II.

IN 1860 the Republic reached a crisis. The conflict between liberty and

slavery could no longer be delayed. For three-quarters of a century the

forces had been gathering for the battle.

After the Revolution, principle was sacrificed for the sake of gain. The

Constitution contradicted the Declaration. Liberty as a principle was

held in contempt. Slavery took possession of the Government. Slavery

made the laws, corrupted courts, dominated Presidents and demoralized

the people.

I do not hold the South responsible for slavery any more than I do the

North. The fact is, that individuals and nations act as they must. There

is no chance. Back of every event--of every hope, prejudice, fancy and

dream--of every opinion and belief--of every vice and virtue--of every

smile and curse, is the efficient cause. The present moment is the

child, and the necessary child, of all the past.

Northern politicians wanted office, and so they defended slavery;

Northern merchants wanted to sell their goods to the South, and so they

were the enemies of freedom. The preacher wished to please the people

who paid his salary, and so he denounced the slave for not being

satisfied with the position in which the good God had placed him.

The respectable, the rich, the prosperous, the holders of and the

seekers for office, held liberty in contempt. They regarded the

Constitution as far more sacred than the rights of men. Candidates

for the presidency were applauded because they had tried to make slave

States of free territory, and the highest court solemnly and ignorantly

decided that colored men and women had no rights. Men who insisted

that freedom was better than slavery, and that mothers should not be

robbed of their babes, were hated, despised and mobbed. Mr. Douglas

voiced the feelings of millions when he declared that he did not care

whether slavery was voted up or down. Upon this question the people,

a majority of them, were almost savages. Honor, manhood, conscience,

principle--all sacrificed for the sake of gain or office.

From the heights of philosophy--standing above the contending hosts,

above the prejudices, the sentimentalities of the day--Lincoln was great

enough and brave enough and wise enough to utter these prophetic words:

"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government

cannot permanently endure half slave and half free. I do not expect

the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do

expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all the one thing

or the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further

spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the

belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates

will push it further until it becomes alike lawful in all the States,

old as well as new, North as well as South."

This declaration was the standard around which gathered the grandest

political party the world has ever seen, and this declaration made

Lincoln the leader of that vast host.

In this, the first great crisis, Lincoln uttered the victorious truth

that made him the foremost man in the Republic.

The Republican party nominated him for the presidency and the people

decided at the polls that a house divided against itself could not

stand, and that slavery had cursed soul and soil enough.

It is not a common thing to elect a really great man to fill the highest

official position. I do not say that the great Presidents have been

chosen by accident. Probably it would be better to say that they were

the favorites of a happy chance.

The average man is afraid of genius. He feels as an awkward man feels

in the presence of a sleight-of-hand performer. He admires and suspects.

Genius appears to carry too much sail--to lack prudence, has too much

courage. The ballast of dullness inspires confidence.

By a happy chance Lincoln was nominated and elected in spite of his

fitness--and the patient, gentle, just and loving man was called upon to

bear as great a burden as man has ever borne.

The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 03 (of 12) Dresden Edition—Lectures · 第 48 / 146 题