SECTION VIII

_Arrival of the Spaniards in Mexico, Description of that Court and City,

and Transactions there, till the Arrival of Narvaez on the coast to

supersede Cortes, by order of Velasquez_.

Next day, being the 8th of November 1519, we set out on our way into the

city of Mexico along the grand causeway, which is eight yards wide, and

reaches in a straight line all the way from the firm land to the city of

Mexico, both sides of the causeway being everywhere crowded with

spectators, as were all the towers, temples, and terraces in every part of

our progress, eager to behold such men and animals as had never been seen

in that part of the world. A very different sentiment from curiosity

employed our minds, though every thing we saw around us was calculated to

excite and gratify that passion in the highest degree. Our little army did

not exceed four hundred and fifty men, and we had been told at every step

of our march, that we were to be put to death on our arrival in the city

into which we were now about to enter. That city was everywhere surrounded

by water, and approachable only by long moles or causeways interrupted in

many places by cross cuts, which were only to be passed by means of

bridges, the destruction or removal of any of which would effectually

prevent the possibility of retreat. In these circumstances I may fairly

ask my readers, what men in the world but ourselves would have ventured on

so bold and hazardous an enterprize?

Proceeding along the broad causeway of Iztapalapan, we came to a place

called _Xoloc_, where a smaller causeway goes off obliquely from the great

one to the city of _Cojohuacan_, we were met by a numerous train of the

court nobles in the richest dresses, who were sent before Montezuma to

compliment us on our arrival, after which Cacamatzin and the other nobles

who had hitherto attended us, went to meet their sovereign, who now

approached in a most magnificent litter, which was carried by four of his

highest nobles. When we came near certain towers, almost close to the city,

Montezuma was lifted from his litter, and borne forwards in the arms of

the lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, Tacuba, and Cojohuacan, under a

splendid canopy, richly adorned with gold, precious stones hung round like

fringes, and plumes of green feathers. Montezuma was dressed and adorned

with great magnificence, his mantle being all covered with gold and gems,

a crown of thin gold on his head, and gold buskins on his legs ornamented

with jewels. The princes who supported him were all richly dressed, but in

different habits from those in which they had visited us; and several

other nobles in fine dresses, went before the monarch, spreading mantles

on the ground to prevent his feet from touching it. Three nobles preceded

the whole, each carrying a golden rod, as a signal of the presence of

their great monarch. All the natives who attended Montezuma, except the

four princes, kept their eyes fixed on the ground, no one daring to look

him in the face. On the approach of Montezuma, Cortes dismounted and

advanced towards him with every token of profound respect, and was

welcomed by the Mexican monarch to his metropolis. Cortes then threw upon

the neck of Montezuma a collar of the artificial jewels called

_margajitas_, being glass beads of various colours, set in gold; after

which he advanced, meaning to embrace Montezuma, but the surrounding

nobles prevented him, by taking him respectfully by the arms, considering

this as too great familiarity. It appeared to me that on this occasion

Cortes offered to yield the right hand to Montezuma, who declined this

mark of respect, and placed our general on his right. Cortes then made a

complimentary discourse to Montezuma, expressing his joy in having seen so

great a monarch, and the great honour he had done him, by coming out to

meet him, as well as by the many other marks of favour he had already

received. Montezuma made a gracious reply, and giving orders to the

princes of Tezcuco and Cojohuacan to conduct Cortes and the rest of us to

the quarters assigned to us, he returned to the city in the same state in

which he had come to meet us, all the people standing close to the walls,

not daring to look up; and as we followed the royal attendants, we passed

on without any obstruction from the multitudes in the streets. It were

impossible to reckon the innumerable multitudes of men, women, and

children which thronged everywhere in the streets, on the canals, and the

terraces on the house tops, during the whole of our passage through the

city of Mexico. So strongly is every thing I saw on this memorable day

imprinted on my memory, that it appears to me only as yesterday. Glory to

our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave us courage to venture on so

hazardous an enterprize, and preserved us amid so many dangers: And

praised be his holy name, who hath permitted me to write this true history;

though not so full and satisfactory as the subject merits. Amen!

Lodgings were provided for us in the palace which had formerly been

occupied by Azayacatl, not far from the western gate of the great temple.

Here Montezuma had a secret treasury of gold and valuables, which he had

inherited from his father Azayacatl, and we were placed here, because

being considered as _teules_, they thought we were properly lodged in the

neighbourhood of their idols. The entry to this palace was through a large

walled court, and the whole was very light, airy, clean, and pleasant,

with large and lofty apartments. That allotted for our general was

situated on a raised platform; and for each of us mats were provided to

sleep upon, having little canopies over them, after the fashion of this

country. On our arrival at the gate of this palace, Montezuma, who had

preceded us, took Cortes by the hand and led him to the apartment destined

to his particular use, and having placed a rich collar of gold round the

generals neck, he said on taking leave of him, "Malinatzin, you and your

friends are now in your own house, refresh and repose yourselves." We were

distributed to our several apartments by companies, having our artillery

posted in a convenient situation, and every thing was arranged in such a

manner as to be prepared for any emergency. A plentiful and even sumptuous

entertainment was provided for us, to which we sat down with much

satisfaction. This is a full and true account of our adventurous and

magnanimous entry into the city of Mexico, on the 8th of November 1519.

After Montezuma had taken a repast in his own palace, and was informed we

had done the same, he returned to our quarters attended by a great retinue

of nobles. Cortes received him in the middle of the hall, where Montezuma

took him cordially by the hand, and they sat down together on

magnificently ornamented seats. Montezuma made a very pertinent speech, in

which he observed, "That he rejoiced at the arrival of such valiant

captains and warriors in his dominions. He had before heard of a Spanish

captain who had arrived at Pontonchan, and of another who came upon the

coast in the preceding year with four ships, and had wished to see these

men, but was disappointed. Now that we were actually arrived in his

dominions, he was happy to offer every favour in his power to grant, being

convinced we were those men predicted by the gods to his ancestors, who,

coming from that part of the world in which the sun rises, were to acquire

the government of this country, as we had fought with such astonishing

valour ever since our arrival, representations of all our battles having

been sent him in painting." Cortes replied, "That he and all his brethren

could never sufficiently repay the many favours we had received from his

bounty; that we certainly were those men to whom the Mexican prophecies

related, being the vassals of the great and powerful emperor Don Carlos,

to whom many great princes were subject; and who, hearing of the fame and

magnificence of the great Montezuma, had sent us to request that he and

his subjects would embrace the Holy Christian religion, abandoning their

false gods and senseless idols, and abolishing their barbarous human

sacrifices, by which means he would preserve the souls of himself, his

family, and subjects from perdition." Cortes enlarged on this and other

topics in a most edifying manner, promising to communicate more

particulars hereafter. Montezuma then presented a quantity of valuable

ornaments of gold to our general, with a present of some gold, and three

loads of mantles to each of our captains, and two loads of mantles to each

of the soldiers. After this he asked Cortes if all his soldiers were

brothers and vassals to our emperor. To this Cortes answered that they

were all brothers in love and friendship, men of rank in our own country,

and servants of our great sovereign. Montezuma then departed, with mutual

compliments, after giving orders that we should be amply provided with

every thing we needed; particularly fowls, fruit, and corn, stone mills

for grinding our corn, and women to make bread, and to supply us daily

with plenty of grass for our horses.

Next day being appointed for making a visit to Montezuma, Cortes went to

the royal palace accompanied by captains Alvarado, De Leon, Ordas, and

Sandoval, with five soldiers. Montezuma met him in the middle of the great

hall, attended by his relations, all others being excluded from the

apartment in which he happened to be, except on certain occasions of

importance. After mutual compliments of ceremony, Montezuma took Cortes by

the hand, and led him to a seat on his own right hand, placed on an

elevated platform in the saloon. Cortes then said, "That he came to him in

the name and for the service of the only true God, who was adored by the

Christians, the Lord Christ Jesus, who had died to save us and all men. He

endeavoured to explain the mystery of the cross, as an emblem of the

crucifixion, by which mankind had been redeemed. He recounted the

sufferings and death of our Lord and Saviour, who had risen on the third

day and ascended to heaven, where he now reigns, the creator of the

heavens, and the earth, and the sea, and all that they contain. He

asserted, that those idols which the natives held as gods, were devils

which dared not to remain wherever the holy cross was planted. That as all

mankind were brothers, the offspring of the same first pair, our glorious

emperor lamented the loss of their souls, which would be brought by their

idols into everlasting flames, and had sent us to apply a sure remedy, by

abolishing the worship of idols, the bloody and inhuman sacrifices of

their fellow men, and their other odious customs so contrary to the law of

God: And that our emperor would send them holy men hereafter to explain

all these things more fully." To this Montezuma replied, "Malinatzin! I am

much indebted to your emperor for sending you so far to inform me of all

these things, of which I have already heard by means of my ambassadors who

have visited you in my name, and to which hitherto we have made no reply.

We have always worshipped our gods, whom we consider to be just and good,

and have no doubt yours are so likewise. It had always been his wish to

see us from the first time he had heard of our arrival on his coasts,

because he believed we were they of whom their ancient prophecies made

mention, and his gods had now granted his desire. That our being refused

entrance into his cities was none of his fault; having been done by his

subjects without orders, who were terrified by the accounts they had

received of us, which reported that we were furious _teules_, who carried

thunder and lightning along with us, that our horses eat men, and other

such foolish stories. That he now saw we were valiant and wise men, for

which he highly esteemed us, and would give us proofs of his favour." Then

changing the manner of his discourse to gaiety, he added "Malinatzin! Your

new friends the Tlascalans have informed you that I am like a god, and

that every thing about me is gold, silver, and jewels. But you now see

that I am like other men, and that my houses are of lime, stone, and

timber. It is true that I am a powerful sovereign, and have great riches,

which I have inherited from my ancestors. You will now treat these reports

with the same contempt that I do the ridiculous stories which I have been

told of your having command over the elements." To this Cortes replied,

that the accounts of enemies were never to be depended on; and made a

handsome compliment to Montezuma on his power and grandeur. Montezuma then

ordered in a rich present, giving Cortes a quantity of gold, with ten

loads of rich stuffs to be divided between him and his captains, and to

each of us five soldiers, he gave two gold collars, each worth ten crowns,

and two loads of mantles. The gold given on this occasion was worth about

a thousand crowns, and the whole was given with so much affability and

indifference, as made him appear truly munificent. Cortes now took leave,

it being the hour of dinner, and we retired impressed with high respect

for the liberality and princely munificence of Montezuma.

The great Montezuma appeared to be about forty years of age, of good

stature, well proportioned, and rather thin. His face was rather long,

with a pleasant expression, and good eyes, and his complexion rather

fairer than the other Indians. His hair was short, just covering his ears,

and his scanty beard was thin, black, and well arranged. His person was

very clean and delicate, as he bathed every evening; and his manners were

a pleasing compound of gravity and good humour. He had two lawful wives,

who were princesses, and a number of mistresses; but his visits to these

were conducted with such secrecy as only to be known by his most familiar

servants; and he lay under no suspicion of unnatural vices, so common

among his subjects. The clothes he wore one day were not used for four

days after. His guard consisted of two hundred nobles, who had apartments

adjoining his own. Certain persons only among these were permitted to

speak to him, and when they went into his presence, they laid aside their

ordinary rich dresses, putting on others quite plain but clean, entering

his apartment barefooted, with their eyes fixed on the ground, and making

three profound reverences as they approached him. On addressing him, they

always began, Lord! my Lord! great Lord! and when they had finished, he

always dismissed them in few words; on which they retired with their faces

towards him, keeping their eyes fixed on the ground. I observed likewise,

that all the great men who waited upon him on business, always entered the

palace barefooted and in plain habits, never entering the gate directly,

but making a circuit in going towards it.

The cooks of the palace had above thirty different ways of dressing meats,

which were served up in earthen vessels of a very ingenious construction

for keeping their contents always hot. For Montezumas own table above

three hundred dishes were dressed every day, and more than a thousand for

his guards. Montezuma sometimes went before dinner to inspect the

preparations, on which occasions his officers pointed out to him which

were the best, explaining what birds or flesh they were composed of. It is

said that the flesh of young children was sometimes dressed for his table;

but after Cortes had spoken to him respecting the barbarity of this

inhuman custom, it was no longer practised in the palace. The ordinary

meats were domestic fowls, pheasants, geese, partridges, quails, venison,

Indian hogs or _pecaris_, pigeons, hares, rabbits and many other animals

and birds peculiar to the country; the various meats being served up on

black and red earthen-ware made at Cholula. In the cold weather while at

his meals, a number of torches were lighted up, of the bark of a tree

which has an aromatic smell and gives no smoke; and to prevent the glare

and heat of those from being troublesome, rich screens ornamented with

gold and paintings of their idols were interposed between Montezuma and

the torches. At his meals he was seated on a low throne or chair, at a

table of proportional height covered with white cloths and napkins, four

beautiful women attending to present him with water for his hands, in

vessels named _xicales_, having plates under them, after which they gave

him towels to dry his hands. Two other women attended with small cakes of

bread; and when he began to eat, a large screen of gilt wood was placed

before him, to prevent him from being seen. Four ancient nobles, who were

his relations and served as councillors and judges, stood beside the

throne, with whom he occasionally conversed, giving them a part of what he

was eating, which they received with profound respect, and eat without

lifting their eyes from the ground. Fruit of all kinds produced in the

country was served up to him at table, of which he eat in great moderation;

and a certain liquor prepared from cocoa, said to be of a stimulant and

strengthening nature, was presented to him from time to time in golden

cups. All the time he continued at table his guards and all others in or

near his apartment had to preserve the most profound silence, under pain

of death. Owing to the before-mentioned screen which concealed him from

public view, we could not see all the circumstances here described from

information. But I noticed above fifty jars of foaming chocolate brought

into the hall, some of which was presented to him by the female attendants.

During the repast, various Indians were introduced at intervals for his

amusement: Some of these were hump-backed, ugly, and deformed, who played

various tricks of buffoonery, and we were told that others were jesters,

besides which there were companies of singers and dancers in which he was

said to take great delight; and to all these he ordered vases of chocolate

to be distributed. When the repast was ended, the four female attendants

already mentioned, after removing the cloths, presented him again with

water to wash his hands, during which he continued his conversation with

the four old nobles, who then took their leaves with much ceremony. He was

then presented with three small hollow canes highly ornamented, containing

an herb called tobacco mixed with liquid amber; and when he was satisfied

with the buffoons, dancers, and singers, he smoked for a short time from

one of these canes, and then laid himself to sleep. I forgot to mention in

its proper place that, during the time of dinner, two beautiful women were

employed in making certain small delicately white cakes, of eggs and other

ingredients, which they presented on plates covered with napkins to

Montezuma; and then another kind of bread was brought to him in long

loaves, as likewise plates of a kind of cakes resembling wafers or

pancakes. When Montezuma had concluded his meal, all his guards and

domestics sat down to dinner, and as well as I could judge, above a

thousand dishes of the various eatables already mentioned were served up

to them, with immense quantities of fruit, and numerous vessels of foaming

chocolate. His establishment, including his women and inferior servants of

all kinds, was amazingly numerous, and must have occasioned prodigious

expence, yet the most perfect regularity was preserved amid that vast

profusion. The steward of his household, or major-domo, was at this time a

prince named _Tapiea_, who kept an account of all the royal rents in a set

of books or symbolical representations which occupied an entire house.

Connected with the palace of Montezuma there were two large buildings

filled with every kind of arms, both offensive and defensive, some of

which were richly ornamented with gold and jewels; such as large and small

shields, some of the latter being so contrived as to roll up in a small

compass, and to let fall in action so as to cover the whole body; much

defensive armour of quilted cotton, ornamented with various devices in

feather work; helmets or casques for the head made of wood and bone,

adorned with plumes of feathers; immense quantities of bows, arrows, darts,

and slings; lances having stone heads or blades six feet long, so strong

as not to break when fixed in a shield, and as sharp as razors; clubs or

two-handed swords, having edges of sharp stones; and many other articles

which I cannot enumerate. In the palace there was a magnificent aviary,

containing every kind of bird to be found in all the surrounding country,

from large eagles down to the smallest paroquets of beautiful plumage. In

this place the ornamental feather-work so much in repute among the

Mexicans, was fabricated, the feathers for this purpose being taken from

certain birds called _Quetzales_, and others, having green, red, white,

yellow, and blue feathers, about the size of our Spanish pyes, the name of

which I have forgot. There were also great numbers of parrots, and geese

of fine plumage; all these birds breeding in the royal aviary, and being

annually stripped of their feathers at the proper season, to supply the

workers in feather-work. There was likewise a large pond of clear water,

in which were kept a number of large birds of a red colour with very long

legs, resembling those called _Ipiris_ in Cuba, and called flamingos by

the Spaniards. In another great building we saw a temple dedicated to the

war gods, in which were kept great numbers of ferocious beasts, as tigers,

lions of two species, one of which called _Adive_ resembled a wolf; also

foxes, and other smaller animals, all of them carnivorous. Most of these

were bred in this menagerie, and were fed upon game, fowls, and dogs, and,

as I was informed, on the bodies of the sacrificed human victims. Their

manner of sacrifice was said to be as follows: They open the breasts of

the living victim with large stone knives, offering his heart and blood to

their gods; they feast on the head and limbs, giving the bodies to be

devoured by the wild beasts, and hanging up the skulls in the temples as

trophies of their misguided piety. In this place likewise there were many

vipers and serpents, the most dangerous of which have a kind of rattle on

their tails, making a noise like our castanets. These are kept in vessels

filled with feathers, where they breed, and are fed with human flesh and

the carcases of dogs. I was assured, after our expulsion from Mexico, that

these animals were fed for many days on the bodies of our companions who

perished on that occasion. These ravenous beasts and horrid reptiles are

fit companions for their infernal deities; and when they yelled and hissed,

that part of the palace might be likened to hell itself.

The town in which most of the Mexican artists resided was called

_Azcapozalco_, about a league from the city of Mexico, in which were many

shops and manufactories of those who wrought in gold, silver, and

jewellery, whose productions surprised the ablest Spanish artist on being

carried over to Spain. Their painters were also exceedingly expert, as may

be judged from what we still see among them; as there are now three Indian

painters in Mexico, named Marcos de Aquino, Juan de la Cruz, and Grespillo,

who are not inferior to Michael Angelo or Berreguete among the moderns,

and might even have vied with Apelles. The fine cotton manufactures of the

Mexicans were principally brought from the province of Costitlan. The

women likewise of Montezumas family of all ranks, were exceedingly expert

in these kinds of work, and were continually employed; as were also

certain females who lived together in a kind of secluded societies, like

our nuns. One division of the city was entirely inhabited by Montezumas

dancers and posture-makers; some of whom danced like those Italians whom

we call _Matachines_; others played various tricks by means of sticks

which they balanced in many curious ways; and others had a strange manner

of flying in the air. Montezuma had also great numbers of carpenters and

handicrafts of various descriptions continually employed in his service.

His gardens were of great extent, irrigated by means of canals, and shaded

by an infinite variety of trees; having stone baths, pavilions for

entertainments or retirement, theatres for shows and for the singers and

dancers, and many other particulars, all of which were kept in the nicest

order by a great number of labourers who were constantly at work.

Four days after our arrival in Mexico, Cortes sent a message to Montezuma

by Aguilar, Donna Marina, and a young page named Orteguilla, who already

began to understand the language, requesting permission to take a view of

the city, which was immediately granted; but as he was afraid we might

offer some insult to his temple, he went thither in person attended by a

great retinue, and in similar pomp as when he came to meet us on entering

Mexico; two nobles preceding the cavalcade carrying sceptres in their

hands, as a signal of the approach of the monarch. Montezuma was carried

in his magnificent litter, carrying a small rod in his hand, half of which

was gold and the other half wood: and on coming to the temple, he quitted

the litter and walked up the steps attended by many priests, where he

offered incense and performed many ceremonies in honour of his war gods.

Cortes marched at the head of his small band of cavalry, followed by most

of the infantry under arms, into the great square, accompanied by many of

the court nobles; where we were astonished at the prodigious crowds of

people, the vast quantities of merchandize exposed for sale, and the

amazing regularity which everywhere prevailed; all of which our Mexican

attendants carefully pointed out to us. Every different commodity had its

own particular place, which was distinguished by an appropriate sign or

emblem. There were dealers in gold, silver, feathers, jewels, mantles,

chocolate, skins both dressed and undressed, sandals, manufactures of the

roots and fibres of _nequen_, and so forth. In one place great numbers of

male and female slaves were exposed for sale, most of whom were fastened

by the neck in leather collars to long poles. The market for provisions

was amply stocked with fowls, game, dogs, vegetables, fruit, articles of

food ready dressed, salt, bread, honey, sweet pastry or confectionary of

various kinds, and many other articles. Other parts of the great square

were appropriated for the sale of earthen ware, wooden furniture, such as

tables and benches, fire-wood, paper, hollow canes filled with tobacco and

liquid amber ready for smoking, copper axes, working tools of various

kinds, wooden vessels richly painted, and the like. In another part many

women sold fish, and small loaves of a kind of mud taken out of the lake

resembling cheese. The makers of stone blades were employed in shaping

them out of the rough materials. The dealers in gold had the native metal

in grains as it comes from the mines, in transparent tubes or quills, so

that it could easily be seen; and the gold was valued at so many mantles,

or so many xiquipils of cocoa nuts, in proportion to the size of the

quills. The great square was enclosed all round by piazas, under which

there were great stores of grain, and shops for various kinds of goods. On

the borders of the adjoining canals there were boats loaded with human

ordure, used in tanning leather, and on all the public roads there were

places built of canes and thatched with straw or grass, for the

convenience of passengers in order to collect this material. In one part

of the square was a court of justice having three judges, and their

inferior officers were employed in perambulating the market, preserving

order, and inspecting the various articles.

After having satisfied our curiosity in the square, we proceeded to the

great temple, where we went through a number of large courts, the smallest

of which seemed to me larger than the great square of Salamanca, the

courts being either paved with large cut white stones, or plastered and

polished, the whole very clean, and inclosed by double walls of stone and

lime. On coming to the gate of the great temple, which was ascended by 114

steps, Montezuma sent six priests and two nobles to carry up Cortes, which

he declined. On ascending to the summit, which consisted of a broad

platform, we observed the large stones on which the victims were placed

for sacrifice, near which was a monstrous figure resembling a dragon, and

much blood appeared to have been recently spilt. Montezuma came out of an

adoratory or recess, in which the accursed idols were kept, and expressed

his apprehension to Cortes that he must be fatigued by the ascent, to

which Cortes answered that we were never fatigued. Montezuma, taking our

general by the hand, pointed out to him the different quarters of the city,

and the towns in the neighbourhood, all of which were distinctly seen from

this commanding eminence. We had a distinct view of the three causeways by

which Mexico communicated with the land, and of the aqueduct of

Chapoltepec, which conveyed an abundant supply of the finest water to the

city. The numbers of canoes which were continually seen passing between

Mexico and all the towns on the borders of the lake, carrying provisions

and merchandise, was really astonishing. We could see, as we had been

often told, that most of the houses of this great city, and of the others

in the neighbourhood which were built in the water, stood apart from each

other, their only communication being by means of drawbridges or canoes,

and that all their roofs were terraced and battlemented. We saw numerous

temples and adoratories in the great city below, on the causeways, and in

the adjacent cities, all resembling so many fortresses with towers,

wonderfully brilliant, being all whitewashed. The noise and bustle of the

market in the great square just below, was so great that it might easily

have been heard almost at the distance of a league; and some of our

companions who had seen both Rome and Constantinople, declared they had

not seen any thing comparable in these cities, for convenient and regular

distribution or numbers of people.

After having admired the magnificent prospect around, Cortes requested of

Montezuma to shew us their gods. After consulting with his priests, he led

us into a kind of saloon in a tower, having a timber roof richly wrought,

under which stood two altars highly adorned, and behind these two gigantic

figures resembling very fat men. That on the right was _Huitzilopochtli_,

the god of war, having a broad face and terrible eyes, all covered over

with gold and jewels, and having his body twisted round with golden

serpents. His right hand held a bow, and in his left there was a bundle of

arrows. Round his neck was a string of the figures of human heads and

hearts made of pure gold, intermixed with precious stones of a blue colour.

Close by him stood a small image representing his page, carrying a lance

and shield richly adorned with gold and jewels. Before the great idol

stood a pan of fire, in which three hearts of human victims were then

burning along with copal. The whole walls and floor of the apartment was

stained with human blood, and had a most offensive smell, worse than any

slaughter-house. On the left of Huitzilopochtli stood another gigantic

figure, having a countenance like a bear, with great shining eyes. The

name of this last was _Tezcatlipoca_, who was said to be the god of the

infernal regions, and to preside over the souls of men[1]. He was likewise

considered as the brother of the god of war. His body was covered all over

with figures representing little devils with tails of serpents, and was

richly adorned with gold and jewels. Before this idol lay an offering of

five human hearts. On the summit of the whole temple was a recess having

its wood-work very highly ornamented, where we saw a figure half human and

the rest like an alligator, all inlaid with jewels, and partly covered by

a mantle. He was considered as the germ and origin of all created things,

and was worshipped as the god of harvests and fruits. Here likewise the

walls and altar were stained with blood like the others, and so offensive

that we were glad to retire in all haste. In this place there stood a drum

of prodigious size, the head of which was made of the skin of a large

serpent, which resounded, when struck, with a noise that might be heard at

the distance of two leagues, and gave out a sound so doleful, that it

might be named the drum of hell. This dreadful drum, the horrid sound of

their horns and trumpets, and the shocking sight of their great

sacrificial knives, the remnants of human victims, and their blood-stained

altars and fanes, made me anxious to get away from this horrible scene of

human butchery, detestable smells, and abominable sights.

Addressing himself to Montezuma, half jest half earnest, Cortes expressed

his astonishment how so wise a prince could adore such absurd and wicked

gods; and proposed to substitute the cross on the summit of the tower, and

the images of the Holy Virgin and her ever-blessed SON in the adoratories,

instead of those horrid idols, assuring him that he would soon be

convinced of the vanity of his idolatry, and the deception practised on

him by these inhuman priests. Montezuma was much displeased with these

expressions, saying that he would not have admitted us to the temple if he

had known we were to insult his gods, who dispensed health, good harvests,

seasonable weather, and victory, and whom they were bound in duty and

gratitude to adore. Cortes dropped the subject and proposed to withdraw,

to which Montezuma assented, observing that he must remain, and atone by

an expiatory sacrifice for having admitted us into the temple. Cortes then

took leave of the king, and we descended the steps, to the great

inconvenience of our invalids. If I am not quite so correct as I wish and

ought to be in many of the things which I relate and describe, I must beg

my readers to consider the situation in which I then served, being under

the necessity of giving more attention to the orders of my officers than

to the surrounding objects of curiosity. The temple which we had just

visited covered a prodigious extent of ground, and diminished gradually

from the base to the platform on the top, having five concavities like

barbicans between the middle and the top, but without parapets. On the

broad platform of the summit there was a tower in which the images were

placed. But as there are many paintings of temples in the possession of

the conquerors, one of which I have, it will be easy to form an idea of

the structure of this temple from these representations[2]. It was said by

the Mexicans, that numerous offerings of gold, silver, jewels, productions

of the earth, and human victims were deposited under the foundations of

this great temple at the time of its erection; and it is certain, when the

ground on which it stood was afterwards dug up for the church of St Jago,

that we found great quantities of gold, silver, and other valuables on

sinking the new foundations. A Mexican also, who obtained a grant of part

of this ground, discovered a considerable treasure, about which there was

a law-suit for the royal interest. This account was confirmed by King

Guatimotzin, who assured us that the circumstances were recorded in

ancient historical paintings. At a small distance from the great temple,

there stood a tower, having a gate or entrance always open, like the mouth

of an enormous monster, ready to devour those who entered this hell or

habitation of the demons. At this horrible door there stood many frightful

idols, beside which there was a place for sacrifice, and within there were

pots full of water ready to boil the flesh of the victims, which formed

the horrible repasts of the priests. The idols were like serpents and

devils, and the place, all smeared over with human blood, was furnished

with knives for sacrifice like the slaughter-house of a butcher. In

another part of the buildings there were great piles of wood, and a

reservoir of water supplied by a pipe from the great aqueduct of

Chapoltepec. In one of the courts there was a temple, all besmeared with

blood and soot, surrounded by the tombs of the Mexican nobility. In

another court there were immense piles of human bones, all regularly

arranged. Every temple had its peculiar idols, and each its regular

establishment of priests, who were dressed in long black vestments,

something between the dress of our canons and the Dominican friars. They

all wore their hair long and clotted with blood, and their ears were all

lacerated in honour of their abominable idols. At some distance from the

temple of the tombs, there was another of which the idols were said to

preside over marriages; and all the courts were surrounded by low houses

for the priests and their numerous assistants. Hard by these was a large

building in which great numbers of the Mexican young women resided, as in

a nunnery, till they were married. They were devoted to the worship of two

female deities, who presided over marriages, to whom they sacrificed in

order to obtain good husbands. I have thus been diffuse in describing this

great temple, as it was by far the largest and most splendid in Mexico;

yet the temple of Cholula was still higher, having 120 steps. This was

built on a different plan from that of Mexico, and was held in high

veneration by the natives. The temple of Tezcuco also was very large,

being ascended by 117 steps, and all these differed in their structure,

though they all agreed in having a number of outer courts, and a double

inclosure. Every province of this country had its own peculiar gods, who

were supposed to have no concern with those of other provinces, so that

its gods and idols were quite innumerable. Having effectually fatigued

ourselves in examining the objects I have just described, we retired to

our quarters.

As Montezuma was entirely adverse to the proposal of Cortes for converting

the great temple of Mexico into a Christian church, he was exceedingly

desirous to have a chapel and altar in our quarters, and made application

to Montezuma through one of his principal nobles to have materials for

this purpose. This request was immediately complied with, and as abundance

of timber and native workmen were sent immediately, it was completed in

three days. In this new chapel mass was celebrated every day, though we

lamented the want of wine for the holy eucharist, as it had been all

expended during the illness of Cortes, Olmedo, and others, while we were

in the dominions of Tlascala. We were extremely regular in our devotions,

both because it was our duty, and that we might impress a favourable

opinion of our holy religion on Montezuma and his subjects. While our

carpenters were looking out for a proper place in which to fix the holy

cross of our chapel, they observed the appearance of a door in one of the

walls of our quarters which had been closed up. Cortes caused this to be

privately opened, and an apartment was found within, in which countless

riches were deposited. The secret soon transpired, and we went all to view

the concealed treasury. I was then a young man, and it seemed to me that

all the treasures of the world gathered together could not have reached

the amount of what we then saw. It was thought prudent to close up the

door of this place, and to conceal our knowledge of it and its contents to

a proper opportunity.

About this time Cortes convened a council of four captains and twelve

soldiers, of those in whom he had most confidence, among whom I was, in

order to consult upon our present situation and future procedure. Having

duly considered how obviously we had been hitherto guided and preserved by

the mercy of GOD, and how the natives, though now kind, might soon change

through their native fickleness, and notwithstanding the present

hospitality of Montezuma, he might at any time plot our destruction, we

unanimously resolved, on the suggestion of Cortes, that the most effectual

measure for our security was to make that monarch our prisoner and the

guarantee of our safety. We knew not but we might all be poisoned in our

food, and no gift which he could make us, not even all his fathers

treasures which we had just discovered, could compensate to us for the

continual alarms in which we lived. Some of the officers present at the

council, proposed to induce Montezuma by some plausible pretext to come to

our quarters, when we could easily seize him without resistance or danger.

It was observed by some of our soldiers, that we were not now so

plentifully supplied with provisions by the royal officers as at our first

coming; and that our interpreter, Aguilar, had been secretly informed by

two of our Tlascalan allies, that they had noticed several indications of

evil intentions towards us among the Mexicans, for the last two days.

After a long consultation, we agreed to adjourn the consideration of the

means of executing our resolution till next day; and in the meantime the

reverend Father Olmedo was consulted on the subject, and we prayed GOD to

guide and direct our proceedings for the best, in our present ticklish and

dangerous situation. Next day, two Tlascalans arrived secretly with

letters from Villa Rica, with an account that Escalente and six Spaniards

had been slain in a battle with the Mexicans, and that the inhabitants of

Chempoalla and the neighbouring mountains, who had submitted to us, had

revolted back to the Mexican government, refusing to supply provisions, or

to work on the fortifications, insomuch, that the remaining garrison of

Villa Rica were in much distress and knew not how to act. These letters

said likewise, that the high opinion which the natives had adopted with

respect to the Spaniards was much altered for the worse, since they found

they could be killed like other men. This intelligence gave us much

affliction. It was the first defeat we had experienced since our landing;

and had produced a most alarming change in our situation, and in the

opinions of the Mexicans. Before this, we were in possession of wealth,

and were considered as invulnerable, and almost like demigods; but were

now lowered in the estimation of the natives, almost to a level with

themselves, in whose power we were. It now seemed more necessary than ever

to our very existence that we should secure the person of Montezuma;

considering that if we failed in the attempt, we might as well perish in

what seemed our only chance of safety, as wait to be overwhelmed by the

whole power of the Mexican empire. Before I proceed to narrate the sequel

of our transactions in Mexico, I shall give an account of the misfortune

which befel Escalente[3].

It has been already mentioned, that about thirty native chiefs of

districts in the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, had voluntarily submitted to

our government at Chiahuitztla. After our little army had penetrated to

the capital of the Mexican empire, the commander of a garrison belonging

to Montezuma endeavoured to levy contributions from some of these our new

subjects: and when this was represented to Escalente, who commanded at

Villa Rica, he sent orders to the Mexican officers to desist, as otherwise

he would be under the necessity of chastising them, though he wished to

remain in peace and friendship with the subjects of Mexico. To this the

Mexican officers sent a haughty reply, saying that he would find them in

the field. On receiving this answer, Escalente, who was a brave man, set

out with forty of his own soldiers, and two thousand of our allies of the

Totanaca nation to march against the Mexicans, whom he found pillaging the

country, and immediately attacked them. Our allies were always afraid of

the Mexicans, and fled at the first shower of arrows, leaving the

Spaniards to get out of the scrape as well as they might. They made their

retreat with great difficulty to Villa Rica[4], where Escalente and six of

his soldiers died of their wounds. A Spanish soldier named Arguello, of

great bodily strength, with a large head, and thick frizzled beard, was

taken alive, but died of his wounds. The Mexican captains reported the

whole of this affair to Montezuma, to whom they brought the head of

Arguello; and it is said that Montezuma trembled when he beheld it, and

ordered it to be taken out of the way. He reproached his captains for not

having overwhelmed the whole of that small number of Spaniards with their

numerous forces; but they alleged that a supernatural being fought against

them, assisting and encouraging the Spaniards, and struck terror into

their men.

Having finally resolved to seize Montezuma, we spent the whole night

before proceeding on that hazardous enterprize in earnest prayer to GOD,

that what we were about to do might redound to his holy service; and in

the morning we arranged the manner in which this our resolution was to be

executed. Our cavalry and infantry were all ordered to be in readiness for

instant action, and as it was usual with us to go always fully armed, this

circumstance gave no suspicion to the Mexicans. Leaving the whole of his

forces prepared to act in case of need, Cortes proceeded to the palace,

attended by five of his captains, Alvarado, Sandoval, De Leon, De Lugo,

and Avila[5], with the interpreters Donna Marina and Aguilar, having

first sent a message to the king, intimating his intention to wait upon

him. Montezuma supposed that this visit of Cortes was on occasion of the

affair which had lately occurred at Chiahuitztla, and that our general was

much displeased on that account, yet sent back that he would be glad to

see him. Our general, _and we that were with him_, immediately went to the

royal apartment, and after paying his respects as usual, Cortes addressed

Montezuma to the following effect through his interpreters: "He was

astonished that so brave and magnanimous a monarch, who had shewn so much

friendship for us on all occasions, should have clandestinely given orders

to his troops in _Totonacapan_[6] to make an attack upon the Spaniards

whom he had left at Villa Rica, in which one of them had been killed, and

our allies the Totonacas had been pillaged and destroyed without mercy."

Cortes intentionally concealed the death of Escalente and his six soldiers,

not wishing that the extent of our loss on this occasion should be known

to the Mexicans. He then charged Montezuma as the author of the treachery

which had been attempted against us in Cholula, saying, that he had

hitherto refrained from speaking on that subject, from motives of esteem

and respect; but, from the late hostile attack by his governor of

Totonacapan, and having learned that the officers of the court were

plotting to cut us off in Mexico, it became necessary for us to use

effectual measures to secure our safety. For this purpose therefore, and

in order to prevent the ruin of the city of Mexico, it was necessary that

his majesty should go immediately to our quarters, assuring him if he gave

the smallest alarm, or made any resistance, the officers and soldiers then

present would put him instantly to death. On hearing this proposal

Montezuma was so petrified with terror and amazement that he seemed to

have lost all sensation for a time. After recovering a little, he

positively denied having given any orders to Quauhpopoca the governor of

Nauhtlan to attack our troops under Escalente; and taking from his wrist

the signet of Huitzilopochtli, which he employed on all occasions of

importance to confirm and enforce his orders, he gave it to one of his

officers whom he commanded to bring Quauhpopoca to court without delay to

answer for his conduct. Then assuming a dignified air, he declined the

proposal of quitting his palace with disdain, declaring that he would not

be constrained to take so humiliating a step. Cortes endeavoured to

explain the necessity of his immediate compliance, and the king persisted

in his refusal, so that the conversation drew to considerable length, half

an hour at least having elapsed. The captains who accompanied Cortes

became impatient of delay, fearing that great numbers of the Mexicans

might collect to the rescue of their sovereign, and that we should be

oppressed under superior force. In this dilemma, De Leon exclaimed in his

rough voice to Cortes: "Why, Sir, do you waste so many words? Tell him,

that if he does not instantly yield himself our prisoner, we will plunge

our swords into his body: Let us now assure our lives or perish."

Montezuma was much struck with the manner in which De Leon expressed

himself, and asked Donna Marina what he had said. She answered with much

discretion, by mildly advising him to consent immediately to go along with

us, assuring him that he would be treated with all the honour and respect

he could desire, whereas she was convinced we would put him to death if he

refused or even hesitated. Montezuma then offered to put his legitimate

son and two daughters into the hands of Cortes, as hostages, and earnestly

entreated that he might not be exposed before his subjects as a prisoner.

But Cortes assured him that nothing short of what had been originally

proposed could satisfy us, and that all remonstrances were unavailing. At

last he was obliged to consent, saying, "I trust myself with you, let us

go! let us go! since the gods will have it so." Our captains gave him

every assurance of their perfect esteem and respect, begging of him not to

be offended at their conduct, which was indispensably necessary to their

own safety, and requested that he would say to his officers that he went

of his own free will, and by the advice of his gods and priests. His

magnificent state litter was now brought for his accommodation, and he

proceeded to our quarters in his accustomed pomp, attended by his guards,

where he was received and entertained with every mark of respect; yet our

posts and centinels were properly placed in every direction to guard

against his escape or rescue. He was soon waited on by the princes of his

family, and all the principal Mexican nobles, who came to inquire the

reason of this change of abode, and whether it was his wish that they

should attack us. But he told them that he intended to remain with us for

a few days, and commanded them to take no steps which might disturb the

peace of the city.

Thus we accomplished the seizure of the great Montezuma. He was attended

in our quarters with the same magnificence as in his own palace; his wives,

family, and officers being constantly with him, and having always twenty

chiefs or counsellors in his presence. He bathed twice a-day, and appeared

calm and resigned to his fate. Ambassadors came to him from all the

provinces of his empire; some to deliver the accustomed tribute, and

others to transact various affairs of importance, all of which was

dispatched in the usual manner. I perfectly remember that however great

might be the princes or chiefs who had to wait upon him, they always took

off their rich dresses and put on plain and coarse _nequen_ clothes, and

came into the royal apartments in this habit, barefooted, not entering

directly, but making a circuit by the wall. On entering the presence they

kept their eyes cast down on the ground, and after three profound

reverences, always began their addresses in these words, _lord! my lord!

great lord!_ They then displayed certain cloths before him, on which the

business they came upon was represented by painting, the particulars of

which they explained pointing out the figures by means of nicely polished

rods or wands. While this was going on, two old nobles always stood beside

the king, who attentively considered every circumstance, on which they

gave him their opinions, and he then dispatched the affair in few words.

The person who had the business with the king then withdrew without reply,

making three profound reverences as before, always keeping his eyes on the

ground, and his face to the throne till out of sight. On leaving the royal

apartments, they reassumed their rich dresses, in which they walked about

the city.

The messengers who had been dispatched with the royal signet to arrest the

officers against whom Cortes had complained for the attack on Escalente,

soon returned with them to Mexico. I know not what passed in the royal

presence when they appeared before the king; but he sent them immediately

to Cortes to do with them as he pleased. On their examination, when the

king was not present, they avowed all that had happened in Totonacapan,

but said that they had acted by orders from Montezuma, by whom they had

been commanded to levy the royal tribute, and even to attack the Spaniards

if they should support the refractory subjects of the empire. On Montezuma

being charged with this, he endeavoured to exculpate himself; but Cortes

told him, that although his participation in the guilt of his officers was

apparent, and although he had been commanded by his own sovereign to

punish with death all who had inflicted death on any of the Spaniards, yet

he had so great a regard for his majesty, that he would sooner loose his

own life than do him any injury. Notwithstanding these assurances,

Montezuma was in great fear of being put to death. Cortes sentenced the

Mexican officers to be burnt alive in front of their kings palace, which

was immediately carried into execution; and to prevent any commotion while

this was taking place, he ordered Montezuma to be put in irons. The

unfortunate king could not suppress his sense of this indignity, and wept

aloud when the fetters were put on. After the execution was over, Cortes

went into the apartment of Montezuma, attended by his five captains

formerly mentioned, and took off the irons with his own hands, assuring

him with a cordial embrace, that he loved him more even than a brother,

and that he hoped soon to extend his dominions to more than double their

present size. He is said also to have told him that he was now at liberty

to return to his own palace, if he so wished; but we understood that

Cortes ordered the interpreters to inform Montezuma, that he was inclined

to set him at liberty, but that the other officers refused their consent.

The spirit of the unfortunate king was now entirely subdued, and the tears

ran down his cheeks while Cortes was speaking: He declined the offer with

thanks, well knowing the emptiness of his words; adding, that he thought

it most prudent to remain where he was, to prevent an insurrection in the

city. Montezuma requested Cortes to give him his page, Orteguilla, a youth

who had already made considerable progress in the Mexican language. Cortes

immediately complied, and Orteguilla remained afterwards constantly about

the kings person, as Montezuma took great delight in inquiring from him

many particulars respecting the manners and customs of Europe; and, from

his knowledge of the language, Orteguilla was of great service to us in

the sequel, by communicating every circumstance that was of importance for

us to be made acquainted with. Montezuma continued to reside among us,

always treated with the utmost respect and attention, as no officer and

soldier, even Cortes, ever came into his presence or even passed him,

without taking of his helmet. He always treated us in return with much

courtesey.

The Mexican officers who were publickly executed, were four in number. Of

these Quauhpopoca was the principal, two of the others were named _Coatl_

and _Quiabuitl,_ but I have forgot the name of the fourth[7]. As soon as

this punishment was made known throughout the provinces of the Mexican

empire, it occasioned universal terror among the natives, and the people

of Tontonacapan immediately returned to submission to our garrison at

Villa Rica.--Let me now pause, and request my readers to consider the

train of our heroic acts which I have already related. _First_, we

destroyed our ships, by which we cut off all hope of retreat. _Secondly_,

we entered the city of Mexico, in spite of the many alarming warnings we

had received. _Thirdly_, we made Montezuma, the sovereign of that great

and populous empire, a prisoner, in the midst of his own palace and

capital, surrounded by numerous guards. _Fourthly_, we publickly burnt his

officers in front of his palace, and put the king in irons during the

execution. I now frequently revolve upon these great events in my old age,

which still appear as fresh in my memory as if they had only happened

yesterday. I say to myself, it was not we who did those mighty things, but

we were guided therein by the hand of God. For without his direction, how

was it to be conceived that so small a number as we were, not amounting to

four hundred and fifty men, should have dared to seize and put in irons,

and publickly burn his officers for obeying his orders, in a city larger

and more populous than Venice, and 1500 leagues from our own country.

It was necessary to appoint a successor in the command at Villa Rica, and

accordingly Cortes gave the command to Alonzo de Grado, an indifferent

soldier, but a good speaker, a handsome man, a musician, and a ready

writer, who had always been adverse to our marching to Mexico, and was the

chief orator on these occasions, in conveying the sentiments of the

opposite party to Cortes. On notifying this appointment, Cortes said to

him jocularly, "Senior de Grado, you are now commandant of Villa Rica. See

that you fortify it well; but I charge you not to go to war with the

wicked Indians, lest they kill you as they have done Juan de Escalente."

This was said ironically, as Cortes well knew he would not venture out of

his garrison for any consideration. As we noticed the concealed meaning of

Cortes in these words, we could hardly refrain from laughing aloud. He

then enjoined him to be kind to the natives, and to protect them from

oppression; to use all diligence in completing the fortifications of the

wooden fort, and to cause two large chains to be made from the old iron of

the destroyed ships, by the smiths at Villa Rica, which were to be sent

immediately to Mexico. De Grado, on arriving at his government, assumed a

lofty demeanour, and ordered the neighbouring Indians who were allied with

us, to send him gold and females slaves, neglecting the fortifications,

and spending his time in feasting and deep play. What was still worse, he

plotted with the adherents of Velasquez to deliver up to him the post with

which he had been entrusted. When Cortes learned these things, he repented

of having employed a person whose bad dispositions he well knew in a post

of so much importance, and sent therefore Sandoval, our alguazil-major to

supersede him. Sandoval was accompanied by Pedro de Ircio, who used to

amuse him with anecdotes of the families of the Conde de Ureno and Don

Pedro Giron, by which means he gained the favour of Sandoval, who never

ceased promoting him till he got him to the rank of captain. On his

arrival at Villa Rica, Sandoval arrested De Grado, and sent him prisoner

to Mexico, under a guard of Indians, by order of Cortes, who would not see

him on his arrival, but ordered him to be confined in the stocks, where he

remained two days. De Grado afterwards made his peace, and got the office

of contador, in place of Avila, who was sent over to Hispaniola as

procurador. Sandoval made himself exceedingly popular among the natives in

the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, and diligently applied to complete the

fortifications. He likewise sent to Mexico by order of the general, all

the ironwork necessary for the construction of two vessels which were

ordered to be built for sailing on the lake.

Every day after mass Cortes went with all his officers to pay his respects

to Montezuma, asking his orders, the king always affecting to be perfectly

contented with his situation. On these occasions the discourse frequently

turned upon the principles of our holy faith, and the power of our emperor

Don Carlos. At other times Montezuma and Cortes used to play at a game

called _totoloque_ by the Mexicans, in which they aim with golden balls at

certain other objects made of gold. Once, when Cortes and Alvarado were

playing against Montezuma and his nephew, the king said in a jocular

manner, that he would not allow _Tonatiu_, for so he called Alvarado on

account of his handsomeness, to mark, as if he cheated; on which we all

fell a laughing, as we knew Alvarado was rather given to exaggeration. On

these occasions, Cortes gave all his winnings among the Mexican attendants

of the king; and Montezuma distributed his among us soldiers of the guard.

Indeed he every day made presents to all of us who attended him, and

particularly to Velasquez de Leon, the captain of his guard, who always

treated him with much respect and attention. One night, a soldier named

Truxillo, was guilty of a very disrespectful action within his hearing, at

which Montezuma was much offended, and asked the page Orteguilla who had

committed this extreme rudeness. Orteguilla told him that Truxillo was a

person of low birth, and knew no better, and then gave him an account of

our different ranks and characters, by which he was much gratified. He

sent next day for Truxillo, and after reproving him for his unmannerly

behaviour, made him a present worth five crowns. Next night, Truxillo

committed a similar rudeness, in hopes to get more gold, but Montezuma

complained to De Leon, who ordered Truxillo to be relieved, after which he

gave him a severe reprimand. Another night, a soldier named Pedro Lopez

happened to be unwell, and cursed that dog of an Indian, meaning Montezuma,

for occasioning so much trouble. The king overheard this and discovered

its meaning, on which he complained to Cortes, who ordered the man to be

whipped. After this, proper discipline and strict silence were preserved

by the guard, which greatly pleased the king, who knew us all, and used to

address us by our names, and was always very kind to us. I was then a

young man, and always behaved to him with much respect. The page had

informed him that I had been twice on the coast of his empire before the

arrival of Cortes, and that I had desired him to say to his majesty that I

would be much obliged to him for a handsome Indian girl. He very

graciously complied with this request, and calling me before him,

addressed me to the following effect: "Bernal Diaz, the young woman I now

present to you is the daughter of one of my principal nobles; treat her

well, and her relations will give you as much gold, and as many mantles as

you can desire." I respectfully kissed his hand, thanking him for his

gracious condescension, and prayed God to bless and prosper him. On which

he observed, that my manner spoke me of noble extraction, and he ordered

me three plates of gold, and two loads of mantles. In the morning, after

his devotions, according to the manner of his country, Montezuma used to

eat a light breakfast of vegetables seasoned with _agi,_ which is a kind

of pepper. He then employed a full hour in the dispatch of business, in

the way I have formerly mentioned, being attended at this time by twenty

counsellors; and in this way, sometimes amusing himself, and sometimes

meditating on his situation, he spent the time of his confinement among us.

He had many mistresses, and he used often to give away some of these in

marriage among his officers and particular friends. Some of these ladies

fell to our lot, and the one I got was a lady of high birth, as she shewed

by her manner; after her baptism she was called Donna Francisca.

After the iron materials, with sails and cordage had arrived from Villa

Rica, Cortes asked leave from Montezuma to build two brigantines for the

purpose of his amusement on the lake, and also that he would order the

native carpenters to assist in their construction. Montezuma readily

consented, and as there was plenty of oak at no great distance, the work

went on expeditiously under Martin Lopez our principal ship-builder, so

that the two brigantines were soon built, launched, and rigged. While this

was going on, Montezuma begged to be allowed to perform his devotions in

the great temple, that his friends and subjects might be satisfied he

lived among us by his own choice, and the permission of his gods. Cortes

granted this, under a strict caution to beware of doing any thing that

might bring his life in hazard, as he would send a strong guard along with

him, with orders to put him to death instantly if any commotion should

arise among the people. Cortes likewise insisted that no human sacrifices

should be permitted on the occasion. All this being agreed to, Montezuma

set out for the temple in his usual pomp, attended by four of our captains,

and an hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers, Father Olmedo being likewise

present, to prevent any human sacrifice. Montezuma came out of his litter

near the temple, where he was met by a number of priests, who carried him

up the steps. They had sacrificed four Indians the night before to their

accursed idols, as all our endeavours were insufficient to stop that

abominable practice, which we were forced to connive at for a season,

being afraid to do any thing which might occasion an insurrection. After

remaining a short time at his devotions, Montezuma came down from the

temple, and returned to our quarters in much good humour, and made

presents to all of us who had attended him.

Our two brigantines were now afloat on the lake, fully equipped, and

manned by expert sailors, and were found to obey both sail and oar to a

wish. When Montezuma learnt this, he requested to go a-hunting to a

certain district which was full of game, all other persons being

prohibited from hunting there under pain of death. Cortes granted

permission, giving warning that his life would pay the forfeit of the

smallest attempt to escape, and offered him the use of our ships to convey

him to the hunting ground, which he accepted with much pleasure. The king

and his suit embarked in the swiftest of the two vessels, and the other

accommodated his son and a number of nobles. Four of our captains attended

the king, with a guard of two hundred soldiers, and four brass guns, with

their ammunition and artillery-men, were embarked on the occasion. The wind

was fresh, and our sailors took great delight in exerting their utmost

skill. Our ships seemed to fly along the lake, and left a prodigious

multitude of the canoes of the Mexicans far behind. Montezuma landed at

the place kept for his hunting, which abounded in game, so that he soon

procured a great quantity of various kinds, such as deer, hares, and

rabbits; and having satisfied himself with sport, he reimbarked and came

back to Mexico. We discharged our artillery during the voyage, which gave

him much amusement. He delighted us all by his affability and noble

behaviour, and was held by every one of us in the highest respect. It

happened one day, while three of our captains were in his presence, that a

hawk flew into the apartment in pursuit of a quail, both these birds and

doves being bred about the palace. On this occasion our officers and

soldiers admired the beauty and fine flight of the hawk, and Montezuma was

curious to know the subject of their discourse: It was accordingly

explained to him, as likewise that we were accustomed to tame hawks, and

to fly them from our hands in pursuit of game. On this Montezuma gave

immediate orders to have the hawk caught for us, and the very same bird

was caught and brought to us next morning.

Cacamatzin prince of Tezcuco, the largest town in the empire next to

Mexico, took great umbrage at hearing that his uncle Montezuma had been

kept many days prisoner by the Spaniards, and that we had opened the

treasury of his ancestors. He therefore called a meeting of his principal

vassals, and of the neighbouring princes or great feudatories of the

Mexican empire, among whom was the lord of Matlatzinco, a renowned warrior

and near relation of Montezuma, who was reported to have some pretensions

to the throne. His intention in summoning these princes was to persuade

them to assemble their forces, in order to attack us, and on making this

proposal to the assembled chiefs, he of Matlatzinco offered to concur with

his whole force, on condition that they would raise him to the throne of

Mexico. But Cacamatzin alleged that he had a preferable claim to that

dignity, and declared he would destroy the Spaniards with his own forces,

for which purpose he entered into arrangements with his partizans in

Mexico. The whole of this plan was reported to Montezuma, who immediately

commanded his nephew Cacamatzin to desist from his preparations, and

communicated the information he had received to Cortes, who had already

received some notice of what was going forwards, but not to the full

extent. Cortes immediately proposed to go at the head of a detachment of

the Spaniards, and a large body of Mexican troops, and to destroy Tezcuco;

but as this proposal did not please Montezuma, Cortes sent a message to

Cacamatzin, requiring him to desist from his war-like preparations, and

declaring his wish to have him for a friend. Cacamatzin answered, that he

would not become the dupe of plausible words like others, and meant soon

to pay us a visit, when he would listen to what we had to say. In a second

message, Cortes warned him not to proceed to hostilities, which would

certainly occasion the death of his uncle; but he replied, that he cared

neither for Montezuma nor Cortes, and was determined to act as he thought

proper.

Cacamatzin had a brother named Cuitcuitzcatzin, who resided in Mexico,

having been obliged to take refuge there in consequence of a family

quarrel. As this was known to us, Cortes proposed that Cacamatzin should

be brought to Mexico, where we would seize him unless he agreed to

preserve the peace, or might substitute his brother in the government of

Tezcuco. Montezuma agreed to send for him, and assured us if he refused to

come, he would give orders to bring him by force. Cortes thanked the king

for this instance of his fidelity, declaring that he now only remained in

Mexico to protect him against his rebellious subjects, and would feel

happy to reinstate him in his own palace, but could not prevail on the

rest of the Spanish captains to agree to this measure. Montezuma said in

reply, that he would immediately transmit information to Cacamatzin, that

his present residence was entirely of his own free will, and by the advice

of their gods; for Montezuma was perfectly aware of the simulation of

Cortes in his declarations, and endeavoured to fight him with his own

weapons. He accordingly sent a message to the prince in the proposed terms;

but Cacamatzin understood the manner in which his uncle was constrained to

act, and declared his determination to assail our quarters within four

days, saying that Montezuma was a despicable monarch, for having neglected

to attack us at the Port of Chalco, as he had advised. That he was

resolved to be avenged of the wrongs which we had heaped upon Montezuma

and his country, and that if the throne of Mexico should fall to his lot

during the contest, he would liberally reward all who assisted him against

the Spanish invaders. Several of the Mexican chiefs who were along with

Cacamatzin, expressed their scruples about entering into war without the

orders of their legitimate sovereign, and proposed to send to him for

instructions. Cacamatzin was enraged at this proposal, as adverse to his

views of assuming the crown of the Mexican empire, and immediately ordered

three of the most refractory into custody; by which procedure the rest

were intimidated into compliance with his plans. He then sent a message to

Montezuma, representing the disgrace into which he had fallen, by joining

himself with wizards and magicians, and declared his resolution to destroy

us all. Montezuma was much offended by the proud independence assumed by

his nephew, whom he now resolved to circumvent and make prisoner. For this

purpose he entrusted his signet to six of his captains, whom he commanded

to shew it to certain other leaders among his subjects, who were not well

affected to the prince, and to communicate to them his orders to seize

Cacamatzin and bring him prisoner to Mexico. These men went accordingly to

where Cacamatzin was consulting with the confederate chiefs on the

arrangement of his expedition; and shewing the royal signet with which

they were entrusted, they secured him and five of his principal chiefs

without opposition, and brought them away to Mexico. Cacamatzin, being

brought into the presence of Montezuma, was reproached by him for his

disobedience and treason, and then delivered over to Cortes; but the other

prisoners were released.

Arrangements were immediately made for raising Cuitcuitzcatzin, one of the

brothers of Cacamatzin, to the principality of Tezcuco; who was

accordingly invested with this dignity in the presence, of Montezuma, and

sent over with a splendid retinue to take possession of the government[8].

This important business being completed to our entire satisfaction, we

continued to reside in Mexico, paying our court to Montezuma with the

utmost demonstrations of respect, yet detaining him always a prisoner in

our quarters.

Cortes now resumed a proposal which had been formerly made, for Montezuma

acknowledging the sovereignty of our emperor over him and his dominions;

to which Montezuma replied, that he would summon a council of all his

dependent princes, which he did accordingly, and almost the whole of them

attended in the course of ten days. Among a few who absented themselves on

this occasion, was the chief of Matlatzinco, who has been already

mentioned as renowned for his warlike prowess. He sent back an answer,

that he would neither obey the summons nor pay any more tribute. Montezuma

was much incensed by this contumacious message from his vassal, and sent

officers to apprehend him, but they were unable to succeed. The princes

and feudatories being all assembled, Montezuma reminded them of the

ancient prophecies, by which it was foretold to their ancestors, that a

people was to come from the region of the rising sun, to whom the empire

of the country was to be transferred. He added, that he believed the

Spaniards to be the people spoken of in that prophecy; and had sacrificed

to his gods in vain to give him a distinct revelation on the subject, but

they referred him to the former responses, and commanded him to ask no

more. From all this he concluded that they willed him to yield obedience

to the king of Castile, who was the sovereign of these strangers. "I now,"

said he in conclusion, "beseech you to agree to this submission, which is

required of me by the Spaniards. During the eighteen years which I have

reigned, I have ever been a kind monarch to you, and you have always been

faithful subjects. Since our gods will have it so, let no one refuse this

instance of obedience which I now ask." The princes, with many sighs and

tears, promised to do every thing he might desire. Montezuma, who was

still more affected than they, sent a message to inform Cortes, that he

and his princes would tender their allegiance to our emperor next day.

This was accordingly done at the time appointed, in presence of all our

officers and many of our soldiers, none of whom could refrain from tears,

at beholding the distress and agitation of the great and generous

Montezuma on this humiliating occasion.

Some time afterwards, when Cortes and his captains were conversing with

Montezuma on various topics, the general made inquiry relative to the gold

mines of the empire, when Montezuma informed him that the richest of these

were in the province of Zacatula or Zacatollan, and said that the gold was

procured by washing the earth, the small grains of metal sinking to the

bottom during the operation. He also said that it was obtained from two

rivers in the province of Guztepeque, where the natives were not subjects

to his empire; but, if Cortes chose to send some troops to that place, he

would order his officers to accompany them. Cortes accordingly sent the

pilot Umbria and two soldiers to examine the mines of Zacatula; and sent

his relation Pizarro, to the territories of Chinantla and Zapoteca.

Pizarro was then a young man, and at that time his name and that of Peru,

now so famous, were both equally unknown. Pizarro, who was one of our

captains, took with him four soldiers who were used to mining, and four

Mexican nobles; and Montezuma presented Cortes with a map of the whole

northern, or rather eastern coast of the Mexican empire, admirably

represented in painting, extending at least an hundred and forty leagues,

all the way to Tabasco. Among the rivers said to produce gold, was that of

Huatzocoalco, which Cortes wished to have examined, and Diego de Ordas

offering himself for this purpose, was reluctantly accepted by Cortes, as

he was a person on whom he depended for sound judgment and wholesome

advice on occasions of importance. Before his departure, Montezuma told

Ordas, that the power of the crown of Mexico did not extend over the

country to which he was going, but that he was welcome to the assistance

of the frontier garrisons. Umbria returned first from his mission,

bringing with him gold to the value of three hundred crowns and reported

that the mines might be made very productive, if they were as expertly

managed as those of Hispaniola and Cuba. Two principal persons of the

district accompanied him to Mexico, who brought a present of gold to the

value of about a hundred crowns, and offered to submit themselves and

country to the sovereignty of our emperor. Umbria and his companions

described the country which they had visited as extremely rich and

populous, and he and his companions appeared to have done something

handsome for themselves on the expedition, which Cortes winked at in order

to make up for some former differences.

Ordas, on his return, said that he had passed through very populous

districts, in all of which he was well received. That he found several

bodies of Mexican troops on the frontiers, of whose outrages the natives

of the country made heavy complaints, on which account he had severely

reprehended the commanders of the troops, threatening them with a similar

punishment with what had been inflicted on the lord of Nauhtlan. He had

sounded the river of Huatzcoalco, where he found three fathoms water on

the bar at low tide in the shallowest part, and still deeper within, where

there was a place very proper for a naval establishment. The caciques and

natives treated him with much hospitality, and offered themselves as

vassals to our emperor, but complained loudly against the exactions of

Montezuma and his officers, and pointed out a place where they had lately

slain many of the Mexican troops, which they had named _Cuilonemequi,_ or

the Place of Slaughter of the Mexicans, on whom they bestowed the most

opprobrious epithets. He represented the soil of the country as well

fitted for tillage and the rearing of cattle, and the port as well

situated for trade with Cuba, Hispaniola, and Jamaica; but as inconvenient,

from its distance from Mexico, and unhealthy owing to the morasses in its

vicinity. Pizarro returned from Tustepeque or Tzapotecapan, with gold in

grains to the value of a thousand crowns. He reported, that in going into

the mountains inhabited by the Chinantlans, they flew to arms and would

not permit the Mexicans to enter into their country, threatening to put

them all to death; but admitted him and his Spaniards with great attention.

He brought several of the chiefs of that country along with him to Mexico,

who wished to shake off the Mexican yoke, and to become subjects to our

emperor. Cortes then inquired at Pizarro for the soldiers who had

accompanied him, when Pizarro answered, that finding the country rich and

the people friendly, he had left them to make a plantation of cocoa, and

to explore the rivers and mines. Cortes said nothing to him in public, but

gave him a severe private reprimand for employing the soldiers in such

foolish pursuits, contrary to his orders, and immediately sent a message

commanding their return to head-quarters.

Cortes now proposed to Montezuma to order a general contribution in gold

to be collected through the whole of his dominions, as a tribute to our

emperor, and also that he should deliver up his treasure for the same

purpose. Montezuma accordingly sent orders to his officers in those

districts where the mines were situated, commanding them immediately to

transmit a certain quantity of gold plates, of the size usually paid as

tribute, two of which were sent as patterns. He remarked at the same time,

that there were many districts of the empire from which gold was not to be

expected in any considerable quantity, as they had no mines, and the

natives had only such golden toys among them as they had inherited from

their ancestors. Much gold was immediately transmitted to Mexico from the

rich provinces in compliance with the order; but when it was communicated

to the refractory lord of Matlatzinco, formerly mentioned, he haughtily

answered, that he would pay no tribute, for he had as good a right as

Montezuma to the throne of Mexico. Montezuma was much enraged at this

insolent message, and immediately sent some trusty officers with his

signet, who succeeded in apprehending this redoubted chief. On being

brought prisoner into the presence of the king, he behaved with so much

insolence that Montezuma ordered him to be put to death; but Cortes

interceded for him, and got his punishment transmuted to imprisonment. He

even endeavoured to make a friend of this chief, and proposed to have him

set at liberty, but Montezuma insisted that he should be kept in chains

along with Cacamatzin.

Twenty days after the orders had been issued for collecting the tribute,

it was all brought to Mexico, on which Montezuma summoned Cortes into his

presence, along with the captains and the soldiers who formed his usual

guard, and addressed us as follows: "Being indebted to your great king,

whom I much esteem for having sent you as his ambassadors to me from so

great a distance, and as I am convinced by the prophecies transmitted to

us by our ancestors, and confirmed by our gods, that he is destined to

rule over us, take this gold, which is all I could collect on so short a

notice, and also the treasure which I inherited from my ancestors which

you have already seen; send all this to your emperor, and let it be

recorded in your chronicles that this is the tribute from his vassal

Montezuma. Besides all this, I shall give you for your monarch, a quantity

of our most valuable jewels, which we call _calchihuis_[9], every one of

which is worth two loads of gold, and three tubes for shooting darts or

pellets, so richly adorned with jewels that he will be pleased with them.

Accept all this as an instance of my good will, for it is the last of my

treasure." We all immediately took off our helmets, and gave our hearty

thanks to Montezuma for his munificent and liberal gift, which Cortes

promised should be presented to the emperor with a just representation of

the merits of the donor. We were employed for three days in taking to

pieces the gold contained in the various ornamental articles in the

concealed treasury, which was now delivered up to us by the command of

Montezuma, in which we were assisted by the royal goldsmiths from the town

of Escapuzalco. When separated and weighed, these articles weighed to the

value of above 600,000 crowns, besides many other articles of value, and

exclusive of gold in plates and bars, and in its rough state as brought

from the mines. All this gold was melted down by the goldsmiths, and cast

into bars of three fingers breadth, all of which were stamped with the

royal arms, with our entire approbation. The rest of the present of

Montezuma was worthy of great admiration, consisting of the jewels called

_calchihius_ ornamented tubes covered with gold and jewels, beautiful

embroideries of pearls and feathers, plumes of feathers, and an endless

variety of rich manufactures; and it was unanimously agreed by us all not

to take these rich ornaments to pieces.

After the royal officers had weighed and valued the gold, which exceeded,

as I have already mentioned, 600,000 crowns, exclusive of the silver and

other ornamental articles, it was proposed to deduct the royal fifth, and

to distribute the shares among the officers and soldiers. Cortes proposed

to postpone the division till we acquired more treasure, and had more

exact weights: But the soldiers were clamorous for an immediate division,

as we perceived that above a third part had disappeared since the various

articles were taken to pieces, Cortes and the captains and others being

continually carrying it away and concealing it for their own use. It was

at length agreed to make the division next day, when it was still found to

exceed 600,000 crowns in weight. On making the division, Cortes in the

_first_ place caused a fifth to be laid aside for his majesty; _secondly_,

a fifth for himself, as had been agreed upon; _thirdly_, a portion to

reimburse the naval expenditure incurred by Velasquez, the destruction of

the ships, and all the expences of the expedition from Cuba; _fourthly_,

for the expences of the agents whom we had sent to Spain; _fifthly_, for

the shares of our companions who were in garrison at Villa Rica; _sixthly_,

for the value of the horses which had been killed; _seventhly_, for the

reverend Father Olmeda and our captains; _eighthly_, double shares for the

cavalry, musketeers, and crossbow-men. When all these deductions were made

from the stock, the shares which remained for each soldier were hardly

worth acceptance, not exceeding 100 crowns a-man. We were obliged to

submit, having no one to appeal to for justice; yet many were very

clamorous, whom Cortes secretly endeavoured to appease, giving a little to

one and a little to another in private, and feeding all with fair promises.

Our captains got chains of gold made for them by the Mexican workmen,

Cortes did the same, and had a superb service of gold plate made for his

table. Many of our soldiers, who had been fortunate in secreting plunder,

had golden ornaments made for their use, and gave themselves up to deep

gaming, for which purpose they made cards from drum-heads; and thus we

passed our time in Mexico. One Cardenas, a pilot, who had a wife and

children, seeing that all the immense treasure of Montezuma had dwindled

down to paltry shares of a hundred crowns, made loud complaints of the

injustice he and all of us had experienced. On this coming to the ears of

Cortes, he called us together, and gave us a long honied speech, wondering

how we should be so clamorous about a paltry sum of gold, as the whole

country, with all its rich mines, would soon be ours, by which we would

all have enough to make us lords and princes, and I know not all what.

After this he distributed presents secretly among the most clamorous, and

promised Cardenas to send home 300 crowns to his wife and children.

All men are desirous of acquiring riches, and the desire generally

increases with the acquisition. As it was well known that a great many

valuable pieces of gold had been abstracted from the treasury, suspicion

naturally fell upon several persons who appeared to have more gold than

their shares amounted to. Among these, it was noticed that Velasquez de

Leon had some large chains of gold, and many trinkets and ornaments of

that metal, in the hands of the Mexican workmen, which the treasurer Mexia

claimed as having been purloined. De Leon resisted this, alleging that it

had been given him by Cortes before the gold was run into bars. Mexia

replied that Cortes had concealed enough, and had already taken too much

from the soldiers, without giving him so great a quantity, and insisted on

restitution. Both were valiant men, and their quarrel rose to such a

height, that they drew their swords, and each of them received two wounds

before they could be parted. Cortes ordered them both under arrest and to

be put in chains; but spoke privately to De Leon, who was his intimate

friend, to submit quietly, and released Mexia in consideration of his

holding the office of treasurer. Velasquez was a strong active man, and

used to walk much in the apartment where he was confined, and as Montezuma

heard the rattling of his chains, he inquired who it was, and interceded

with Cortes for his liberation. Cortes told him that Velasquez was a mad

fellow, who would go about robbing the Mexicans of their gold if not

confined. Montezuma replied, if that were all, he would supply his wants,

and Cortes affected to release him as a favour to the king, but banished

him to Cholula, whence he returned in six days, richer than before by the

king's bounty.

About this time, the king offered to give Cortes one of the princesses his

daughter in marriage. Cortes received this offer with much gratitude, but

suggested the propriety of having her in the first place instructed in the

Christian religion, with which Montezuma complied, though he still

continued attached to his own false worship and brutal human sacrifices.

Cortes and his captains were much scandalized by this persistence of

Montezuma in idolatry, and thought it their duty as Christians, to run

even the risk of occasioning a rebellion of the Mexicans by destroying the

idols and planting the true cross in their place; or if that could not be

now accomplished, to make a chapel for Christian worship in the temple. On

this determination, seven officers and soldiers attended Cortes and Father

Olmedo to wait upon Montezuma, to whom they communicated their wish, and

their resolution to employ force if necessary. The king was much alarmed,

and earnestly begged leave to consult with his priests on the subject.

Cortes seemed touched with his situation, and made a signal to the

officers and soldiers to retire, leaving him and Olmedo with the king. He

then told him, that he would endeavour to prevail on the officers to be

satisfied for the present, if a part of the great temple was appropriated

for the reception of an altar and crucifix, by which his majesty would

soon be convinced of the falsehood of his erroneous worship[10]. To this

proposal Montezuma reluctantly consented, with the appearance of much

agitation and deep sorrow; and, an altar and crucifix being erected, mass

was solemnly celebrated in the new chapel, for the care of which a proper

person was appointed.

The whole time of our stay in this city was one continued series of alarms,

sufficient to have destroyed us if we had not been supported by divine

interposition. By this last measure, through the representations of the

priests, acting on the prejudices of the people, our dangers were much

increased. Their gods, as the priests alleged, threatened to desert them,

unless we were destroyed for this violation of the temple, and an

universal determination was formed to obey this manifestation of their

commands. This resolution of the people was conveyed to Montezuma by the

priests, and all his principal warriors; who, besides this subject of

complaint on the score of religion, made many other representations

respecting our misconduct, ever since our arrival in the empire. The page

Orguetilla communicated many alarming circumstances which he had observed,

to Cortes, respecting frequent secret conferences between Montezuma and

his priests and nobles, and the angry and melancholy appearances which he

had frequently seen the king assume on these occasions. Cortes was alarmed

by this intelligence, and immediately waited on the king accompanied by

his interpreters and five of his captains. Montezuma seemed much

distressed during this conference, and declared to Cortes that he was

extremely grieved at the manifestation of the will of his gods that we

should all be put to death or expelled from Mexico: He therefore, as our

sincere friend, earnestly recommended that we should not run the risk of

incurring the indignation of his subjects, but should save our lives by a

retreat whilst that remained within our power. Cortes and the rest were

naturally much alarmed at this; but Cortes answered that he was

principally concerned, because in the first place, he had no vessels for

returning into his own country, and in the next place he would be under

the necessity of taking Montezuma along with him, that he might present

him to our emperor. He therefore entreated Montezuma to use every

influence to restrain his priests and warriors from proceeding to violence,

until we had time to build three ships for our conveyance, and offered

immediately to send our ship-builders to fell timber and construct the

vessels on the coast, requesting the king to order the assistance of his

carpenters for this purpose, that there might be no delay. He repeated his

request, that Montezuma would employ all his influence to prevent any

insurrection in the city, and his endeavours to appease his priests and

gods, providing that no human sacrifices were resorted to for that purpose.

Martin Lopez, our principal ship-builder, was immediately dispatched to

Villa Rica to commence building the three ships, which were put on the

stocks without delay. During this interval, we remained in Mexico full of

terror of being attacked by the whole force of a numerous and warlike

people, exasperated by the insults we had heaped on their sovereign and

their religious belief. Our apprehensions were continually kept alive by

the information we received from Donna Marina, and the page Orteguilla;

who, by understanding the language, obtained much information which must

otherwise have escaped our knowledge. We kept however constant guard over

Montezuma, and the strictest military discipline in our quarters, sleeping

always in our armour, and having our horses saddled and bridled every

night. Without meaning it as any boast, I may say this of myself, that my

armour became as easy and familiar to me as if it had been a soft down bed.

And so habituated am I to this, that now in my old age, when I make the

circuit of my district, I never take a bed along with me, unless attended

by stranger gentlemen, when I do so merely to avoid the appearance of

poverty or avarice. Yet, even when I have one, I always sleep in my

clothes; neither can I rest throughout the night, but get up to

contemplate the stars, walking about without hat or cap, as I used to do

on guard; yet thank GOD I never get cold, nor am I the worse for this

practice. This is to be a true soldier! My readers must pardon this

digression, which does not proceed from vanity, but to let him know what

kind of men we were, the real conquerors of Mexico[11].

[1] Clavigero calls this the god of providence, the soul of the world, the

creator of heaven and earth, and the master of ill things, the

rewarder of the just and the punisher of the wicked.--E.

[2] Along with the work of Bernal Diaz, and in the history of Mexico by

Clavigero, there are representations of ancient Mexican temples. In

both they consist of six frustums of truncated pyramids, placed above

each other, having a gallery or open walk around at each junction, and

straight outside stairs reaching between each gallery, not unlike the

representations that have been ideally formed of the tower of

Babel.--E.

[3] Clavigero pretends that the defeat and death of Escalante were known

to Cortes and his followers while at Cholula. This is highly

improbable, both from the narrative of Diaz, and because Cortes would

not certainly have put himself entirely in the power of Montezuma,

after this unequivocal demonstration of resolute enmity.--E.

[4] In the original of Diaz they are said to have retreated to Almeria,

but this is an obvious mistake. Almeria, according to Clavigero, II.

55, was the name given by the Spaniards to Nauhtlan, a city on the

coast of the Gulf of Mexico, thirty-six miles north of Villa Rica,

which was governed by Quauhpopoca for Montezuma, and by whom the

Mexican detachment was commanded by which Escalente was defeated.--E.

[5] It is obvious from a circumstance in the sequel of this story that

Diaz and other soldiers attended Cortes on this occasion. Clavigero,

II. 77. says there were twenty-five soldiers besides the five captains,

who repaired two by two to the palace, and joined Cortes there as if

by accident. This daring transaction took place eight days after the

arrival of Cortes in the city of Mexico.--E.

[6] Diaz calls this Tuzapan; but as Nauhtlan was in the country of the

Totonacas, called Totonacapan by the Mexicans, we have chosen here and

everywhere else that this could be done with certainty, to adopt the

orthography of Clavigero.--E.

[7] According to Clavigero, II. 82. Quauhpopoca, his son, and fifteen

other nobles were cruelly put to death on this occasion. Diaz names

the principal chief Quetzalpopoca.--E.

[8] Diaz says that he assumed the name of Don Carlos on this occasion; but

does not allege even that he had been baptised. This name was probably

merely imposed upon him by the Spanish soldiery; or he may have

acquired it on becoming a Christian after the conquest of Mexico was

completed.--E.

[9] It is impossible now to say what were these jewels so much valued by

the Mexicans. Clavigero, I. 422, enumerates among their precious

stones, "Emeralds, amethysts, cornelians, turquoises, and others not

known in Europe." In another passage, I. 424, he mentions many small

red stones similar to rubies, as among the Mexican curiosities

transmitted to Charles V. by Cortes.--E.

[10] We are duly sensible of the divine super-excellence of Christianity,

and the gross barbarism of idolatry joined with abominable human

sacrifices. Yet, the mere change of two crossed sticks and the images

of Saint Somebody or Saint Nobody, for the idols of the Mexicans,

under pretence of introducing the pure religion of the meek and holy

Jesus, seems in our humble opinion a mere _qui pro quo_; and, when

taken in conjunction with the proposed conversion by military

execution, and the introduction of the bloody tribunal of the

Inquisition, not one iota less idolatrous or less barbarous.--E.

[11] Bernal Diaz neglects to accommodate his readers with the very useful

appendage of dates; it therefore may be proper to remark that the

Spaniards entered the city of Mexico for the first time on the 8th

November 1519; and as Cortes left it in the beginning of May 1520, in

his march against Narvaez, he had now spent about six months in the

capital of a mighty empire, with hardly 450 soldiers.--E.