Some especially
were led by the example of Sandoval, who was known to be the particular
friend of Cortes, and who would not, as they thought, be sent upon an
unprofitable errand. We all knew that the vicinity of Mexico had neither
mines, plantations, nor manufactures, being entirely occupied in the
cultivation of maize and _maguey_, which did not afford sufficient
prospects of advantage, and we anxiously removed therefore to other places,
where we were miserably disappointed. I among others, went to Cortes and
asked permission to accompany Sandoval to his government: "Brother Diaz,"
said he, "you had better stay with me: If you are resolved to accompany
your friend Sandoval, you may certainly go; but on my conscience you will
repent." All the gold got into the hands of the royal officers, as the
slaves were purchased by the soldiers at a public sale. The various
detachments were sent out at different periods to occupy the provinces,
but all within two months after the reduction of Mexico.
At this time, Christoval de Tapia, _veedor_ of Hispaniola, arrived at
Villa Rica with a commission to assume the government of New Spain, by
order of the emperor and under the direction of the bishop of Burgos. He
likewise brought letters from the bishop to Cortes and many persons in the
army, recommending him to be received with honour as governor, promising
great rewards to all who should assist him in assuming the government,
with severe threats of punishing all who opposed him: besides these sealed
letters, he had many others which he was authorised to address as he saw
occasion. Tapia in the first place presented his commission to Alvarado,
who now commanded at Villa Rica, who received it with the highest respect,
saying that it did not belong to him to decide on so important a subject,
and it would be proper, therefore, to assemble the alcaldes and regidors
of the settlement, that the commission might be verified in their presence,
and that it might be certainly known it came regularly from his majesty.
This did not exactly suit the views of Tapia, who was advised to proceed
to Mexico, and to produce his commission to the general; he therefore
forwarded to Cortes the letter of the bishop, and wrote to him on the
subject of his mission to New Spain, using smooth and persuasive terms,
and Cortes was by no means behind hand in the civility of his reply.
Cortes, however, sent off expresses to some of his most confidential
officers whom he had previously detached to settle colonies, ordering them
to go to meet Tapia, who had already begun his journey to Mexico, and was
met with on the road by Alvarado, Sandoval, Valdenegro, Andres de Tapia,
and Father Olmedo, all persons in the confidence of Cortes, by whom
Christoval de Tapia was persuaded to go back to Chempoalla, and to produce
his commission to them. Having examined it and finding it genuine, they
placed it on their heads in token of respect and submission to the will of
the emperor, yet hesitated as to acknowledging Tapia for governor,
alleging that it was necessary in the first place to be assured of his
majestys pleasure in the present state of New Spain, which had been
concealed from his knowledge by the bishop of Burgos, to serve his own
private views and to favour Tapia and Velasquez, one of whom it was
alleged was to marry his niece. Tapia saw evidently that it would be no
easy matter to enter upon his office of governor, and fell sick with
vexation. The before-mentioned deputies informed Cortes by letter of all
that had passed, and advised him to try the all-powerful influence of gold
on the would-be governor. Cortes complied with this advice, and
transmitted a good quantity of golden ingots by return of the express, by
means of which his friends gratified the avarice of Tapia, under pretence
of purchasing one of his ships, with some horses and negroes; and Tapia
set sail in his other vessel for Hispaniola, where he was very ill
received by the royal audience and the Jeronymite brotherhood, as he had
undertaken this business contrary to their express orders.
I have formerly mentioned some particulars of an unsuccessful expedition
set on foot by Garray, the governor of Jamaica, for the establishment of a
colony on the river of Panuco; and as Cortes was informed that Garray
intended to resume that project, he resolved to anticipate him,
considering the country on that river as included in New Spain. Having
likewise been informed that Narvaez, who still continued a prisoner at
Villa Rica, had held some confidential intercourse with Tapia, in which he
advised him to quit the country as soon as possible, and to lay a
statement of the whole before his patron the bishop of Burgos; Cortes
sent orders to Rangel, now commandant at Villa Rica, to send up Narvaez to
Cojohuacan, where Cortes resided until the palace he meant to inhabit at
Mexico was completed. On appearing before Cortes, Narvaez fell on his
knees and endeavoured to kiss his hand; but Cortes raised and embraced him,
and treated him with the utmost kindness. His residence in Mexico being
ready for his reception, Cortes went to live there in great splendour,
marking out a plan for the restoration of the city, in which ample
allotments were made for churches, monasteries, and public buildings, with
squares and markets, all the rest of the ground being set apart for the
private inhabitants; and both so speedily and splendidly was this capital
restored, that all who have seen it allow there is not in Christendom a
larger, better built, or more populous city. While thus employed,
intelligence was brought to Cortes that the province of Panuco was in arms,
and had killed many of the soldiers whom he had sent to make a settlement
at that place. He resolved, therefore, to proceed to Panuco in person, as
all his most confidential officers were now absent on different duties.
By this time our strength had been considerably augmented, both by means
of those formerly mentioned who had been on the expedition to Florida
under Aillon, and by several who had come over along with Tapia, and by
the arrival of many adventurers from the islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, and
Jamaica. De Oli, likewise, had now returned from Mechoacan, which he had
reduced to submission, bringing with him the principal cacique of that
country and several other chiefs, with a considerable quantity of gold.
Cortes therefore left a respectable garrison in Mexico, under Diego de
Soto, and set out on his march for Panuco[1] with 130 cavalry, 250
infantry, and 10,000 Mexican warriors. As this expedition was very
expensive, Cortes, wished the charge to be defrayed from the royal funds,
but the officers of the treasury refused, under the pretext that it had
been undertaken from motives of private interest, to prevent Garray from
establishing a colony in that place, and not for the public service. The
Panuchese, otherwise called the Guastecas and Naguaticas, were numerous
and warlike, and had collected a force of above 70,000 warriors, with
which they fought two battles against Cortes in the course of a few days,
in which three Spaniards, four horses, and above a hundred Mexicans were
slain; but we obtained the victory in both actions, with such slaughter
of the rebels, as deprived them of all inclination to renew the war for
the present. By means of Father Olmedo and some prisoners, the Panuchese
were now induced to submit. Cortes in the next place proceeded with half
his army across the river Chila, to reduce the natives who had murdered
the messengers whom he sent to require their submission. On crossing the
river, the enemy fell upon our troops with great fury, but were soon
defeated, and our people advanced to a town in which they found abundance
of provisions. Some of our soldiers, on going into a temple next morning,
found the remains of some of our men, and even recognized their features,
a melancholy sight to us all; but we carefully collected and buried their
remains. From this place our detachment marched to another, where the
enemy concealed some of their troops among houses, intending to fall upon
our men when the cavalry had dismounted; but as their plan was discovered
it failed of success, yet they fought valiantly for half an hour, even
rallying three times, contrary to the usual custom of the Indians, and
three of our soldiers were so badly wounded that they afterwards died. On
the ensuing day, our soldiers scoured the country, and in some deserted
towns they found a number of earthen vessels filled with a species of wine
in underground cellars. After having marched for five days through the
country in various directions, the detachment returned to the river Chila,
and Cortes again summoned the the country to submission. They promised to
send a deputation for that purpose in four days, for which Cortes waited,
but to no purpose; he therefore sent a large body of Mexicans, during a
dark rainy night, across a lake to attack one of their largest towns,
which was entirely destroyed; after which most of the country submitted,
and Cortes established a town of 130 houses about a league from the river
of Chila, which he named Estevan del Puerto, leaving 63 Spanish soldiers
to keep the country under subjection, and giving the command of all the
neighbouring country to Pedro Valego. Before leaving this country, Cortes
was informed of three districts, which had now submitted, the inhabitants
of which had been very active in the murder of the Spaniards at Panuco on
the former occasion, and who had entered into a resolution to fall upon
the new settlement as soon as he quitted the country. He marched therefore
against them, and destroyed their towns, which they re-established soon
after his departure. In consequence of the loss of a vessel which Cortes
had ordered to bring provisions from Villa Rica, this new settlement was
reduced to much distress. The inhabitants of this province of Panuco were
the most barbarous of all the tribes in New Spain, being cruel to excess,
exceedingly addicted to human sacrifices, drunken, filthy, and wicked
beyond belief. They frequently rebelled, and were as often punished in a
most exemplary manner; but all would not reduce them under good government:
But when Nunez de Guzman became governor of New Spain, he reduced the
whole nation to slavery, and sold them among the different Islands of the
West Indies.
On his return towards Mexico, Cortes received complaints of various
depredations having been committed by the inhabitants of the neighbouring
mountains on the peaceable districts of New Spain[2], He determined
therefore to chastise these lawless tribes while on his way; but they
anticipated him, by assaulting his rear in a difficult pass of the
mountains, where they got possession of a considerable portion of the
baggage. But our Mexican allies severely revenged this insult, and made
prisoners of two of the principal hostile chiefs who were both hanged.
After this victory, Cortes suspended hostilities, and having summoned the
people to appear before him, they came in and submitted, on which Cortes
appointed the brother of the cacique who had been put to death to the
vacant government. About this time Alonza de Avila, who was formerly
mentioned, returned with full powers from the royal audience and the
Jeronymite brotherhood, to continue our conquests, to make settlements of
land and colonies according to the established rules in Hispaniola and
Cuba, and to brand slaves: And he brought notice that these tribunals had
transmitted a report of the steps they had now taken to the government in
Spain, whence it was transmitted to the emperor, then in Flanders. If
Avila had been in New Spain at the arrival of Tapia, he might have proved
troublesome, as he was entirely devoted to the Bishop of Burgos, having
been bred up in his house. On this account, and by the advice of Olmedo,
Cortes gave him the command of the district of Guatitlan, one of the most
profitable in New Spain, and also made him a considerable present of gold,
and many flattering words and promises by which he gained him over
entirely to his interest, insomuch that he sent him soon afterwards into
Spain as his agent, carrying a large quantity of gold, pearls, and jewels
to the emperor, together with several gigantic human bones that were found
in a temple at Cojohuacan, similar to those which had been formerly sent
from Tlascala, as already mentioned[3]. Besides these things, he carried
over three Mexican tigers, and many other curious things which I do not
now remember. One part of the business of this agency, was to carry a
memorial from the _cabildo_ of Mexico, and from us the conquerors of New
Spain, soliciting to be supplied with bishops and clergy of holy life and
exemplary manners, and requesting that all offices of honour and emolument
might be conferred on us who had conquered this vast empire for our
sovereign, and that the supreme government might be confided to our
general Cortes. We requested that his majesty might be pleased to prohibit
any lawyers from coming among us, who would throw us into confusion with
their learned quibbles; and we farther represented the insufficient
commission of Christoval de Tapia, who had been sent out by the Bishop of
Burgos, merely for the purpose of effectuating a marriage between him and
the bishops niece. We deprecated the interference of the bishop in the
affairs of New Spain, which had already obstructed our efforts of conquest
in the service of his majesty, and had manifested great enmity against us
by prohibiting the Casa de Contratation of Seville from sending us any
supplies. We concluded by declaring ourselves ready to receive his
majesties commands with the most perfect submission and obedience, but that
we had deemed it our bounden duty to lay all these particulars before his
majesty, which had hitherto been artfully kept from his knowledge. On his
part, Cortes sent a memorial to the king of twenty-one pages long, in
which he left no argument unemployed to serve his own and our interest. He
even requested permission to go over to the island of Cuba, and to send
the governor Velasquez a prisoner to Spain, that he might be tried and
punished for the injuries he had done to the public service, and
especially for having sent an order to put Cortes to death.
Our agents sailed from Vera Cruz on the 20th December 1522, and no
particular occurrence happened on the voyage to the Terceras or Açores,
except that one of the tigers broke loose and wounded some of the sailors,
who were likewise obliged to kill the other on account of its ferocity. At
the island of Tercera, Captain Quinones lost his life in a duel,
occasioned by a quarrel about a lady, by which means our business was left
in the hands of Alonzo de Avila. In continuing his voyage to Europe, he
was taken by a French privateer, commanded by one Jean Florin, who took
another ship from Hispaniola with a valuable cargo of sugar and hides, and
20,000 crowns in gold, and many pearls; so that with this and our treasure
he returned very rich to France, where he made magnificent presents to the
king and admiral of France, astonishing every body at the magnificence of
the presents which we had transmitted for our emperor. The king of France
observed on this occasion, that the wealth which we supplied from New
Spain was alone sufficient to enable our sovereign to wage war against him,
although Peru was not then discovered. It was also reported that the king
of France sent a message to our emperor, saying, That as he and the king
of Portugal had divided the world between them, he desired to see the will
of our father Adam, to know if he had made them exclusively his heirs. In
his next expedition, Florin was made prisoner by a strong squadron
belonging to Biscay, and was hanged in the island of Teneriffe.
Avila was made a close prisoner in France, but by gaining the friendship
of the officer to whose custody he had been confided, he was enabled to
correspond with his friends in Spain, to whom he transmitted all the
documents with which he had been entrusted, which were all laid before the
emperor Don Carlos by Martin Cortes, our generals father, and Diego de
Ordas, by means of the licentiate Nunez, _relator_ of the royal council,
who was cousin to Cortes. The emperor was pleased, on due consideration of
these documents, to order that all favour should be shewn to our general,
and that the proceedings respecting the government of New Spain should be
suspended until his majesty returned into Spain.
We were much disappointed on receiving intelligence of the loss of our
treasure, and the detention of our agent in France; yet Cortes honourably
reserved the district of Guatitlan for Avila, notwithstanding his
captivity, and gave it three years afterwards to a brother of Alonzo de
Avila, who was then promoted to be _contador_ of Yucutan.
[1] The province here named Panuco, is situated on the coast of the gulf
of Mexico, at the mouth of a considerable river which drains the
superfluous waters of the Mexican vale, named at first Rio del Desague,
then Rio de Tula, and Rio Tampico at its mouth, in about lat. 22° 15'
N. The Modern town of Panuco is about 200 miles almost due north from
Mexico.--E.
[2] These were probably the Chichimecas and Otomies, who inhabited to the
north-west of the Mexican empire.--E.
[3] From these slight notices, nothing certain can be gathered respecting
these large bones: Yet there is every reason to believe they must have
been of the same kind with those now familiar to the learned world,
under the name of _Mammoth_. The vale of Mexico has every indication
of having once been an immense inland lake, and the other _big bones_
of North America have all been found in places of a similar
description. The greatest deposit of these hitherto known, is at a
place called _big-bone-swamp_, near the Mississippi, in the modern
state of Kentucky.--E.