The great Puritan controversy would have no dignity if it were confined

to vestments and robes and forms of worship, and hatred of ceremonies

and holy days, and other matters which seemed to lean to Romanism. But

the grandeur and the permanence of the movement were in a return to the

faith of the primitive Church and a purer national morality, and to the

unrestricted study of the Bible, and the exaltation of preaching and

Christian instruction over forms and liturgies and antiphonal chants;

above all, the exaltation of reason and learning in the interpretation

of revealed truth, and the education of the people in all matters which

concern their temporal or religious interests, so that a true and rapid

progress was inaugurated in civilization itself, which has peculiarly

marked all Protestant countries having religious liberty. Underneath all

these apparently insignificant squabbles and dissensions there were two

things of immense historical importance: first, a spirit of intolerance

on the part of government and of church dignitaries,--the State allied

with the Church forcing uniformity with their decrees, and severely

punishing those who did not accept them,--in matters beyond all worldly

authority; and, secondly, a rising spirit of religious liberty,

determined to assert its glorious rights at any cost or hazard, and

especially defended by the most religious and earnest part of the

clergy, who were becoming Calvinistic in their creed, and were pushing

the ideas of the Reformation to their utmost logical sequence. This

spirit was suppressed during the reign of Elizabeth, out of general

respect and love for her as a Queen, and the external dangers to which

the realm was exposed from Spain and France, which diverted the national

mind. But it burst out fiercely in the next reigns, under James and

Charles, about the beginning of the seventeenth century. And this is the

last development of the Reformation in England to which I can

allude,--the great Puritan contest for liberty of worship, running, when

opposed unjustly and cruelly, into a contest for civil liberty; that is,

the right to change forms and institutions of civil government, even to

the dethronement of kings, when it was the expressed and declared will

of the people, in whom was vested the ultimate source of sovereignty.

But here I must be brief. I tread on familiar ground, made familiar by

all our literature, especially by the most brilliant writer of modern

times, though not the greatest philosopher: I mean that great artist

and word-painter Macaulay, whose chief excellence is in making clear

and interesting and vivid, by a world of illustration and practical

good-sense and marvellous erudition, what was obvious to his own

objective mind, and obvious also to most other enlightened people not

much interested in metaphysical disquisitions. No man more than he does

justice to the love of liberty which absolutely burned in the souls of

the Puritans,--that glorious party which produced Milton and Cromwell,

and Hampden and Bunyan, and Owen and Calamy, and Baxter and Howe.

The chief peculiarity of those Puritans--once called Nonconformists,

afterwards Presbyterians and Independents--was their reception of the

creed of John Calvin, the clearest and most logical intellect that the

Reformation produced, though not the broadest; who reigned as a

religious dictator at Geneva and in the Reformed churches of France, and

who gave to John Knox the positivism and sternness and rigidity which he

succeeded in impressing upon the churches of Scotland. And the peculiar

doctrines which marked Calvin and his disciples were those deduced from

the majesty of God and the comparative littleness of man, leading to and

bound up with the impotence of the will, human dependence, the necessity

of Divine grace,--Augustinian in spirit, but going beyond Augustine in

the subtlety of metaphysical distinctions and dissertations on

free-will election, and predestination,--unfathomable, but exceedingly

attractive subjects to the divines of the seventeenth century, creating

a metaphysical divinity, a theology of the brain rather than of the

heart, a brilliant series of logical and metaphysical deductions from

established truths, demanding to be received with the same unhesitating

obedience as the truths, or Bible declarations, from which they are

deduced. The greatness of human reason was never more forcibly shown

than in these deductions; but they were carried so far as to insult

reason itself and mock the consciousness of mankind; so that mankind

rebelled against the very force of the highest reasonings of the human

intellect, because they pushed logical sequence into absurdity, or to

dreadful conclusions: _Decretum quidem horribile fateor_, said the great

master himself.

The Puritans were trained in this theology, which developed the loftiest

virtues and the severest self-constraints; making them both heroes and

visionaries, always conscientious and sometimes repulsive; fitting them

for gigantic tasks and unworthy squabbles; driving them to the Bible,

and then to acrimonious discussions; creating fears almost mediaeval;

leading them to technical observation of religious duties, and

transforming the most genial and affectionate people under the sun into

austere saints, with whom the most ascetic of monks would have had but

little sympathy.

I will not dwell on those peculiarities which Macaulay ridicules and

Taine repeats,--the hatred of theatres and assemblies and symbolic

festivals and bell-ringings, the rejection of the beautiful, the

elongated features, the cropped hair, the unadorned garments, the

proscription of innocent pleasures, the nasal voice, the cant phrases,

the rigid decorums, the strict discipline,--these, doubtless

exaggerated, were more than balanced by the observance of the Sabbath,

family prayers, temperate habits, fervor of religious zeal, strict

morality, allegiance to duty, and the perpetual recognition of God

Almighty as the sovereign of this world, to whom we are responsible for

all our acts and even our thoughts. They formed a noble material on

which every emancipating idea could work; men trained by persecutions to

self-sacrifice and humble duties,--making good soldiers, good farmers,

good workmen in every department, honest and sturdy, patient and

self-reliant, devoted to their families though not demonstrative of

affection; keeping the Sunday as a day of worship rather than rest or

recreation, cherishing as the dearest and most sacred of all privileges

the right to worship God according to the dictates of conscience

enlightened by the Bible, and willing to fight, even amid the greatest

privations and sacrifices, to maintain this sacred right and transmit it

to their children. Such were the men who fought the battles of civil

liberty under Cromwell and colonized the most sterile of all American

lands, making the dreary wilderness to blossom with roses, and sending

out the shoots of their civilization to conserve more fruitful and

favored sections of the great continent which God gave them, to try new

experiments in liberty and education.

I need not enumerate the different sects into which these Puritans were

divided, so soon as they felt they had the right to interpret Scripture

for themselves. Nor would I detail the various and cruel persecutions to

which these sects were subjected by the government and the

ecclesiastical tribunals, until they rose in indignation and despair,

and rebelled against the throne, and made war on the King, and cut off

his head; all of which they did from fear and for self-defence, as well

as from vengeance and wrath.

Nor can I describe the counter reformation, the great reaction which

succeeded to the violence of the revolution. The English reformation was

not consummated until constitutional liberty was heralded by the reign

of William and Mary, when the nation became almost unanimously

Protestant, with perfect toleration of religious opinions, although the

fervor of the Puritans had passed away forever, leaving a residuum of

deep-seated popular antipathy to all the institutions of Romanism and

all the ideas of the Middle Ages. The English reformation began with

princes, and ended with the agitations of the people. The German

reformation began with the people, and ended in the wars of princes. But

both movements were sublime, since they showed the force of religious

ideas. Civil liberty is only one of the sequences which exalt the

character and dignity of man amid the seductions and impediments of a

gilded material life.

AUTHORITIES.

Todd's Life of Cranmer; Strype's Life of Cranmer; Wood's Annals of the

Oxford University; Burnet's English Reformation; Doctor Lingard's

History of England; Macaulay's Essays; Fuller's Church History; Gilpin's

Life of Cranmer; Original Letters to Cromwell; Hook's Lives of the

Archbishops of Canterbury; Butler's Book of the Roman Catholic Church;

Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography; Turner's Henry VIII.; Froude's

History of England; Fox's Life of Latimer; Turner's Reign of Mary.

IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

* * * * *

A.D. 1491-1556.

RISE AND INFLUENCE OF THE JESUITS.

Next to the Protestant Reformation itself, the most memorable moral

movement in the history of modern times was the counter-reformation in

the Roman Catholic Church, finally effected, in no slight degree, by the

Jesuits. But it has not the grandeur or historical significance of the

great insurrection of human intelligence which was headed by Luther. It

was a revival of the pietism of the Middle Ages, with an external reform

of manners. It was not revolutionary; it did not cast off the authority

of the popes, nor disband the monasteries, nor reform religious worship:

it rather tended to strengthen the power of the popes, to revive

monastic life, and to perpetuate the forms of worship which the Middle

Ages had established. No doubt a new religious life was kindled, and

many of the flagrant abuses of the papal empire were redressed, and the

lives of the clergy made more decent, in accordance with the revival of

intelligence. Nor did it disdain literature or art, or any form of

modern civilization, but sought to combine progress with old ideas; it

was an effort to adapt the Roman theocracy to changing circumstances,

and was marked by expediency rather than right, by zeal rather than a

profound philosophy.

This movement took place among the Latin races,--the Italians, French,

and Spaniards,--having no hold on the Teutonic races except in Austria,

as much Slavonic as German. It worked on a poor material, morally

considered; among peoples who have not been distinguished for stamina of

character, earnestness, contemplative habits, and moral

elevation,--peoples long enslaved, frivolous in their pleasures,

superstitious, indolent, fond of fêtes, spectacles, pictures, and Pagan

reminiscences.

The doctrine of justification by faith was not unknown, even in Italy.

It was embraced by many distinguished men. Contarini, an illustrious

Venetian, wrote a treatise on it, which Cardinal Pole admired. Folengo

ascribed justification to grace alone; and Vittoria Colonna, the friend

of Michael Angelo, took a deep interest in these theological inquiries.

But the doctrine did not spread; it was not understood by the

people,--it was a speculation among scholars and doctors, which gave no

alarm to the Pope. There was even an attempt at internal reform under

Paul III. of the illustrious family of the Farnese, successor of Leo X.

and Clement VII., the two renowned Medicean popes. He made cardinals of

Contarini, Caraffa, Sadoleto, Pole, Giberto,--all men imbued with

Protestant doctrines, and very religious; and these good men prepared a

plan of reform and submitted it to the Pope, which ended, however, only

in new monastic orders.

It was then that Ignatius Loyola appeared upon the stage, when Luther

was in the midst of his victories, and when new ideas were shaking the

pontifical throne. The desponding successor of the Gregorys and the

Clements knew not where to look for aid in that crisis of peril and

revolution. The monastic orders composed his regular army, but they had

become so corrupted that they had lost the reverence of the people. The

venerable Benedictines had ceased to be men of prayer and contemplation

as in the times of Bernard and Anselm, and were revelling in their

enormous wealth. The cloisters of Cluniacs and Cistercians--branches of

the Benedictines--were filled with idle and dissolute monks. The famous

Dominicans and Franciscans, who had rallied to the defence of the Papacy

three centuries before,--those missionary orders that had filled the

best pulpits and the highest chairs of philosophy in the scholastic

age,--had become inexhaustible subjects of sarcasm and mockery, for they

were peddling relics and indulgences, and quarrelling among themselves.

They were hated as inquisitors, despised as scholastics, and deserted

as preachers; the roads and taverns were filled with them. Erasmus

laughed at them, Luther abused them, and the Pope reproached them. No

hope from such men as these, although they had once been renowned for

their missions, their zeal, their learning, and their preaching.

At this crisis Loyola and his companions volunteered their services, and

offered to go wherever the Pope should send them, as preachers, or

missionaries, or teachers, instantly, without discussion, conditions, or

rewards. So the Pope accepted them, made them a new order of monks; and

they did what the Mendicant Friars had done three hundred years

before,--they fanned a new spirit, and rapidly spread over Europe, over

all the countries to which Catholic adventurers had penetrated, and

became the most efficient allies that the popes ever had.

This was in 1540, six years after the foundation of the Society of Jesus

had been laid on the Mount of Martyrs, in the vicinity of Paris, during

the pontificate of Paul III. Don Iñigo Lopez de Recalde Loyola, a

Spaniard of noble blood and breeding, at first a page at the court of

King Ferdinand, then a brave and chivalrous soldier, was wounded at the

siege of Pampeluna. During a slow convalescence, having read all the

romances he could find, he took up the "Lives of the Saints," and

became fired with religious zeal. He immediately forsook the pursuit of

arms, and betook himself barefooted to a pilgrimage. He served the sick

in hospitals; he dwelt alone in a cavern, practising austerities; he

went as a beggar on foot to Rome and to the Holy Land, and returned at

the age of thirty-three to begin a course of study. It was while

completing his studies at Paris that he conceived and formed the

"Society of Jesus."

From that time we date the counter-reformation. In fifty years more a

wonderful change took place in the Catholic Church, wrought chiefly by

the Jesuits. Yea, in sixteen years from that eventful night--when far

above the star-lit city the enthusiastic Loyola had bound his six

companions with irrevocable vows--he had established his Society in the

confidence and affection of Catholic Europe, against the voice of

universities, the fears of monarchs, and the jealousy of the other

monastic orders. In sixteen years, this ridiculed and wandering Spanish

fanatic had risen to a condition of great influence and dignity, second

only in power to the Pope himself; animating the councils of the

Vatican, moving the minds of kings, controlling the souls of a numerous

fraternity, and making his influence felt in every corner of the world.

Before the remembrance of his passionate eloquence, his eyes of fire,

and his countenance of seraphic piety had passed away from the minds of

his own generation, his disciples "had planted their missionary stations

among Peruvian mines, in the marts of the African slave-trade, among the

islands of the Indian Ocean, on the coasts of Hindustan, in the cities

of Japan and China, in the recesses of Canadian forests, amid the wilds

of the Rocky Mountains." They had the most important chairs in the

universities; they were the confessors of monarchs and men of rank; they

had the control of the schools of Italy, France, Austria, and Spain; and

they had become the most eloquent, learned, and fashionable preachers in

all Catholic countries. They had grown to be a great institution,--an

organization instinct with life, a mechanism endued with energy and

will; forming a body which could outwatch Argus with his hundred eyes,

and outwork Briareus with his hundred arms; they had twenty thousand

eyes open upon every cabinet, every palace, and every private family in

Catholic Europe, and twenty thousand arms extended over the necks of

every sovereign and all their subjects,--a mighty moral and spiritual

power, irresponsible, irresistible, omnipresent, connected intimately

with the education, the learning, and the religion of the age; yea, the

prime agents in political affairs, the prop alike of absolute monarchies

and of the papal throne, whose interests they made identical. This

association, instinct with one will and for one purpose, has been

beautifully likened by Doctor Williams to the chariot in the Prophet's

vision: "The spirit of the living creatures was in the wheels; wherever

the living creatures went, the wheels went with them; wherever those

stood, these stood: when the living creatures were lifted up, the wheels

were lifted up over against them; and their wings were full of eyes

round about, and they were so high that they were dreadful. So of the

institution of Ignatius,--one soul swayed the vast mass; and every pin

and every cog in the machinery consented with its whole power to every

movement of the one central conscience."

Luther moved Europe by ideas which emancipated the millions, and set in

motion a progress which is the glory of our age; Loyola invented a

machine which arrested this progress, and drove the Catholic world back

again into the superstitions and despotisms of the Middle Ages,

retaining however the fear of God and of Hell, which some among the

Protestants care very little about.

What is the secret of such a wonderful success? Two things: first, the

extraordinary virtues, abilities, and zeal of the early Jesuits; and,

secondly, their wonderful machinery in adapting means to an end.

The history of society shows that no body of men ever obtained a

wide-spread ascendancy, never secured general respect, unless they

deserved it. Industry produces its fruits; learning and piety have their

natural results. Even in the moral world natural law asserts its

supremacy. Hypocrisy and fraud ultimately will be detected; no enduring

reputation is built upon a lie; sincerity and earnestness will call out

respect, even from foes; learning and virtue are lights which are not

hid under a bushel. Enthusiasm creates enthusiasm; a lofty life will be

seen and honored. Nor do people intrust their dearest interests except

to those whom they venerate,--and venerate because their virtues shine

like the face of a goddess. We yield to those only whom we esteem wiser

than ourselves. Moses controlled the Israelites because they venerated

his wisdom and courage; Paul had the confidence of the infant churches

because they saw his labors; Bernard swayed his darkened age by the

moral power of learning and sanctity. The mature judgments of centuries

never have reversed the judgments which past ages gave in reference to

their master minds. All the pedants and sophists of Germany cannot

whitewash Frederic II. or Henry VIII. No man in Athens was more truly

venerated than Socrates when he mocked his judges. Cicero, Augustine,

Aquinas, appeared to contemporaries as they appear to us. Even

Hildebrand did not juggle himself into his theocratic chair. Washington

deserved all the reverence he enjoyed; and Bonaparte himself was worthy

of the honors he received, so long as he was true to the interests

of France.

So of the Jesuits,--there is no mystery in their success; the same

causes would produce the same results again. When Catholic Europe saw

men born to wealth and rank voluntarily parting with their goods and

honors; devoting themselves to religious duties, often in a humble

sphere; spending their days in schools and hospitals; wandering as

preachers and missionaries amid privations and in fatigue; encountering

perils and dangers and hardships with fresh and ever-sustained

enthusiasm; and finally yielding up their lives as martyrs, to proclaim

salvation to idolatrous savages,--it knew them to be heroic, and

believed them to be sincere, and honored them in consequence. When

parents saw that the Jesuits entered heart and soul into the work of

education, winning their pupils' hearts by kindness, watching their

moods, directing their minds into congenial studies, and inspiring them

with generous sentiments, they did not stop to pry into their motives;

and universities, when they discovered the superior culture of educated

Jesuits, outstripping all their associates in learning, and shedding a

light by their genius and erudition, very naturally appointed them to

the highest chairs; and even the people, when they saw that the Jesuits

were not stained by vulgar vices, but were hard-working, devoted to

their labors, earnest, and eloquent, put themselves under their

teachings; and especially when they added gentlemanly manners, good

taste, and agreeable conversation to their unimpeachable morality and

religious fervor, they made these men their confessors as well as

preachers. Their lives stood out in glorious contrast with those of the

old monks and the regular clergy, in an age of infidel levities, when

the Italian renaissance was bearing its worst fruits, and men were going

back to Pagan antiquity for their pleasures and opinions.

That the early Jesuits blazed with virtues and learning and piety has

never been denied, although these things have been poetically

exaggerated. The world was astonished at their intrepidity, zeal, and

devotion. They were not at first intriguing, or ambitious, or covetous.

They loved their Society; but they loved still more what they thought

was the glory of God. _Ad majoram Dei gloriam_ was the motto which was

emblazoned on their standard when they went forth as Christian warriors

to overcome the heresies of Christendom and the superstitions of

idolaters. "The Jesuit missionary," says Stephen, "with his breviary

under his arm, his beads at his girdle, and his crucifix in his hands,

went forth without fear, to encounter the most dreaded dangers.

Martyrdom was nothing to him; he knew that the altar which might stream

with his blood, and the mound which might be raised over his remains,

would become a cherished object of his fame and an expressive emblem of

the power of his religion." "If I die," said Xavier, when about to

visit the cannibal Island of Del Moro, "who knows but what all may

receive the Gospel, since it is most certain it has ever fructified more

abundantly in the field of Paganism by the blood of martyrs than by the

labors of missionaries,"--a sublime truth, revealed to him in his whole

course of protracted martyrdom and active philanthropy, especially in

those last hours when, on the Island of Sanshan, he expired, exclaiming,

as his fading eyes rested on the crucifix, _In te Domine speravi, non

confundar in eternum_. In perils, in fastings, in fatigues, was the life

of this remarkable man passed, in order to convert the heathen world;

and in ten years he had traversed a tract of more than twice the

circumference of the earth, preaching, disputing, and baptizing, until

seventy thousand converts, it is said, were the fruits of his

mission.[1] "My companion," said the fearless Marquette, when exploring

the prairies of the Western wilderness, "is an envoy of France to

discover new countries, and I am an ambassador of God to enlighten them

with the Gospel." Lalemant, when pierced with the arrows of the

Iroquois, rejoiced that his martyrdom would induce others to follow his

example. The missions of the early Jesuits extorted praises from Baxter

and panegyric from Liebnitz.

[Footnote 1: I am inclined to think that this statement is exaggerated;

or, if true, that conversion was merely nominal.]

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