_The Spaniards commence their March to Mexico; with an account of the War
in Tlascala, and the submission of that Nation_.
Everything being in readiness for our march to Mexico, we were advised by
our allies of Chempoalla to proceed by way of Tlascala, the inhabitants of
that province being in friendship with them and constantly at war with the
Mexicans; and at our requisition, we were joined by fifty of the principal
warriors of the Totanacas[1], who likewise gave us 200 _tlamama_, or men
of burden, to draw our guns and to transport our baggage and ammunition[2].
Our first day's march on the 16th of August 1519, was to _Xalapan_, and
our second to _Socochima_, a place of difficult approach, surrounded by
vines. During the whole of this march, the main body was kept in compact
order, being always preceded by an advance of light infantry, and patroles
of cavalry. Our interpreters informed the people of this place, that we
were subjects of the great emperor Don Carlos, who had sent us to abolish
human sacrifices and various other abuses; and as these people were allies
of Chempoalla and independent of Montezuma, they treated us in a friendly
manner. We erected a cross at this place, explaining its signification and
giving them information of many things belonging to our holy faith, and
exhorting them to reverence the cross. From this place we proceeded by a
difficult pass among lofty mountains to _Texotla_, the people of which
place were well disposed to us, as they also paid no tribute to Montezuma.
Continuing our march through desert lofty mountains, we experienced
excessive cold, with heavy falls of hail, and came next day to a pass,
where there were some houses and large temples, and great piles of wood
intended for the service of the idols. Provisions were scarce during the
two last days, and we now approached the confines of the Mexican empire,
at a place called _Xocotlan_; to the cacique of which place Cortes sent a
message informing him of our arrival. The appearance of this place evinced
that we were entering upon a new and richer country. The temples and other
buildings were lofty, with terraced roofs, and had a magnificent
appearance, being all plastered and white-washed, so as to resemble some
of our towns in Spain; on which account we called this place _Castel
blanco_.
In consequence of our message, the cacique and other principal persons of
the town came out to meet us, and conducted us to our quarters, where they
gave us a very poor entertainment. After supper, Cortes inquired
respecting the military power of Montezuma, and was told that he was able
to bring prodigious armies into the field. The city of Mexico was
represented as of uncommon strength, being built on the water, with no
communication between the houses, houses, except by means of boats or
bridges, each house being terraced, and only needing the addition of a
parapet to become a fortress. The only access to the city was by means of
three causeways or piers, each of which had four or five apertures for the
passage of the waters, having wooden bridges which could be raised up, so
as to preclude all access. We were likewise informed of the vast wealth
possessed by Montezuma, in gold, silver, and jewels, which filled us with
astonishment; and although the account we had already received of the
military resources of the empire and the inaccessible strength of the
capital might have filled us with dismay, yet we were eager to try our
fortunes. The cacique expatiated in praise of Montezuma, and expressed his
apprehension of having offended him by receiving us into his government
without his leave. To this Cortes replied, That we had come from a far
distant country by command of our sovereign, to exhort Montezuma and his
subjects to desist from human sacrifices and other outrages; adding: "I
now require all who hear me, to renounce your inhuman sacrifices, cannibal
feasts, and other abominable customs; for such is the command of GOD, whom
we adore." The natives listened to all this in profound silence, and
Cortes proposed to the soldiers to destroy the idols and plant the holy
cross, as had been already done at Chempoalla; but Father Olmedo
recommended that this should be postponed to a fitter opportunity, lest
the ignorance and barbarism of the people might incite them to offer
indignity against that holy symbol of our blessed religion.
We happened to have a very large dog along with us, which belonged to
Francisco de Lugo, which used to bark very loud during the night, to the
great surprise of the natives, who asked our Chempoallan allies if that
terrible animal was a lion or tiger which we had brought to devour them.
They answered that this creature attacked and devoured whoever offended us;
that our guns discharged stones which destroyed our enemies, and that our
horses were exceedingly swift and caught whoever we pursued. On this the
others observed that with such astonishing powers we certainly were
_teules_. Our allies also advised them to beware of practising any thing
against us, as we could read their hidden thoughts, and recommended them
to conciliate our favour by a present. They accordingly brought us several
ornaments of much debased gold, and gave us four women to make bread, and
a load of mantles. Near some of the temples belonging to this place I saw
a vast number of human skeletons arranged in such exact order that they
might easily be counted with perfect accuracy, and I am certain there were
above an hundred thousand. In another part immense quantities of human
bones were heaped up in endless confusion. In a third, great numbers of
skulls were suspended from beams, and watched by three priests. Similar
collections were to be seen everywhere as we marched through this district
and the territories of Tlascala.
On consulting the cacique of Xocotla respecting the road to Mexico, he
advised us to go through Cholula; but our allies strongly dissuaded us
from that route, alleging that the people were very treacherous, and that
the town was always occupied by a Mexican garrison, and repeated the
former advice of going by Tlascala, assuring us of a friendly reception
there. Cortes accordingly sent messengers before us to Tlascala announcing
our approach, and bearing a crimson velvet cap as a present. Although
these people were ignorant of writing, yet Cortes sent a letter by his
messengers, as it was generally understood to carry a sanction of the
message which was to be delivered. We now set out for Tlascala, in our
accustomed order of march, attended by twenty principal inhabitants of
Xocotla. On arriving at a village in the territory of Xalacingo[3], where
we received intelligence that the whole nation of the Tlascalans were in
arms to oppose us, believing as to be in alliance with their inveterate
enemies the Mexicans, on account of the number of Mexican subjects who
attended our army. So great was their suspicion on this account, that they
imprisoned our two messengers, for whose return we waited two days very
impatiently. Cortes employed the time in exhorting the Indians to abandon
their idolatry and to reconcile themselves to our holy church. At the end
of these two days, we resumed our march, accompanied by two of the
principal people of this place whom Cortes demanded to attend us, and we
soon afterwards met our messengers who had made their escape, either owing
to the negligence or connivance of their guards. These messengers were in
extreme terror, as the people of Tlascala threatened to destroy us and
every one who should adhere to us. As a battle was therefore to be
expected, the standard was advanced to the front, and Cortes instructed
the cavalry to charge by threes to the front, never halting to give
thrusts with their lances, but urging on at speed with couched lances
levelled at the faces of the enemy. He directed them also, when their
lance was seized by the enemy, to force it from them by the efforts of the
horse, firmly grasping the butt under the arm. At about two leagues from
the last resting-place, we came to a fortification built of stone and lime,
excellently constructed for defence, and so well cemented that nothing but
iron tools could make an impression on it. We halted for a short time to
examine this work, which had been built by the Tlascalans to defend their
territory against the incursions of their Mexican enemies; and on Cortes
ordering us to march on, saying, "Gentlemen follow your standard the holy
cross, through which we shall conquer;" we all replied, "Forward in the
name of God, in whom is our only confidence."
After passing this barrier some distance, our advanced guard descried
about thirty of the Tlascalan troops, who had been sent to observe us.
Cortes sent on the cavalry to endeavour to take some of these men
prisoners, while the infantry advanced at a quick pace to support the
advanced guard. Our cavalry immediately attacked, but the Tlascalans
defended themselves bravely with their swords, wounding some of the horses
severely, on which our people had to kill five of them, but were unable to
make any prisoners. A body of three thousand warriors now sallied out upon
us with great fury from an ambush, and began to discharge their arrows at
our cavalry; but as our artillery and musquetry were now ready to bear
upon them, we soon compelled them to give way, though in a regular manner,
and fighting as they retreated; leaving seventeen of their men dead on the
field; and one of our men was so severely wounded as to die a few days
after. As the day was near a close, we did not attempt any pursuit; but
continued our march, in which we soon descended from the hills into a flat
country, thickly set with farm-houses, among fields of maize and the
Maguay plant. We halted for the night on the banks of a brook, where we
dressed our wounds with the _grease of a fat Indian_ who was slain in the
skirmish; and though the natives had carried away all their provisions, we
caught their dogs when they returned at night to the houses, and made a
comfortable supper of that unusual fare. Next day, after recommending
ourselves to God, we resumed our march against the Tlascalan army; both
cavalry and infantry being duly instructed how to act when we came to
battle; the cavalry to charge right through, and the infantry to preserve
a firm array. We soon fell in with the enemy, to the number of about 6000
men in two bodies, who immediately attacked us with great spirit,
discharging their arrows, shouting, and sounding their martial instruments.
Cortes halted the army, and sent three prisoners to demand a peaceable
conference, and to assure them we wished to treat them as brothers;
ordering at the same time the notary Godoy, to witness this message
officially. This message had no effect, as they attacked us more fiercely
than before, on which Cortes gave the word, _St Jago, and on them_. We
accordingly made a furious onset, slaying many with the first discharges
of our artillery, three of their chiefs falling on this occasion. They now
retreated to some uneven ground, where the whole army of the state of
Tlascala, 40,000 in number, were posted under cover, commanded by
_Xicotencatl_, the general in chief of the republic. As the cavalry could
not act in this uneven ground, we were forced to fight our way through as
well as we were able in a compact column, assailed on every side by the
enemy, who were exceedingly expert archers. They were all clothed in white
and red, with devices of the same colours, being the uniform of their
general. Besides the multitudes who discharged continual flights of arrows,
many of them who were armed with lances closed upon us while we were
embarrassed by the inequality of the ground; but as soon as we got again
into the plain, we made a good use of our cavalry and artillery. Yet they
fought incessantly against us with astonishing intrepidity, closing upon
us all around, so that we were in the utmost danger at every step, but God
supported and assisted us. While closely environed in this manner, a
number of their strongest warriors, armed with tremendous two-handed
swords, made a combined attack on Pedro de Moron, an expert horseman, who
was charging through them accompanied by other three of our cavalry. They
seized his lance and wounded himself dangerously, and one of them cut
through the neck of his horse with a blow of a two-handed sword, so that
he fell down dead. We rescued Moron from the enemy with the utmost
difficulty, even cutting the girths and bringing off his saddle, but ten
of our number were wounded in the attempt, and believe we then slew ten of
their chiefs, while fighting hand to hand. They at length began to retire,
taking with them the body of the horse, which they cut in pieces, and
distributed through all the districts of Tlascala as a trophy of victory.
Moron died soon after of his wounds, at least I have no remembrance of
seeing him afterwards. After a severe and close conflict of above an hour,
during which our artillery swept down multitudes out of the numerous and
crowded bodies of the enemy, they drew off in a regular manner, leaving
the field to us, who were too much fatigued to pursue. We took up our
quarters, therefore, in the nearest village, named _Teoatzinco_, where we
found numbers of subterraneous dwellings. This battle was fought on the 2d
September 1519. The loss of the enemy on this occasion was very
considerable, eight of their principal chiefs being slain, but how many
others we know not, as whenever an Indian is wounded or slain, he is
immediately carried off by his companions. Fifteen of them were made
prisoners, of whom two were chiefs. On our side fifteen men were wounded,
one only of whom died. As soon as we got clear of the enemy, we gave
thanks to God for his merciful preservation, and took post in a strong and
spacious temple, where we dressed our wounds with the fat of Indians. We
obtained a plentiful supply of food from the fowls and dogs which we found
in the houses of the village, and posted strong guards on every side for
our security.
We continued quietly in the temple for one day, to repose after the
fatigues of the battle, occupying ourselves in repairing our cross-bows,
and making arrows. Next day Cortes sent out seven of our cavalry with two
hundred infantry and all our allies, to scour the country, which is very
flat and well adapted for the movements of cavalry, and this detachment
brought in twenty prisoners, some of whom were women, without meeting with
any injury from the enemy, neither did the Spaniards do any mischief; but
our allies, being very cruel, made great havoc, and came back loaded with
dogs and fowls. Immediately on our return, Cortes released all the
prisoners, after giving them food and kind treatment, desiring them to
expostulate with their companions on the madness of resisting our arms. He
likewise released the two chiefs who had been taken in the preceding
battle, with a letter in token of credence, desiring them to inform their
countrymen that he only asked to pass through their country in his way to
Mexico. These chiefs waited accordingly on _Xicotencatl_, whose army was
posted about two leagues from our quarters, at a place called
_Tehuacinpacingo_, and delivered the message of Cortes. To this the
Tlascalan general replied, "Tell them to go to Tlascala, where we shall
give them peace by offering their hearts and blood to our gods, and by
feasting on their bodies." After what we had already experienced of the
number and valour of the enemy, this horrible answer did not afford us
much consolation; but Cortes concealed his fears, and treated the
messengers more kindly than ever, to induce them to carry a fresh message.
By inquiry from them he got the following account of the number of the
enemy and of the nature of the command enjoyed by its general. The army
now opposed to us consisted of the troops or quotas of five great chiefs,
each consisting of 10,000 men. These chiefs were _Xicotencatl_ the elder,
father to the general, _Maxicotzin_, _Chichimecatecle, _Tecapaneca_
cacique of _Topeyanco_, and a cacique named _Guaxocinga_[4]. Thus 50,000
men were now collected against us under the banner of Xicotencatl, which
was a white bird like an ostrich with its wings spread out[5]. The other
divisions had each its distinguishing banner, every cacique bearing these
cognizances like our Spanish nobles, a circumstance we could not credit
when so informed by our prisoners. This formidable intelligence did not
tend to lessen the fears which the terrible answer of Xicotencatl had
occasioned, and we prepared for the expected battle of the next day, by
confessing our sins to our reverend fathers, who were occupied in this
holy office during the whole night[6].
On the 5th of September, we marched out with our whole force, the wounded
not excepted, having our colours flying and guarded by four soldiers
appointed for that purpose. The crossbow-men and musketeers were ordered to
fire alternately, so that some of them might be always loaded: The
soldiers carrying swords and bucklers were directed to use their points
only, thrusting home through the bodies of the enemy, by which they were
less exposed to missile weapons; and the cavalry were ordered to charge at
half speed, levelling their lances at the eyes of the enemy, and charging
clear through without halting to make thrusts. We had hardly marched half
a quarter of a league, when we observed the whole army of the enemy,
covering the plain on every side as far as the eye could reach, each
separate body displaying its particular device or standard, and all
advancing to the sound of martial music. A great deal might be said of
this tremendous and long doubtful battle, in which four hundred of us were
opposed to prodigious hosts, which surrounded us on every side, filling
all the plains to the extent of two leagues. Their first discharges of
arrows, stones, and double-headed darts covered the whole ground which we
occupied, and they advanced continually till closed upon us all around,
attacking us with the utmost resolution with lances and two-handed swords,
encouraging each other by continual shouts. Our artillery, musketry, and
cross-bows plied them with incessant discharges, and made prodigious havoc
among the crowded masses of the enemy, and the home thrusts of our
infantry with their swords, prevented them from closing up so near as they
had done in the former battle. Yet with all our efforts, our battalion was
at one time completely broken into and separated, and all the exertions of
our general was for some time unable to get us again into order; at length,
however, by the diligent use of our swords, we forced them from among us,
and were able again to close our ranks. During the whole battle our
cavalry produced admirable effects, by incessant charges through the
thickest of the enemy. We in some measure owed our safety, under God, to
the unwieldy multitude of the enemy, so that some of the divisions could
never get up to the attack. One of the grand divisions, composed of the
warriors dependant on _Guaxocinga_, was prevented from taking any share in
the battle by _Chichemecatecle_[7], their commander, who had been provoked
by some insulting language by Xicotencatl respecting his conduct in the
preceding engagement, of which circumstance we received information
afterwords. The circumstance of these divisions not joining in the battle,
slackened the ardour of the rest, more especially after they had
experienced the terrible effects of our cavalry, artillery, and other
offensive weapons; and one of their greatest chiefs being killed, they at
length drew off from the fight, and were pursued to a short distance by
our cavalry. In this great battle, one only of our soldiers was killed,
but seventy men and all our horses were wounded. I had two wounds, one by
an arrow and the other by a stone, but they were not sufficient to make me
unfit for duty. Thus again masters of the field, we gave thanks to God for
his merciful preservation, and returned to our former post, first burying
our dead companion in one of the subterraneous houses, which was filled up
and levelled, that his body might not be discovered by the enemy. We
passed the ensuing night in a most comfortless situation, not being able
to procure even oil and salt, and exposed to excessive cold winds from the
snowy mountains.
Cortes sent a fresh message by three of our prisoners and those who had
carried his former message, demanding a free passage to Mexico, and
threatening to destroy the whole country in case of refusal. On their
arrival at Tlascala, they found the chiefs much cast down at their
repeated losses, yet unwilling to listen to our proposals. They sent for
their priests and wizards, who pretended to foretel future events by
casting lots, desiring them to say if the Spaniards were vincible, and
what were the best means of conquering us; likewise demanding whether we
were men or superior beings, and what was our food. The wizards answered,
that we were men like themselves, subsisting upon ordinary food, but did
not devour the hearts of our enemies as had been reported; alleging that
though invincible by day, we might be conquered at night, as we derived
all our power from the influence of the sun. Giving credit to this
response, Xicotencatl received orders to make an immediate attack on our
quarters during the night. He marched accordingly with ten thousand
warriors, and made a night attack on our post in three places at once: But
our outposts kept too good guard to be taken by surprise, and we were
under arms in a moment to receive them. They met with so warm a reception,
that they were soon forced to turn their backs; and as it was clear
moon-light, our cavalry pursued them with great effect, so that they
returned to their camp heartily repenting of their night attack; insomuch
that it was reported they sacrificed two of their priests for deceiving
them to their hurt. In this action one only of our allies was killed, and
two Spaniards wounded; but our situation was far from consolatory. Besides
being dreadfully hard harassed by fatigue, we had lost fifty-five of our
soldiers from wounds, sickness, and severity of the weather, and several
were sick. Our general and Father Olmedo were both ill of fevers: And we
began to think it would be impossible for us to reach Mexico, after the
determined resistance we had experienced from the Tlascalans.
In this extremity several of the officers and soldiers, among whom I was
one, waited on Cortes, and advised him to release his prisoners and to
make a fresh offer of friendship with the Tlascalans through these people.
He, who acted on all occasions like a good captain, never failing to
consult with us on affairs of importance, agreed with our present advice,
and gave orders accordingly. Donna Marina, whose noble spirit and
excellent judgment supported her on all occasions of danger, was now of
most essential service to us, as indeed she often was; as she explained in
the most forcible terms to these messengers, that if their countrymen did
not immediately enter into a treaty of peace with us, that we were
resolved to march against their capital, and would utterly destroy it and
their whole nation. Our messengers accordingly went to Tlascala, where
they waited on the chiefs of the republic, the principal messenger bearing
our letter in one hand, as a token of peace, and a dart in the other as a
signal of war, as if giving them their choice of either. Having delivered
our resolute message, it pleased GOD to incline the hearts of these
Tlascalan rulers to enter into terms of accommodation with us. The two
principal chiefs, named Maxicatzin and Xicotencatl the elder[8],
immediately summoned the other chiefs of the republic to council, together
with the cacique of Guaxocingo the ally of the republic, to whom they
represented that all the attacks which they had made against us had been
ineffectual, yet exceedingly destructive to them; that the strangers were
hostile to their inveterate enemies the Mexicans, who had been continually
at war against their republic for upwards of an hundred years, and had so
hemmed them in as to deprive them of procuring cotton or salt; and
therefore that it would be highly conducive to the interests of the
republic to enter into an alliance with these strangers against their
common enemies, and to offer us the daughters of their principal families
for wives, in order to strengthen and perpetuate the alliance between us.
This proposal was unanimously agreed upon by the council, and notice was
immediately sent to the general of this determination, with orders to
cease from hostilities. Xicotencatl was much offended at this order, and
insisted on making another nocturnal attack on our quarters. On learning
this determination of their general, the council of Tlascala sent orders
to supersede him in the command, but the captains and warriors of the army
refused obedience to this order, and even prevented four of the principal
chiefs of the republic from waiting upon us with an invitation to come to
their city.
After waiting two days for the result of our message without receiving any
return, we proposed to march to Zumpacingo, the chief town of the district
in which we then were, the principal people of which had been summoned to
attend at our quarters, but had neglected our message. We accordingly
began our march for that place early of a morning, having Cortes at our
head, who was not quite recovered from his late illness. The morning was
so excessively cold, that two of our horses became so exceedingly ill that
we expected them to have died, and we were all like to perish from the
effects of the piercing winds of the _Sierra Nevada_, or Snowy Mountains.
This occasioned us to accelerate our march to bring us into heat, and we
arrived at Zumpacingo before daybreak; but the inhabitants, immediately on
getting notice of our approach, fled precipitately from their houses,
exclaiming that the _teules_ were coming to kill them. We halted in a
place surrounded with walls till day, when some priests and old men came
to us from the temples, making an apology for neglecting to obey our
summons, as they had been prevented by the threats of their general
Xicotencatl. Cortes ordered them to send us an immediate supply of
provisions, with which they complied, and then sent them with a message to
Tlascala, commanding the chiefs of the republic to attend him at this
place to establish a peace, as we were still ignorant of what had taken
place in consequence of our former message. The Indians of the country
began to entertain a favourable opinion of us, and orders were given by
the Tlascalan senate that the people in our neighbourhood should supply us
plentifully with provisions.
At this time some of the soldiers resumed their mutinous complaints,
particularly those who had good houses and plantations in Cuba, who
murmured at the hardships they had undergone and the manifold dangers with
which we were surrounded. Seven of their ringleaders now waited on Cortes,
having a spokesman at their head, who addressed the general in a studied
oration, representing, "That above fifty-five of our companions had
already perished during the expedition, and we were now ignorant of the
situation of those we had left at Villa Rica. That we were so surrounded
by enemies, it was hardly possible to escape from being sacrificed to the
idols of the barbarians, if we persisted in our present hopeless
enterprize. Our situation, they said, was worse than beasts of burden, who
had food and rest when forced to labour, while we were oppressed with
fatigue, and could neither procure sleep or provisions. As therefore the
country now seemed peaceable and the enemy had withdrawn, the present
opportunity ought to be taken for returning immediately to Villa Rica, on
purpose to construct a vessel to send for reinforcements from Cuba; adding,
that they lamented the destruction of our shipping, a rash and imprudent
step, which could not be paralleled in history," Cortes answered them with
great mildness; "That he was satisfied no soldiers ever exhibited more
valour than we, and that by perseverance alone could we hope to preserve
our lives amidst those great perils which God hitherto delivered us from,
and that he hoped for a continuance of the same mercy. He appealed to them
to say if he had ever shrunk from sharing in all their dangers; which
indeed he might well do, as he never spared himself on any occasion. As to
the destruction of the ships, it was done advisably, and for most
substantial reasons; and as the most illustrious of our countrymen had
never ventured on so bold a measure, it was better to look forward with
trust in God, than to repine at what could not now be remedied. That
although the natives we had left behind were at present friendly, all
would assuredly rise against us the moment we began to retreat; and if our
situation were now bad, it would then be desperate. We were now in a
plentiful country; and as for our losses by death and fatigue, such was
the fortune of war, and we had not come to this country to enjoy sports
and pastimes. I desire therefore of you, who are all gentlemen, that you
no longer think of retreat, but that you henceforwards shew an example to
the rest, by doing your duty like brave soldiers, which I have always
found you hitherto." They still continued to urge the danger of persisting
in the march to Mexico; but Cortes cut them short, saying, That it was
better to die at once than live dishonoured: And being supported by all
his friends, the malcontents were obliged to stifle their dissatisfaction,
as we all exclaimed that nothing more should be said on the subject.
Our deputation from Zumpacingo to Tlascala was at length successful; as
after four repeated messages from the chiefs of the republic, their
general Xicotencatl was obliged to cease hostilities. Accordingly forty
Indians were sent by him to our quarters with a present of fowls, bread,
and fruit. They also brought four old women in tattered clothes, some
incense, and a quantity of parrots feathers. After offering incense to
Cortes, one of the messengers addressed him as follows: "Our general sends
these things to you. If ye are _teules_, as is reported, and desire human
victims, take the hearts and blood of these women as food: We have not
sacrificed them to you, as you have not hitherto made known your pleasure.
If ye are men, we offer you fowls, bread, and fruit; if benignant _teules_,
who do not desire human sacrifices, here are incense and parrots feathers."
Cortes replied, That we were men like themselves, and never put any one to
death except in our own defence: That he had repeatedly required them to
make peace with us, which offer he now renewed, advising them no longer to
continue their mad resistance, which must end in their own ruin and the
destruction of their country: That our only object in coming among them,
was to manifest the truths of our holy religion, and to put an end to
human sacrifices, by command from God and our emperor. These men were
spies, who had been sent by Xicotencatl to gain information of the
strength and disposition of our quarters; and we were informed of this by
our Chempoallan allies, who had learnt from the people of Zumpacingo that
Xicotencatl intended to attack us. On this information, Cortes seized four
of the messengers, whom he forced by threats to confess, that their
general only waited for their report to attack us that night in our
quarters. He then caused seventeen of the Tlascalan messengers to be
arrested, cutting off the hands of some and the thumbs of others, and sent
them back in that condition to Xicotencatl with a message, that he would
wait his attack for two days, after which, if he heard nothing farther
from him, he would march with his Spaniards to seek him in his post. On
the return of his spies in a mutilated state, Xicotencatl, who was
prepared to march against us, lost all his haughtiness and resolution, and
we were informed that the chief with whom he had quarrelled, now quitted
the army with his division.
The approach of a numerous train of Indians by the road from Tlascala was
announced by one of our videts, from which we all conceived hopes of an
embassy of peace, which it actually was. Cortes ordered us all immediately
under arms, and on the arrival of the embassy, four old men advanced to
our general, and after making three several reverences, touching the
ground with their hands and kissing them, they offered incense, and said:
That they were sent by the chiefs of Tlascala to put themselves
henceforwards under our protection, and declared that they would on no
account have made war upon us, if they had not believed we were allies of
Montezuma, their ancient and inveterate enemy. They assured him that the
first attack had been made upon us by the Otomies without their
approbation, who believed they might easily have brought our small number
as prisoners to their lords of Tlascala. They concluded by soliciting
pardon for what had passed, assuring us that their general and the other
chiefs of Tlascala would soon wait upon us to conclude a durable peace.
Cortes in his answer, assumed a severe countenance, reproaching them for
the violence they had been guilty of, yet, in consideration of their
repentance, he accepted their presents, and was willing to receive them to
favour, as he wished for peace; but desired them to inform their chiefs,
if they delayed waiting upon him, he would continue his hostilities till
be had ruined their whole country. The four ambassadors returned with this
message to their employers, leaving their attendants with the provisions
in our quarters. We now began to entertain hopes of their sincerity, to
our great satisfaction, as we were heartily tired of the severe and
hopeless war in which we had been so long engaged.
The news of the great victories which we had gained over the Tlascalans
soon spread over the whole country, and came to the knowledge of Montezuma,
who sent five principal nobles of his court to congratulate us on our
success. These men brought a present of various articles of gold, to the
value of 1000 crowns, with twenty loads of rich mantles, and a message,
declaring his desire to become a vassal of our sovereign, to whom he was
willing to pay an yearly tribute. He added a wish to see our general in
Mexico, but, owing to the poverty of the country and the badness of the
roads, he found himself under the necessity to deprive himself of that
great pleasure. Cortes expressed his gratitude for the present, and his
satisfaction at the offer of their sovereign to become tributary to our
emperor; but requested the Mexican ambassadors to remain with him till he
had concluded his arrangements with the Tlascalans, after which he would
give them a definitive answer to the message of Montezuma. While
conversing with the Mexican ambassadors, Xicotencatl, with fifty of his
principal warriors all in uniform habits of white and red, came to wait
upon Cortes with great respect, who received them very courteously,
causing the Tlascalan general to sit down beside him. Xicotencatl then
said, That he came in the name of his father and the other chiefs of the
Tlascalan nation, to solicit peace and friendship, to submit themselves to
our sovereign, and to ask pardon for having taken up arms against us,
which had proceeded from their dread of the machinations of Montezuma, who
was always desirous of reducing their nation to slavery. Their country, he
said, was very poor, as it possessed neither gold, jewels, cotton, nor
salt; the two latter they were prevented from obtaining by Montezuma, who
had also deprived them of all the gold their fathers had collected. Their
poverty, therefore, must plead their excuse, for not bringing satisfactory
presents. He made many other complaints against the oppressions of
Montezuma, and concluded by earnestly soliciting our friendship and
alliance. Xicotencatl was strong made, tall, and well proportioned, having
a broad and somewhat wrinkled face, and grave aspect, appearing to be
about thirty-five years old. Cortes treated him with every mark of respect,
and expressed his high satisfaction that so brave and respectable a nation
should become our allies, and subjects to our sovereign; but warned them
seriously to beware of repeating the offences they had been guilty of
towards us, lest it should occasion an exemplary punishment. The Tlascalan
chief promised the utmost fidelity and obedience, and invited us to come
to their city; which Cortes promised to do as soon as he had concluded his
business with the Mexican ambassadors, and Xicotencatl took his leave.
The ambassadors of Montezuma endeavoured to impress Cortes with distrust
of the sincerity of the Tlascalans; asserting that their professions of
peace and friendship were only meant to betray us, as they would certainly
murder us while in their city. To these representations Cortes answered
that he was resolved to go to Tlascala, that he might ascertain the
sincerity of their professions; and that any such attempt as the Mexicans
surmised would only bring on its own condign punishment. The ambassadors
then requested Cortes to delay his march for six days, that they might
receive fresh instructions from their sovereign, to which he acceded for
two reasons, because of the state of his own health, and that the
observations of the ambassadors seemed to require serious consideration.
He now sent a messenger to Juan Escalente at Villa Rica, informing him of
all that had happened, and requiring him to send some vessels of
sacramental wine, and some consecrated bread, all that we had brought with
us having been used. We at this time got the people of Zumpacingo to
purify and white wash one of their temples, in which we erected a lofty
cross. Our new friends the Tlascalans supplied us amply with provisions,
particularly fowls and _tunas_, or Indian figs; and repeatedly invited us
to their capital, but with this last we could not immediately comply,
owing to the engagement with the Mexican ambassadors. At the end of the
sixth day, as agreed upon, six nobles arrived from Montezuma, with a
present of gold to the value of 3000 crowns, and 200 rich mantles; with a
complimentary message, desiring us on no account to trust the Tlascalans
or to go to their capital. Cortes returned thanks for the present, and the
warning respecting the Tlascalans, whom he said he would severely punish
if they attempted any treachery: and as he was just informed of the
approach of the chiefs of Tlascala, he requested the Mexican ambassadors
to wait three days for his final answer.
The ancient chiefs of Tlascala now arrived at our quarters, borne in
litters or hammocks, and attended by a large train of followers. These
were Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl the elder, who was blind, Guaxocinga,
Chichimecatecle, and Tecapaneca the allied cacique of Topeyanco. After
saluting Cortes with great respect, the old blind chief Xicotencatl
addressed him to the following effect: "We have often sent to request
pardon for our hostilities, which were caused by our suspicions that you
were in alliance with our enemy Montezuma. Had we known who and what you
were, we would have gone down to the coast to invite you from your ships,
and would have swept the roads clean before you. All we can now do is to
invite you to our city, where we shall serve you in every thing within our
power; and we beg you may not listen to the misrepresentations of the
Mexicans, who are our enemies, and are influenced by malice against us."
Cortes returned thanks for their courtesy, saying that he would have
visited them ere now, but wanted men to draw his cannons. On learning this,
five hundred of the natives were assembled for this service in less than
half an hour, and Cortes promised to visit their capital next day. We
accordingly began our march early next morning, the Mexican ambassadors
accompanying us at the desire of Cortes, and keeping always near his
person that they might not be insulted by their Tlascalan enemies. From
this time the natives always gave Cortes the name of Malintzin, signifying
the lord or captain of Marina, because she always interpreted for him in
their language. We entered the city of Tlascala on the 23d September 1519,
thirty-four days after our arrival in the territories of the republic. As
soon as we began our march, the chiefs went before to provide quarters for
us; and on our approach to the city, they came out to meet us, accompanied
by their daughters and other female relations: each tribe separately, as
this nation consisted of four distinct tribes, besides that which was
governed by the cacique of Topeyanco. These tribes were distinguished from
each other by different uniforms, of cloth made of _nequen_, as cotton did
not grow in their country. The priests, came likewise to meet us, in long
loose white garments, having their long hair all clotted with blood
proceeding from recent cuts in the ears, and having remarkably long nails
on their fingers; they carried pots of incense, with which they fumigated
us. On our arrival, the chiefs saluted Cortes with much respect, and the
people crowded to see us in such numbers that we could hardly make our way
through the streets, presenting Cortes and the cavalry with garlands of
beautiful and sweet smelling flowers.
We at length arrived at some large enclosed courts, in the apartments,
around which our lodgings were appointed; when the two principal chiefs
took Cortes by the hand and conducted him into the apartment which was
destined for his use. Every one of our soldiers were provided with a mat
and bed-clothes made of _nequen_ cloth. Our allies were lodged close by us,
and the Mexican ambassadors were accommodated, by desire of Cortes, in the
apartment next his own. Though we had every reason to confide in the
Tlascalans, Cortes used the most rigid military precautions for our safety;
which, being observed by the chiefs, they complained of as indicating
suspicion of their sincerity; but Cortes assured them this was the uniform
custom of our country, and that he had the most perfect reliance on their
truth. As soon as an altar could be got ready, Cortes ordered Juan Diaz to
celebrate the mass, as Olmeda was ill of a fever. Many of the native
chiefs were present on this occasion, whom Cortes took along with him
after the service into his own apartment, attended by those soldiers who
usually accompanied him. The elder Xicotencatl then offered a present,
consisting of a small quantity of gold and some pieces of cloth, not worth
twenty crowns altogether, and expressed his fear that he might despise so
paltry a present, which he excused on account of the poverty of their
nation, occasioned by the extortions of Montezuma, from whom they were
forced to purchase peace at the expence of every thing valuable belonging
to them. Cortes assured them that he valued their gift, small as it was,
more than he would a house full of gold from others, as it was a testimony
of their friendship, which he greatly valued. Xicotencatl then proposed
that a strict alliance should be formed between the two nations, and that
our chiefs should accept their daughters in marriage, offering his own to
Cortes, who thanked him for these marks of friendship. The chiefs remained
with Cortes a whole day, and as Xicotencatl was blind, Cortes permitted
him to examine his head, face, and beard with his hands, which he did with
much attention.
Next day the chiefs brought five daughters of their principal caciques,
who were much handsomer than the other women of the country, each attended
by a female slave. On this occasion Xicotencatl presented his own daughter
to Cortes, and desired him to assign the others among his principal
officers. Cortes thanked him for the mark of regard, but that for the
present the ladies must remain with their parents, as we must first obey
the commands of our God, and the orders of our sovereign, by abolishing
human sacrifices and other abominations, and by teaching them the true
faith in the adoration of one only God. He then shewed them a beautiful
image of the holy Mary, the queen of heaven, the mother of our Lord by the
power of the Holy Ghost, conceived without sin, adding, That if they
wished to become our brethren, and that we should marry their daughters,
they must renounce their idolatry, and worship our God, by which they
would not only benefit their temporal concerns, but would secure an
eternal happiness in heaven; whereas by persisting in the worship of their
idols, which were representations of the devils, they would consign
themselves to hell, where they would be plunged eternally into flames of
fire. This and a great deal more excellently to the purpose, being well
explained to them by our interpreters, the chiefs made answer to the
following effect: That they readily believed all they had now heard
respecting the excellence of our God and his saints, and might in time be
able to understand the subject of his exhortations; but that if they were
now to renounce the religion of their ancestors in their old age to please
us, the priests and people would rebel against them; more especially as
the priests had already consulted their gods, who had commanded them on no
account to omit the human sacrifices and other ancient customs, as
otherwise they would send famine, pestilence, and war into their country:
They requested, therefore that nothing more might be said on this subject,
as they could not renounce their gods but with their lives. When the
subject of this conference was reported to father Olmedo, who was a wise
and good man, he advised the general not to urge the matter any farther
for the present, as he was adverse to forced conversions, such as had been
already attempted at Chempoalla; and that to destroy the idols were a
needless act of violence, unless the principles of idolatry were
eradicated from their minds by argument as they would easily procure other
idols to continue their worship. Three of our cavaliers, Alvarado, de Leon,
and De Lugo, gave a similar advice to Cortes, and the subject was
judiciously dropped, which might have again excited the Tlascalans to
inveterate enmity.
Soon after this we got permission to clear out and purify one of the
temples, which was converted into a Christian church, and had an altar and
cross erected. Here the ladies who were destined to be the brides of our
officers, having been instructed in the principles of the Christian
religion were baptized. The daughter of Xicotencatl was named Donna Luisa,
and being taken by the hand by Cortes, was presented by him to Alvarado,
saying to her rather that this officer was his brother, with which
arrangement the old cacique seemed perfectly satisfied. Almost the whole
province of Tlascala came afterwards to depend upon this lady, paying rent
and homage to her. She had a son by Alvarado named Don Pedro, and a
daughter Donna Leonora, who inherited her mothers domains, and is now the
wife of Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, by
whom she has four or five sons. In right of his wife Donna Luisa, Alvarado
became lord, and almost sovereign of Tlascala. As far as I can remember,
the niece, or daughter of Maxicatzin, named Donna Leonora, and remarkably
handsome, was given to Velasquez de Leon. I have forgotten the names of
the other ladies, all stiled Donnas, but they were assigned to De Oli,
Sandoval, and Avila. After the ceremonies were concluded, the natives were
informed that the crosses were erected in order to expel the evil spirits
which they had been in use to worship.
Cortes obtained considerable information from the two principal chiefs of
Tlascala, Xicotencatl, and Maxicatzin, relative to the military and
political state of Mexico. They said that Montezuma had an army of an
hundred thousand warriors, occupying all the cities of the neighbouring
states, which were subject to his dominions, with strong garrisons, and
forcing them to pay heavy tributes in gold, manufactures, productions of
the soil, and victims for sacrifice, so that his wealth and power were
exceedingly great; but that all the districts which were under subjection
to him were exceedingly dissatisfied with his tyranny, and inclined to
take part with his enemies. Their own state of Tlascala had been in almost
continual wars with the Mexicans for above an hundred years, and formed a
league for mutual defence with the people of Guaxocingo[9]; but were
principally vexed by inroads from the Mexican garrison in Cholula, from
which city the troops of Montezuma were able to come by surprise on the
Tlascalan territories. They described the city of Mexico as of great
strength, being built in the lake, and only accessible by narrow causeways,
with wooden bridges, and having no access to most of its houses but by
drawbridges or boats. They described the arms of the Mexicans as
consisting of double-headed darts, which were projected by a kind of
slings, lances having stone heads, an ell in length, and both edges as
sharp as a razor, and two-handed swords, edged likewise with sharp stones,
besides shields and other defensive armour. The chiefs shewed large
_nequen_ cloths, on which their various battles were represented, with all
those different kinds of weapons. They alleged that their country was
anciently inhabited by a people of great stature and very barbarous
manners, who had been extirpated by their ancestors, and produced a
thigh-bone which they said had belonged to one of these giants. I stood by
it, and it equalled my height, though I am as tall as most men. We sent
this bone to Spain for the inspection of his majesty. The chiefs told us
that their idols had long ago predicted, that a people was to arrive from
the distant lands where the sun rises, and to subdue their country, and
they believed we were those to whom the prediction applied. Cortes said
that this was certainly the case, and that our great emperor had sent us
to establish a lasting friendship between our nation and them, and to be
the instruments of shewing them the only way of Salvation: To which we all
said Amen!
While we were in Tlascala a volcano near Guaxocingo threw out great
quantities of flames, and Diego de Ordas went up to examine it, attended
by two Spanish soldiers, and some of the principal Indians. The natives
declined going any nearer to the volcano than the temples of
_Popocatepeque_, but De Ordas and his two Spanish comrades ascended to the
summit of the mountain, and looked down into the crater, which is a circle
of near a quarter of a league diameter. From this peak also, they had a
distant view of the city of Mexico, which was twelve or thirteen leagues
from the mountain. This was considered as a great feat, and De Ordas, on
his return to Spain, got royal authority to bear this volcano in his arms,
which is now borne by his nephew who dwells in La Puebla. This volcano did
not throw out flames for a good many years afterwards, but it flamed with
great violence in 1530. We observed many wooden cages in the city of
Tlascala, in which the victims intended for sacrifice were confined and
fattened; but we destroyed all these, releasing the unhappy prisoners, who
remained along with us, as they dared not to return to their own homes.
Cortes spoke very angrily to the Tlascalan chiefs, exhorting them to
abolish this horrible custom of human sacrifices, and they promised
amendment; but immediately, on our backs being turned, they resumed their
ancient abominations.
[1] Clavigero says that Cortes had some troops of the Totanacas, among
whom were forty nobles, serving at the same time as auxiliaries, and
as hostages for the fidelity of their nation.--Clavig. II. 30.
[2] In Clavigero, II. 29. the army of Cortes on this occasion is stated
to have amounted to 415 Spanish infantry and 16 cavalry.--E.
[3] In Clavigero, II. 31. Iztacmaxitlan is said to have been the next
stage after leaving Xocotla, and is described as a populous district,
with a strong city or fortress on a high rock, defended by barbicans
and ditches.--E.
[4] In Clavigero, II. 31. Xicocentcatl Maxicatizin, is given as the name
of one chief; and only _three_ other lords or great caciques are said
to have then borne sway in the Tlascalan republic, Tlekul, Xolotzin,
and Citlalpocatzin. The person named Chichimecatecle by Diaz, is
called Chichimeca Teuchtli by Clavigero: But it is impossible to
reconcile the differences between these authors respecting the other
names of the chiefs, nor is it important.--E.
[5] Clavigero, II. 37. says the grand standard of the republic of Tlascala,
used on this occasion, was a golden eagle with expanded wings.--E.
[6] According to Clavigero, II. 37. Xicotencatl, to show how little he
regarded the Spaniards, sent them 300 turkeys and two hundred baskets
of _tamalli_, to recruit their strength before the approaching
battle.--E.
[7] Called the son of Chichimeca Teuctli by Clavigero; perhaps his name
was Guaxocingo, and Diaz, after a long interval of time, transposed
the names of the father and son.--E.
[8] It has been already mentioned that Clavigero writes these two as the
names of one man, Xicotencatl Maxicatzin, informing us that the latter
name signifies the elder.--E.
[9] This place, so often mentioned by Diaz, seems to be the same called
Huexotzinco by Clavigero.--E.