_Occurrences from the Battle of Otumba till the march of Cortes to besiege
Mexico_.
Immediately after the victory, we resumed our march for Tlascala, cheered
by our success, and subsisted on a kind of gourds, called _ayotes_, which
we found in the country through which we passed. We halted for the night
in a strong temple, being occasionally alarmed by detached parties of the
Mexicans, who still kept hovering about us, as if determined to see us
out of their country. From this place we were rejoiced at seeing the
mountains of Tlascala, being anxious to ascertain the fidelity of these
allies, and to hear news from our friends at Villa Rica. Cortes warned us
to be exceedingly cautious of giving any offence to the Tlascalans, and
particularly enforced this advice on the soldiers of Narvaez, who were
less accustomed to discipline. He said that he hoped to find our allies
steady in their attachment; but if they should have changed in consequence
of our misfortunes, although we were now only 440 strong, all wounded and
ill armed, we still possessed vigorous bodies and firm minds to carry us
through, if necessary, to the coast. We now arrived at a fountain on the
side of a hill, where we came to a rampart built in ancient times as a
boundary between the state of Tlascala and the dominions of Mexico. We
halted here, and then proceeded to a town called Gualiopar, or Huejotlipan,
where we halted one day, and procured some food for which we were obliged
to pay. Immediately on our arrival being announced at Tlascala, our
friends Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl, Chichimecatl, the chief of Huexatcinco,
and others, came to wait upon Cortes, whom they embraced, yet kindly
blamed him for having neglected their advice to distrust the treachery of
the Mexicans. They wept for the losses we had sustained, yet rejoiced at
our escape, and praised our valiant actions; assuring us that they were
assembling 30,000 of their warriors to have joined us at Obtumba. They
were rejoiced to see Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, and lamented the loss
of the other ladies. Maxicatzin in particular bewailed the fate which had
befallen his daughter and Velasquez de Leon, to whom he had given her.
They invited us to their city, where we were kindly received, and where we
reposed in peace and safety after our many and severe hardships. Cortes
lodged in the house of Maxicatzin, Alvarado in that of Xicotencatl, and
the other officers were distributed among the houses of the nobles, all
the soldiers being likewise supplied with comfortable quarters and
abundant food. Here in the midst of our friends, we recovered from our
wounds and fatigues, all except four who died.
Soon after our arrival, Cortes made inquiry after certain gold to the
value of 40,000 crowns, the share belonging to the garrison of Villa Rica,
which had been sent here from Mexico; and was informed by the Tlascalan
chiefs, and by a Spanish invalid left here when on our march to Mexico,
that the persons who had been sent for it from Villa Rica had been robbed
and murdered on the road, at the time we were engaged in hostilities with
the Mexicans. Letters were sent to Villa Rica, giving an account of all
the disastrous events which had befallen us, and desiring an immediate
supply of all the arms and ammunition that could be spared, and to send us
a strong reinforcement. By the return of the messengers, we were informed
that all was well at Villa Rica and the neighbourhood, and that the
reinforcement should be immediately sent. It accordingly arrived soon
after, consisting in all of _seven_ men, three of whom were sailors, and
all of them were invalids. They were commanded by a soldier named Lencero,
who afterwards kept an inn still known by his name; and for a long while
afterwards, _a Lencero reinforcement_ was a proverbial saying among us. We
were involved in some trouble by the younger Xicotencatl, who had
commanded the Tlascalan army against us on our first arrival in their
country. This ambitious chieftain, anxious to be revenged upon us for the
disgrace he had formerly sustained, on hearing of our misfortunes and our
intended march to Tlascala, conceived a project for surprising us on our
march and putting us all to death. For this purpose, he assembled many of
his relations, friends, and adherents, to whom he shewed how easily we
might all be destroyed, and was very active in forming a party and
collecting an army for this purpose. Although severely reproached by his
father for this treacherous design, he persevered in his plan; but the
intrigue was discovered by Chichimecatl, his determined enemy, who
immediately communicated the intelligence to the council of Tlascala,
before whom Xicotencatl was brought prisoner to answer for his treacherous
intentions. Maxicatzin made a long speech in our favour, representing the
prosperity which their state had enjoyed ever since our arrival, by
freeing them from the depredations of their Mexican enemies, and enabling
them to procure salt from which they had been long debarred. He then
reprobated the proposed treachery of the younger Xicotencatl, against men
who certainly were those concerning whom the prophecy had been handed down
by their ancestors. In reply to this, and to a discourse from his father
to the same purpose, the young man used such violent and disrespectful
language, that he was seized and thrown down the steps of the council-hall
into the street, with such violence that he narrowly escaped with his life.
Such was the faithful conduct of our Tlascalan allies, and Cortes did not
think it prudent to push the matter any farther in our present ticklish
situation.
After remaining twenty two days in Tlascala, Cortes resolved upon
attacking the adjoining provinces of Tepejacac and Zacatula, on account of
some murders the inhabitant of these districts had committed on the
Spaniards; but the soldiers of Narvaez were decidedly averse from entering
into any new war, as the slaughter of Mexico and the battle of Obtumba
made them anxious to renounce Cortes and his conquests, and to return as
soon as possible to their houses and mines in Cuba. Beyond all the rest,
Andres Duero was heartily sick of his junction with Cortes, regretting the
gold he had been forced to leave in the ditches of Mexico. These men,
finding that words were of no avail to persuade Cortes to relinquish his
plans of conquest, made a formal remonstrance in writing, stating the
insufficiency of our force, and demanding leave to return to Cuba. Cortes
urged every reason he could think of to induce them to concur in his
schemes; and we who were his own soldiers, requested him on no account to
permit any one to depart, but that all should remain to serve the cause of
God and the king. The malcontents were forced reluctantly to acquiesce,
murmuring against Cortes and his expeditions, and us who supported him,
who, they said, had nothing but our lives to lose[1]. We now, therefore,
set out on an expedition to chastise these districts, without artillery or
fire-arms of any kind, all of which had been left in the Mexican canals.
Our force consisted of 16 cavalry, 424 of our own infantry, mostly armed
with swords and targets, and about 4000 Tlascalans. We halted at about
three leagues from Tepejacac, but the inhabitants had deserted their
houses on our approach. Having got some prisoners during the march, Cortes
sent them to the chiefs with a message, intimating that he came to demand
justice for the murder of eighteen Spaniards in their territories, and for
their admitting Mexican troops into their country; and threatening them
with fire and sword if they did not immediately submit to his authority.
By our messengers and two Mexicans, they sent back a message, ordering us
to return immediately, or they would put us all to death, and feast upon
our bodies. Upon this it was determined in a council of the officers, that
a full statement of all that had passed, should be drawn up by a royal
notary, denouncing slavery on the Mexicans or their allies who had killed
any Spanish subjects, after having submitted to the authority of the king.
When this was drawn up and authenticated, we sent once more to require
their submission, giving notice of the inevitable consequences of their
disobedience. But they returned an answer like the former. Both sides
being prepared for battle, we came to action with them next day; and as
the enemy were drawn up in open fields of maize, our cavalry soon put the
enemy to flight with considerable loss, though they made an obstinate
resistance. In this battle our Tlascalan allies fought bravely; and, in
the pursuit, we took a good many prisoners, all of whom were made slaves
of. After this victory, the natives sued for peace, and we marched to the
town of Tepejacac to receive their submission; and finding it an eligible
situation, being in a fertile district, and on the road to Villa Rica,
Cortes founded a colony in the place, naming it _Segura de la Frontera._
Municipal officers were appointed, and a branding-iron for marking those
natives who were taken and reduced to slavery. We made excursions from
this place through the surrounding district, and to the towns of Cachula,
Tecamechalco, Guayavas, and some others, taking many prisoners, who were
immediately branded for slaves; and in about six weeks we reduced the
people to order and obedience.
At this time Cortes was informed from Villa Rica, that a vessel had
arrived there commanded by Pedro Barba, his intimate friend, who had been
lieutenant to Velasquez at the Havanna, and had now brought over thirteen
soldiers and two horses; as also letters from Velasquez to Narvaez,
ordering to send Cortes, if alive, to Cuba, that he might be sent to
Castile, such being the orders of the bishop of Burgos. On the arrival of
Barba in the harbour, the admiral appointed by Cortes went on board in a
boat well armed, but with the arms concealed. When on board, the admiral
saluted Barba, inquiring after the health of Velasquez, and the others
inquired for Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. They were told that
Narvaez was in possession of the country, and had acquired great riches,
while Cortes was a fugitive, wandering about with only twenty followers.
They then invited Barba and the rest on shore; but the moment they entered
the boats, they were ordered to surrender themselves prisoners to Cortes.
The ship was dismantled, and the captain and crew, together with Barba and
his men, sent up to us at Tepejacac, to our great satisfaction; for though
we did not now suffer much in the field, we were very unhealthy from
continual fatigue, five of our men having died of pleurisies of late.
Francisco Lopez, afterwards regidor of Guatimala, came along with this
party. Barba was kindly received by Cortes, whom he informed that another
small vessel might be expected with provisions in about a week. It came
accordingly, having on board Roderigo de Lobera, with eight soldiers and a
horse. These were circumvented like the others, and sent up to us, by
which we were much pleased to procure an accession to our small force.
About this period, Cuitlahuitzin, who had been elected sovereign of Mexico
in place of his brother Montezuma, died of the small-pox, and
Quauhtemotzin, or Gautimotzin, was chosen in his stead, a young man of
twenty-five years of age, of fine appearance, exceedingly brave, and so
terrible to his subjects that every one trembled at his sight. On
receiving notice of the reduction of Tepejacac, he became apprehensive of
losing his other provinces, yet neglected no precautions to preserve the
chiefs in their obedience, and sent considerable bodies of troops to the
provinces nearest to where we were, to watch our motions. But these
Mexican troops injured the cause they were sent to support, becoming very
disorderly, plundering and maltreating the people whom they were sent to
defend, or to keep under subjection. Provoked by these injuries, the
ruling people of these provinces deputed four chiefs to negociate with
Cortes, offering to submit to him, provided he would expel the Mexicans.
Cortes immediately acceded to this proposal, and detached all the cavalry
and crossbow-men of our army under De Oli, with as many of our other
infantry as made up a force of 300 men, to which a considerable number of
Tlascalan allies were joined. While our people were on their march, they
received such formidable accounts of the number and force of the enemy, as
entirely deprived the soldiers of Narvaez of all inclination for military
expeditions. They mutinied, and told De Oli that, if he were determined to
persevere, he might go alone, for they were resolved to quit him. De Oli
remonstrated with them in vain, though supported by all the old soldiers
of Cortes, and was compelled to halt at Cholula, whence he sent word to
Cortes of his situation. Cortes returned an angry answer, ordering him to
advance at all events. De Oli was now in a violent rage at those who had
occasioned this reprimand from the general, and ordered the whole to march
immediately, declaring he would send back all who hesitated, to be treated
by Cortes as their cowardice deserved. On his arrival within a league of
Guacacualco, he was met by some of the native chiefs, who informed him how
he might best come upon the enemy. He accordingly marched against the
Mexican forces, whom he completely defeated and put to flight, after a
sharp action, in which eight of our men were wounded, and two horses
killed. Our allies made a great slaughter of the Mexicans during the
pursuit. The Mexicans fell back to a large town called Ozucar, where they
joined another great body of their countrymen, who fortified themselves in
that post, and broke down the bridges. De Oli pursued with as many of his
troops as could keep up with him; and having passed the river by the
assistance of his friends of Guacacualco, he again attacked the Mexicans,
whom he again defeated and dispersed, losing two more of his horses. He
received two wounds himself on this occasion, and his horse was wounded in
several places. He halted two days after his double victory, receiving the
submission of all the neighbouring chiefs, after which he returned with
his troops to Segura de la Frontera. De Oli was received with applause by
Cortes and all of us; and when we laughed at him for the hesitation of his
men, he joined with us heartily, saying he would take the poor soldiers of
Cortes on the next expedition, and not the rich planters who came with
Narvaez, who thought more of their houses and estates than of military
glory, and were more ready to command than to obey.
Cortes now got information from Villa Rica of the arrival of a ship
commanded by one Comargo, having upwards of seventy soldiers on board, all
very sickly. This vessel had belonged to an expedition sent from Jamaica
by Garray to establish a colony at Panuco; the other captain, Pineda, and
all his soldiers, having been put to death by the natives, and their ship
burnt. On finding, therefore, the ill success of that adventure, and that
his men were afflicted with diseases of the liver from the unhealthy
nature of the country, Camargo had come to Villa Rica for assistance. He
is said to have been perfectly acquainted with the state of affairs in New
Spain; and, on his arrival at Villa Rica, he immediately disembarked his
soldiers, and went to Segura de la Frontera by slow marches, where he and
his men were received with the utmost kindness by Cortes, and every
possible care was bestowed for his and their recovery; but he and several
of his soldiers soon died. By reason of their swollen bodies and
discoloured countenances, we used to call these men _the green paunches_.
That I may not interrupt the thread of my narrative, I shall mention in
this place, that all the rest of this armament which was destined for
Panuco, arrived at our port of Villa Rica at different and irregular
periods, Garray continually sending us reinforcements, which he meant for
Panuco, as he believed his intended colony at that place was going on
successfully. The first of these reinforcements after Camargo consisted of
fifty soldiers with seven horses, under the command of Michael Diaz de Auz.
These men were all plump and jolly, and we gave them the nickname of the
_Sir-loins_. Shortly after him another vessel brought forty soldiers with
ten horses, and a good supply of crossbows and other arms. These were
commanded by an officer named Ramirez, and as all his soldiers wore very
thick and clumsy cotton armour, quite impenetrable by arrows, we called
them the _Pack-horses_.
Being thus unexpectedly reinforced by upwards of an hundred and fifty men,
and twenty horses, Cortes determined to chastise the Indians of Xalatcingo,
Cacatame, and other towns near the road to Villa Rica, who had been
concerned in the murder of those Spaniards who had been sent from Villa
Rica for the treasure. For this purpose he sent a detachment of two
hundred veterans, among whom were twenty horsemen, and twelve armed with
crossbows, under the command of Sandoval, who had likewise along with him
a strong detachment of Tlascalans. Being informed that the Indians of that
district were in arms, and reinforced by Mexican troops, Sandoval sent a
message, offering pardon for the murder of the Spaniards, if they would
submit to our government, and return the treasure. Their answer was, that
they would eat him and all his men, as they had done the others. Sandoval,
therefore, immediately marched into their country, and attacked them in
two places at once, and though both the natives and the Mexicans defended
themselves with great bravery, they were soon defeated with considerable
loss. On going into some of their temples after the victory, our people
found Spanish cloths, arms, saddles, and bridles, hung up as offerings to
their gods. The inhabitants of this district submitted themselves to his
majesties government, but were unable to return the treasure, as it had
been sent to Mexico. Sandoval remained three days in this district
receiving the submission of the inhabitants, whom he referred to Cortes
for their pardon, and then returned to head-quarters, carrying a number of
women and boys along with him, who were all branded as slaves. I was not
on this expedition, being ill of a fever, attended with a vomiting of
blood; but, being bled plentifully, I recovered by the blessing of God. In
pursuance of orders from Sandoval, the chiefs of these tribes and of many
others in the neighbourhood, came to Cortes and submitted themselves to
his authority. Sandoval was sent in the next place to chastise the
inhabitants of a district called Xocotlan, who had murdered nine Spaniards,
having with him an hundred infantry, thirty cavalry, and a strong body of
Tlascalans. On entering the district, he summoned the people to submission
under the usual threats; but, as they had a considerable body of Mexican
forces to aid them, they returned for answer, that they would acknowledge
no other government than that of Mexico. Sandoval, therefore, put his
troops in motion, cautioning the allies not to advance to the attack till
the enemy were broken by our troops, and then to fall upon the Mexicans
especially. Two large bodies of the enemy were found posted in strong and
rocky ground, very difficult for our cavalry, insomuch, that before
Sandoval could drive them from this post, one of his horses was killed,
and nine wounded, as likewise were four of his soldiers. They were at
length driven from this post into the town of Xocotlan, where they took
post in the temples and some large walled courts; but were dislodged from
these and put to flight with great slaughter, our Tlascalan allies giving
good assistance, as they were incited by the hopes of abundant plunder.
Sandoval halted two days in this place, to receive the submission of the
chiefs, who begged pardon for what had passed, promising future obedience,
and to supply us plentifully with provisions. On being ordered to restore
the effects of the Spaniards whom they had slain, they replied that every
thing of that kind had been burnt. They said, likewise that most of the
Spaniards whom they had slain were eaten by them, except five, whom they
sent to Guatimotzin[2].
These expeditions were productive of the best effects, as they extended
the fame of Cortes and the Spaniards through the whole country for valour
and clemency; and our general became more dreaded and respected than
Guatimotzin, the new sovereign of Mexico, insomuch that his authority was
resorted to on all occasions of importance. The small-pox at this time
committed dreadful ravages in New Spain, cutting off vast numbers of the
natives, and among the rest, many of the chiefs and princes of the country
became victims to this dreadful calamity. On these occasions, the
claimants for succession to the vacant chiefships resorted to Cortes, as
sovereign of the country, for his decision, which they uniformly submitted
to. Among the rest, the lordship of Guacacualco and Ozucar became vacant,
and the various claimants submitted their claims to the decision of Cortes,
who decided in favour of a nephew of the late Montezuma, whose sister had
been married to the former cacique of the district.
All the country around Tlascala and to the eastwards being now reduced to
subjection, an order was issued to bring all the prisoners to a large
house in the town of Segura, that the fifths belonging to the king and
Cortes might be deducted, and the rest divided among the troops. The
prisoners consisted of women, boys, and girls, as the men were found too
difficult to keep, and our Tlascalan friends performed every service for
us that we could desire, such as carrying our baggage, ammunition, and
provisions, and all other drudgery. The prisoners were confined all night,
and the repartition took place next morning. In the first place the king's
fifth was set aside, and then that which belonged to Cortes; but when the
shares of the soldiers came to be distributed, there remained only a
parcel of old miserable jades, and it was found that some person had been
in the depot during the night, who had taken away all the young and
handsome women. This occasioned much clamour among the soldiers, who
accused Cortes of injustice, and the soldiers of Narvaez swore no such
thing had ever been heard of in the Spanish dominions as two kings and two
fifths. One Juan de Quexo was very loud in his complaints on this occasion,
declaring that he would make it known in Spain how we had been abused by
Cortes, more especially in regard to the gold at Mexico, where only the
value of 300,000 crowns appeared at the division, whereas 700,000 crowns
worth were produced at the time of our flight. Many of the soldiers loudly
complained of having their women taken from them, after they had given
them clothes and ornaments, saying they had only expected to have paid the
fifth of their values to the king, and then that each would have got back
his own. Cortes protested that better regulations should he adopted in
future, and got the affair hushed up with smooth words and fair promises;
yet he soon attempted even worse than this. It may be remembered, that, on
the fatal night of our retreat from Mexico, all the treasure was produced,
and every soldier was allowed to take as much as he pleased. On this
occasion, many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some of our own, loaded
themselves with gold. Cortes now learned that a quantity of gold in bars
was in circulation among the troops at La Frontera, who were much engaged
in deep play, and forgot the old adage, that riches and amours should be
concealed. He now issued an order for all the gold to be delivered within
a given time, under severe penalties for disobedience, and promised to
return back a third part to all who delivered their gold, but that all
should be forfeited in case of failure or evasion. Many of the soldiers
refused obedience to this arbitrary order, and from some Cortes took their
gold by way of loan, yet rather by force than with their consent. Many of
our captains, and those who had civil offices in the colony, were
possessed of gold, and at length Cortes was glad to quash the order and
say no more about the matter.
The officers who had come with Narvaez thought the present interval of
tranquillity was a favourable opportunity to renew their solicitations for
leave to return to Cuba, to which Cortes at length consented, and gave
them one of the best ships in the harbour, which was victualled with
salted dogs, fowls, maize, and other provisions of the country. By this
ship, Cortes sent letters to his wife Donna Catalina and her brother Juan
Suarez, giving them an account of all that had happened in New Spain, and
sent them some bars of gold and Mexican curiosities. The following were
among the persons who now returned to Cuba, having their pockets well
lined after all our disasters. Andres de Duero, Augustin Bermudez, Juan
Buono, Bernardino de Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, Gonsalo Carrasco, who
afterwards returned to New Spain, and lives now in La Puebla, Melchior
Velasquez, one Ximenes, who now lives in Guaxaca, and went over at this
time for his sons, the commendator Leon de Cervantes, who went to bring
over his daughters, who were very honourably married after the conquest of
Mexico; one Maldonado of Medelin, an invalid, a person named Vargas, and
Cardinas the pilot, he who talked about the two kings, to whom Cortes gave
the three hundred crowns he had formerly promised for his wife and
daughters. We remonstrated with Cortes for allowing so many persons to
quit the army, considering how weak we were already, on which he observed,
that he did it partly to get rid of their importunities, and partly
because they were unfit for war, and it was better to have a few good
soldiers than many bad ones. Alvarado was sent to see these men safely
shipped off, and he sent at this time Diego de Ordas and Alonzo de Mendoza
to Spain, with instructions of which we were ignorant, except that they
were meant to counteract the malice of the bishop of Burgos, who had
declared us all traitors. De Ordas executed his commission to good purpose,
and got the order of St Jago for himself, and the volcano of Popocatepetl
added to his arms. Cortes sent also Alonzo de Avila, contador of New Spain,
and Francisco Alvarez, to Hispaniola, to make a report to the court of
royal audience, and the brothers of the order of Jeronymites, of all that
had taken place, particularly in regard to Narvaez, and supplicating them
to represent our faithful services to the emperor, and to support our
interests against the enmity and misrepresentations of Velasquez and the
bishop of Burgos. He sent likewise De Solis to Jamaica to purchase horses.
It may be asked how Cortes was able to send agents to Spain, Hispaniola,
and Jamaica, without money. But, although many of our soldiers were slain
in our flight from Mexico, and much treasure lost in the ditches and
canals of Mexico, yet a considerable quantity of gold was saved, as the
eighty loaded Tlascalans were among the first who passed the bridge, and
afterwards delivered all their gold to Cortes[3]. But we poor soldiers had
enough ado to preserve our lives, all badly wounded, and did not trouble
ourselves to inquire what became of the gold, or how much was brought off.
It was even rumoured among us, that the share belonging to the garrison of
Villa Rica, the carriers of which had been robbed and murdered, went after
all to Spain, Jamaica, and other places; but as Cortes lined the pockets
of our captains with plenty of gold, all inquiry on this head was stopped.
It may be wondered how Cortes should send away so valiant a captain as
Alonzo de Avila on an affair of negociation, when he had several men of
business in his army who could have been better spared, such as Alonzo de
Grado, Juan Carceres _the rich_, and several others. The true reason was,
that Avila was too ready to speak out on all occasions to obtain justice
for the soldiers, and therefore Cortes sent him away that he might no
longer be opposed and thwarted in his proceedings; and that he might give
his company to Andres de Tapia, and his office of contador to Alonzo de
Grado.
Having now determined to undertake the siege of Mexico, Cortes left a
garrison of twenty men, mostly sick and invalids in Frontera, under the
command of Juan de Orozco, and marched with the rest of the army into the
country of Tlascala, where he gave orders to cut down a quantity of timber,
with which to construct a number of vessels to command the lake of Mexico.
These ships were to be built under the direction of Martin Lopez, an
excellent shipwright, and a valiant soldier, in which he was assisted by
Andres Nunez, and old Ramirez, who was lame from a wound. Lopez conducted
matters with great spirit, insomuch that in a very short time he had all
the timber cut down, shaped, and marked out for the vessels, ready to be
put together. The iron work, anchors, cables, sails, cordage, and all
other necessaries for the vessels were procured from Villa Rica, whence
all the smiths were sent up to the army to give their assistance. As pitch
was unknown among the natives, four sailors were sent to the pine forests
of Huetzotzinco, to obtain a supply of that article, in which they
succeeded.
On our arrival at Tlascala, we learnt that our good friend and faithful
ally Maxicatzin had fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox. Cortes lamented
the death of this good man as that of a father, and put on mourning out of
respect to his memory, in which he was imitated by many of our officers
and soldiers. As there was some difficulty in regard to the succession,
Cortes conferred the vacant dignity on the legitimate son of the deceased
chief, as he had desired a short time before his death, on which occasion
he had strictly enjoined all his family and dependents to persevere in
their alliance with us, as we were undoubtedly destined to rule their
country according to their ancient traditions. The other chiefs of the
Tlascalans offered their best services, in providing timber for our
vessels, and engaged to aid us with all their military force in
prosecuting the war against Mexico. Cortes accepted their offer with every
mark of gratitude and respect; and even prevailed on the elder Xicotencatl,
one of their principal caciques, to become a Christian, who was
accordingly baptised with great ceremony, by the name of Don Lorenzo de
Vargas.
Just as we were about to begin our march, intelligence came from Villa
Rica of the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, loaded with
military stores, horses, and merchandize, and having thirteen soldiers on
board. The owner, who was likewise on board, was one Juan de Burgos, but
the vessel was commanded by Francisco Medel. Cortes sent immediate orders
to purchase the whole cargo, and all the people came up to join us to our
great satisfaction. Among these were one Juan del Espinar, afterwards a
very rich man, and two others named Sagredo, and Monjaraz a Biscayan, who
had two nephews of the same name in our army. Monjaraz never went upon any
expedition or engagement along with us, always feigning to be sick, though
he omitted no opportunity to boast of his courage. Once, while we were
besieging Mexico, he went up to the top of a high temple, as he said to
see how the natives fought; and by some means which we could never find
out, he was killed that day by some of the Indians. Those who had known
him in Hispaniola, said it was a just judgment, for having procured the
death of his wife, a beautiful and honourable woman, by means of false
witnesses.
All the timber for our vessels being in readiness, and every thing
prepared for our expedition against Mexico, it was debated in our council
of war in what place we should establish our head-quarters, in order to
prepare our measures for investing that city. Some strongly recommended
Ayotcingo as most convenient for that purpose, on account of its canals.
Cortes and others preferred Tezcuco, as best adapted for making incursions
into the Mexican territory, and that place was accordingly fixed upon. We
accordingly began our march from Tlascala immediately after the junction
of our last reinforcement from Villa Rica, consisting of the soldiers who
came with Medel and De Burgos.
[1] A long digression is here omitted, in which Diaz severely reprehends
the account given by Gomara of this and other transactions in his
history of the conquest of Mexico, altogether uninteresting to the
English reader.--E.
[2] Clavigero, II. 132, mentions about this time an expedition against
Tochtepec, a considerable town on the river of Papaloapan, in which
Salcedo and a detachment of 80 Spaniards were entirely cut off.--E.
[3] This must have been a very considerable treasure. On one occasion,
Clavigero reckons a load of gold at 800 ounces. The eighty Tlascalans
might therefore carry off 64,000 ounces, which at £4 the ounce, is
worth £256,000 Sterling, and of considerably more efficacious value in
those days than a million is now.--E.