Masonic Entertainment: Journey to Petersburg: Visit to Mr. Jefferson:
his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr. Madison: Religious
Liberty: Return to Washington by Orange Court House and
Fredericksburg.
Among the splendid festivities prepared by the citizens of Richmond for
the National Guest, the particular description of which I am obliged to
forego, there was one I must speak of, as affording an idea of
free-masonry in the United States; an institution, for whose persecution
the Inquisition has so often lighted its faggots in Spain and Italy, and
which some European governments do not tolerate at the present day,
without repugnance.
On Saturday, the 30th October, after having been introduced with the
accustomed ceremonies into the Masonic Temple, where the members of the
various lodges of Richmond were collected, we marched forth in grand
procession, to go to a fraternal banquet prepared at a hotel in the
other end of the city. The procession, consisting of more than three
hundred persons, moved in the following order:—
A detachment of brethren with drawn swords, preceded the march. After
this detachment came a band of musicians, playing American and French
national airs, among which the Marseilles hymn was not forgotten. Behind
the music marched two long files of brethren of the lower degrees, and
between these two files, all the grand dignitaries of the society,
carrying in the centre a bible, placed on a rich velvet cushion
embroidered with gold, and surrounded by masonic symbols. Among the
grand dignitaries, the governor of Virginia, chief justice Marshall, and
many other officers of state, were conspicuous. All the brethren wore
the badges of their degrees, and their variety presented a truly
original picture. All the streets we passed through were crowded with
spectators, who by their attitude and silence, expressed the respect
inspired by this ceremony. Before taking our places at table, a
protestant clergyman belonging to the masonic order, pronounced a
discourse, in which he reminded us that true masonry reposed on _truth_,
_equality_, and _charity_, and that to fulfil our duties as masons, was,
in other words, to discharge our duties towards God and man. He
concluded his discourse by blessing our repast, which was commenced with
much gravity, but concluded amidst those bursts of frank and hearty
merriment so distinctive of the inhabitants of Virginia. A great number
of patriotic toasts were drank by the guests; that of general Lafayette
was enthusiastically received. It was as follows—“Liberty, Equality,
Philanthropy, the true masonic symbol. May the practice of these
principles always secure us the esteem of our friends, and the dislike
of the enemies of the human race.”
After the entertainment we resumed our rout to the temple with the same
ceremonies, and in the same order observed in coming to the hotel; we
returned to spend the evening gaily in the company of a numerous society
collected at our dwelling.
On leaving Richmond general Lafayette expected to pay a visit to his old
and good friend, the ex-president, Jefferson, but a pressing invitation
from the citizens of Petersburg, caused a slight change in his plan. He
resolved first to attend to this invitation, and then to return to
Richmond, and set out thence for Monticello. Nearly six hours were
occupied in traversing the woody and sandy road from Richmond to
Petersburg, which is not more than twenty-five miles. While on the way,
some of our escort pointed out an old frame church, which had been
occupied by Lafayette, as his head quarters during the campaign of
Virginia, when he manœuvred on this ground to prevent the junction of
Cornwallis with general Phillips. In approaching the town general
Lafayette recognised the position whence he cannonaded and burnt
Petersburg, in order to dislodge the British, who had entered by so
rapid a march that he could not prevent it. The details of this part of
the campaign of Virginia are briefly and clearly related in Marshall’s
excellent Life of Washington.
The twenty-four hours passed by general Lafayette among the citizens of
Petersburg, were signalized by great variety of pleasures; in passing
through the streets the inhabitants with much glee made him remark how
much the town had gained by being burnt by him in 1781. “At that time,”
said they, “we had none but miserable wooden houses to receive you in,
and now there are large well built brick dwellings, in which we can
offer you all the comforts of life.”
Petersburg has in fact an agreeable aspect, which declares the
prosperity of its inhabitants. It is a pretty small town, containing
about 7000 inhabitants, built on the southeast bank of the Appomatox
river, which is navigable from this place to its confluence with James
river, for vessels of sixty tons. All the products of the south of
Virginia, and most of those of North Carolina, have no other outlet but
Petersburg. The commerce of this place is, consequently, considerable in
tobacco and flour, which is in great part, manufactured at the numerous
mills situated near the town, below the falls of Appomatox.
After returning to Richmond, we rested for forty-eight hours, and then
set out for Monticello, distant eighty miles, accompanied by the
volunteer cavalry of Richmond, and a deputation of the committee of
arrangement. The first night we slept at Milton, a small town, half way
to our place of destination; there a great many planters of the vicinity
had assembled to offer a patriotic entertainment to Lafayette. The next
morning at the time of starting, I was so severely indisposed, that I
could not leave my room; it was thought I was threatened with a bilious
fever, a disease very common in Virginia at this time of the year, and
frequently fatal.—However, a cup of tea and two hour’s sleep restored me
so far, that I was able to continue my journey in the carriage.
Notwithstanding all my entreaties, Mr. George Lafayette had left the
company, and remained with me; an evidence of his kindness, I shall
never forget. We arrived at Monticello, a short time after general
Lafayette. We found Mr. Jefferson still deeply affected by the pleasure
of having embraced his ancient friend. He received us amidst his
numerous family, with an amenity which instantly dissipated the
timidity, which I could not help feeling on my first approach to a man
who had performed so much for the human race.
When one recollects how much the life of Jefferson was occupied, and
useful to his fellow creatures, one feels penetrated with a deep
veneration for him, but to this sentiment is soon added that of
confidence and friendship, when we have lived a few days near him. It is
difficult to find a man of more agreeable and instructive conversation:
endowed with a memory which readily reconveyed him amidst all the events
of his life; familiar with most of the arts and sciences, his
conversation could easily satisfy all the demands of a mind desirous of
instruction.
Thomas Jefferson was born at Chadwell, in Albemarle county, Virginia, on
the 2d of April, 1743; he was educated at Williamsburg college, and
devoted his early years to the study of the law. The advantageous
situation in which he was placed by the considerable fortune left him by
his father, Peter Jefferson, one of the oldest settlers, and still more
the elevation of his mind and character, soon caused him to be sent to
the legislature of Virginia, by which he was sent in 1775, as its
representative to the continental congress. He was not long in obtaining
a great reputation amidst that august assembly, which in 1776, adopted
his draft of the _Declaration of Independence_, a composition not less
remarkable for the depth of its thought, than for the clearness,
dignity, and energy of its style, of itself sufficient to immortalize
the author. But Jefferson could not stop at so glorious an opening of
his political career; he must traverse the whole course with the same
step, and on his way, still find means of paying tribute to the sciences
and arts, which he never neglected. Successively legislator, governor of
Virginia, representative, minister plenipotentiary, secretary of state,
vice president of the United States, he passed during twenty-five years
through all the high public offices, to arrive at the first magistracy
of the republic. His election, which occurred in 1801, in opposition to
John Adams, was regarded as the triumph of the democratic over the
federal party; then, as at all times, the vanquished party exhaled its
rage in outcries, murmurs, and incendiary pamphlets. The newspapers,
which were its organs, declaimed incessantly against the new president,
and against all the persons who aided him to suppress unnecessary
offices; reduce the army to what was strictly necessary, and to give to
the constitution that steady movement which agrees so well with the
simplicity of its conception. But Jefferson contemned these idle
clamours, and did not remit the work of reform and amelioration he had
undertaken. In vain the mistaken zeal of his friends urged him to recur
to a law repressive of the abuses of the press: he repelled their
dangerous suggestions. “I am happy,” he replied, “in this continual
censure which the papers exercise against my administration, because
among all the violence dictated by passion, some truth may be found and
I shall profit by it. Moreover, a government whose acts are all done in
public, whose members live amidst their fellow citizens, to whom all
their words are addressed, and under the eyes of whom all their measures
are executed, has nothing but bad conduct to fear.” Sublime and severe
lesson by which European governments might well profit!
So much wisdom and firmness was not to pass unrewarded in a correctly
thinking nation: Jefferson was re-elected president in 1805. Among the
remarkable circumstances which signalized his administration, was the
acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, which was very advantageous to the
United States.
In 1809 he returned to private life, and sought repose in his retreat of
Monticello; there at the summit of a mountain, which towers far above
the fertile and smiling valley, under a simple roof, but in good taste,
raised under his direction, and we may almost say, by his own hands,
amidst his children and grand-children, by whom he is idolized, he still
devotes all his time and faculties to the amelioration and happiness of
his race.[20] Through his efforts, Charlotteville has beheld her
university erected, richly endowed, and already containing a great
number of pupils. In another year this establishment will be for the
southern and western states, what Cambridge is to those of the north, a
fruitful source of improvement, whence the youth may obtain the
knowledge and principles requisite to the formation of good citizens.
The hospitality of Mr. Jefferson is proverbial, his house is constantly
open, not only to numerous visitors from the neighbourhood, but also to
all the foreign travellers who were attracted by curiosity or the very
natural desire of seeing and conversing with the sage of Monticello. The
dwelling is built in the figure of an irregular octagon, with porticoes
at the east and west, and peristyles on the north and south. Its extent
comprising the peristyles and porticoes is about 110 feet by 90; the
exterior is in the Doric order, and surmounted by balustrades. The
interior of the house is ornamented in the different orders of
architecture, except the composite; the vestibule is Ionic; the dining
room Doric, the drawing room Corinthian, and the dome Attic. The
chambers are ornamented in the different forms of these orders in true
proportion as given by Palladio. Throughout this delightful dwelling are
to be found proofs of the good taste of the proprietor, and of his
enlightened love for the arts. His parlour is ornamented by a beautiful
collection of paintings, among which we remarked with pleasure an
ascension by _Poussin_, a holy family by _Raphael_; a flagellation of
Christ by _Rubens_, and a crucifixion by _Guido_. In the dining room
were four beautiful busts; of Washington, Franklin, Lafayette and Paul
Jones. There are also some other fine pieces of sculpture in different
parts of the house. The library without being extensive is well
selected; but what especially excites the curiosity of visitors is the
rich museum situated at the entrance of the house. This extensive and
excellent collection consists of offensive and defensive arms, dresses,
ornaments and utensils of different savage tribes of North America. Mr.
Trist, son-in-law of Mrs. Randolph, daughter of Mr. Jefferson, an
amiable and enlightened gentleman, pointed out to me the arms which had
belonged to Tecumseh; they are not especially remarkable, as to form or
materials, but one cannot help regarding them with interest when the
extraordinary character of their former owner is known.
Tecumseh, born among the Chippewa Indians, on the frontiers of Canada,
was the chief of his nation, and his courage and talent acquired for him
an immense influence over the neighbouring tribes. This child of nature
was born with the impress of grandeur; a body of perfect symmetry, and a
most imposing aspect, contained the soul of a hero, and one might affirm
that if he had come into existence amidst the lights of civilization,
his vast intelligence would soon have assigned him a place among the
first men of his age. For a long time he secretly nourished the hope of
opposing an insurmountable barrier to the constantly increasing power of
the whites; to this end he had during several years visited nearly all
the Indian tribes to induce them to enter into the league he wished to
form. His persuasive and forceful eloquence had secured him numerous
partisans; already he saw at no distant period, the epoch in which by
raising the tomahawk against the whites he should regenerate his
brethren, when suddenly the war broke out between the United States and
England. Tecumseh was rejoiced at this occurrence, because in his
opinion it favoured his projects, since it would hasten the destruction
of his enemies by their own hands. At first he resolved to remain an
inactive spectator, but soon changed his views; it appeared to him a
wiser policy first to aid in the destruction of the strongest, in order
to have afterwards none but the weakest to attack; and he willingly
yielded to the solicitations of the English, who eagerly sought his
alliance. He was then 40 years old; from his youth he had taken part in
all the engagements against the whites, and still no one could reproach
him with one of those cruel actions so common to his compatriots in the
intoxication of victory. He abhorred bloodshed after battle, and was
often seen defending prisoners from the fury of his own warriors: with
so noble a character, he must soon have blushed at the atrocious conduct
of his allies who basely excited the Indians they had intoxicated to
murder their wounded prisoners; he manifested to them all the contempt
they had inspired, when he refused with haughtiness the rank of
brigadier-general, and the silk scarf presented in the name of the king
of England, as a reward for his bravery at the battles of Brownstown and
Mayagua. Being always pre-occupied with his vast plans, he thought it
right to persist in his alliance with the British, until the Americans
whom he regarded as his most dangerous enemies were destroyed. Called by
his formidable voice, new tribes ranged themselves under his orders, and
it was at the head of the flower of his warriors, that he marched to the
river Thames, to lend for the last time aid to his allies, in the battle
fought with the Americans under general Harrison. From the beginning of
the action, Tecumseh had thrown himself with fury amid the ranks of the
enemy, and had at first shaken them by the audacity of his attack, but
the troops soon rallied, and the combat became horrible. The Indians,
excited by the example of their valiant chief, repeatedly renewed their
attacks, which the Americans repelled with equal intrepidity. In the
midst of the struggle, colonel Johnson advanced almost alone towards a
dense body of Indians, who were rallying under the voice of Tecumseh.
His uniform and white horse rendered him remarkable, and he became a
mark for all shots, and in a moment fell under numerous wounds: at this
instant Tecumseh approached and raised his tomahawk to give him the
death blow; but, struck with his intrepidity, or his unfortunate
situation, he hesitated an instant, and this hesitation proved fatal to
him. Colonel Johnson collecting his strength, and perceiving the extent
of his danger, drew a pistol from his belt and discharged it, almost
touching the breast of Tecumseh, who fell dead by his side. Thus
perished this extraordinary man, upon whom rested all the hopes of many
nations, who daily diminish, and of which civilization will soon destroy
every trace of their past existence. The body of Tecumseh was found
among the dead after the battle, and recognized by the Americans, who,
in respect to the well known valor of the chief, interred it with all
the honours of war.
The plantation surrounding Mr. Jefferson’s dwelling, consists of several
thousand acres, but not more than twelve or fourteen hundred are
cultivated, the rest being still in wood; the principal products are
grain and tobacco. Cultivation appeared to me to be well conducted in
general, but judging from the observations I made, it must be very
expensive, and consequently leave very little profit to the proprietor.
Like all the planters of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson employs slaves to do
his work; that is to say, if he require the labour of fifty negroes, he
must feed, lodge and clothe a hundred, for if from this number of slaves
we subtract the old men, children, and weakly or sick women, certainly
not more than fifty individuals are in a working condition. After all,
it may be added, that these fifty active individuals do not effect more,
than would be accomplished by thirty free men hired by the day, as may
be easily understood. The free labourer, hired by the day, knows that if
he does not exert all his power and all his intelligence, he will cease
to be employed, another more laborious will be hired in his place, and
be will be reduced to misery; the slave labourer, on the contrary knows,
that whatever he may do, his condition will remain unchanged; he is
aware that to preserve the capital which he represents, his master will
be always forced to feed, lodge, clothe, take care of his health, and
defend him; thus without disquiet as without hope for the future, the
slave labourer can have but one desire, that of repose. In fact, what is
it to him whether his master’s prosperity increases or is diminished?
The consequences to him are always the same; is he not always a slave?
From these considerations we may boldly conclude, that thirty free
labourers paid by the day, would do the work of a hundred slaves, which
the owner is obliged to feed and clothe throughout the year, to have
fifty labourers. I suppose that the support of each slave costs but one
franc a day, and the hire of a labourer would be three, there would then
be a difference of ten per cent. a day in the labour, in favour of
cultivation by free hands. This difference does not appear at first very
considerable, but if we then take into account the enormous capital of
50,000 dollars at least for the purchase of the slaves; the fifty-two
Sundays and other holidays, during which nothing is paid to the free
labourer, and during which the slaves eat although they do not work, we
shall then find that the difference is still greater, and shall scarcely
comprehend why a planter (apart from all sentiments of humanity, and
consulting his personal interests exclusively,) should not make his best
efforts to substitute the labour of free men for that of slaves.
The good appearance and gaiety of the negroes at Monticello attested the
humanity of their master, if so noble a character had need of an
attestation; all those with whom I conversed assured me that they found
themselves perfectly happy, and were not subject to bad treatment; that
their task was light, and that they cultivated the grounds of Monticello
with greater satisfaction, because they were nearly certain of not being
torn from their homes to be sent elsewhere, during Mr. Jefferson’s life.
This conversation proved to me that, notwithstanding what some persons
say, it is possible to excite in slaves a love of labour and gain their
affections; this infallible mode would be to attach them to the soil,
and teach them to consider themselves as an inalienable part of the
property to which they belong; to assure them in short, that they should
enjoy the ameliorations or embellishments created by the sweat of their
brows; when they knew that their natal soil was to nourish them to the
end of their days, they would be attached to it, and take pleasure in
rendering it productive. The masters themselves would have more regard
for beings whom they would no longer consider as beasts of burden, which
are to be gotten rid of, if the owner have not talent to guide them.
Obliged to keep them, he would take more care of their moral and
physical improvement; then those horrible markets would cease, which
pitilessly breaking the ties of nature and affection, tear the infant
from its mother, separate the wife from the husband, the brother from
the sister, the unfortunate from the friends to which at least they were
united by the same chain.
The objections to general and immediate emancipation are unanswerable;
the objections to gradual emancipation are subject to discussion; but
the objections against changing slavery into servitude, appear to be
easy of refutation. The government of the United States has given a
great lesson to the whole world in abolishing and punishing as a capital
crime the trade in slaves. Virginia has acquired great claims upon the
gratitude of the friends of humanity in opposing from her infancy the
importation of slaves into her territory; but many palms still remain to
be merited in this career of justice and philanthropy; the first to be
decreed, will belong in my opinion to the states which shall first
replace the _slaves_ by _servants_.
Before leaving Mr. Jefferson, we went with him to visit the University
of Virginia, at Charlotteville; he conveyed us thither in a very elegant
calash, made by negroes on his own place; it appeared to be very well
made, and in its construction I found a powerful argument against those
who pretend that the intelligence of negroes can never be raised to the
height of the mechanic arts.
Every thing had been prepared at Charlotteville, by the citizens and
students, to give a worthy reception to Lafayette. The sight of the
Nation’s Guest, seated at the patriotic banquet, between Jefferson and
Madison, excited in those present an enthusiasm which expressed itself
in enlivening sallies of wit and humour. Mr. Madison, who had arrived
that day at Charlotteville to attend this meeting, was especially
remarkable for the originality of his expressions, and the delicacy of
his allusions: before leaving the table, he gave a toast, “To liberty,
with virtue for her guest, and gratitude for the feast,” which was
received with transports of applause.
After dinner, we visited the establishment; it is composed of two
parallel lines of small buildings, all of different architecture; at the
extremity is another building, constructed after plans of the Parthenon
at Athens, reduced to one-fifth of the original dimensions, containing
the library, and a vast circular saloon for public meetings. All these
different buildings have been superintended by Mr. Jefferson himself,
who passed several hours daily either among the workmen, or amidst the
pupils and professors, who all profited by his wise counsel.
Before taking leave of the youth of Charlotteville, and its respectable
professors, one of the latter took us into a little hall where he showed
us a rattlesnake moving at freedom, upon the floor. It was caught a few
days previous, in the woods, and was intended as a present for Mr.
George Lafayette, who had expressed a desire to obtain one. We
contemplated with pleasure this dangerous reptile, whose piercing eye,
supple movements, livid body, crossed by broad black bands, and sounding
tail, would doubtless have inspired sentiments of another nature, if we
bad not known that his venom had been rendered harmless, by the
extraction of the canulated fangs, through whose instrumentality this
animal so subtlely introduces its poison into the veins of the victims
it strikes. The poison of the rattlesnake is so violent, that it is said
frequently to produce death in less than half an hour. The possibility
of obtaining an efficacious remedy against the bite of this reptile, has
long been, and still is doubted; however, Doctor Thacher affirms
positively, in his excellent Military Journal of 1776, that the
employment of olive oil and mercury perfectly succeeded in his hands, in
saving the life of a soldier bitten by a rattlesnake.
Notwithstanding the happiness enjoyed by general Lafayette in the
company of his old friend Mr. Jefferson, he was obliged to leave him,
because other affections and other engagements still called him from
numerous points. Of this vast republic, of which we have not yet visited
but a small part, although since our landing we have constantly
travelled at the rate of nearly forty miles a day. From Monticello we
went to Montpelier, the charming residence of the ex-president Madison;
there we found with some slight shades of difference the same habits and
virtues as at Monticello.
The career of Mr. Madison has a surprising conformity with that of Mr.
Jefferson, with whom he was always connected by the warmest friendship.
Like his illustrious friend, Mr. Madison, early devoted himself to the
study of law, and while still young, was called upon by his
fellow-citizens to defend their dearest interests in the legislative
assembly; like him he was distinguished by his oratorical talent, and
the boldness of his conceptions, in that congress which immortalized
itself in declaring the country independent. Like him he was twice
called by the people to the chief magistracy of the republic, and
moreover, during a part of his administration, he had to sustain a
foreign war, which terminated gloriously; like him, finally, in leaving
the government-house of the United States, he retired to cultivate his
fields, and devote himself to letters, which he had never wholly
relinquished, amid the multifarious occupations of his active political
life.
Mr. Madison at the time of our visit was seventy-four years of age, but
his well preserved frame contained a youthful soul full of sensibility,
which he did not hesitate to show, when he expressed to general
Lafayette the pleasure he felt at having him in his house. Although the
habit of reflection and application, give to his countenance an aspect
of severity, all the impressions of his heart are rapidly depicted in
his features, and his conversation is usually animated with a gentle
gaiety. Mrs. Madison also contributes much by the graces of her mind,
and the amenity of her character to exalt the excellence of that frank
hospitality with which strangers are received at Montpelier.
The four days passed with Mr. Madison were agreeably employed in
promenades over his beautiful estate, and still more agreeably by our
evening conversations, particularly concerning all the great American
interests, which are so dear to general Lafayette. The society which at
this time habitually assembled at Montpelier, was almost entirely
composed of the neighbouring planters, who for the most part appeared as
well versed in all great political questions as in agriculture.
Lafayette, who though perfectly understanding the disagreeable situation
of American slaveholders, and respecting generally the motives which
prevent them from more rapidly advancing in the definitive emancipation
of the blacks, never missed an opportunity to defend the right _which
all men without exception_ have to liberty, broached among the friends
of Mr. Madison the question of slavery. It was approached and discussed
by them frankly, and in a manner to confirm me in the opinion I had
previously formed concerning the noble sentiments of the majority of
Virginians upon this deplorable circumstance. It appears to me, that
slavery cannot exist a long time in Virginia, because all enlightened
men condemn the principle of it, and when public opinion condemns a
principle, its consequences cannot long continue to subsist.
After the question of personal slavery in the United States, the equally
important question of the spiritual slavery, to which some of the people
of Europe are condemned by the _dominant_ or _state religions_, was
discussed. The friends of Mr. Madison congratulated themselves, that at
least this sort of slavery was unknown, in their beloved country; they
entered into some details which showed me that they were not men to be
contented with what we incessantly invoke as a benefit in Europe, that
is religious _tolerance_. “Tolerance,” said one of them, “is beyond
doubt preferable to persecution, but it would always be insupportable in
a free country, because it marks an insulting pride. To give one
religion the right to tolerate, and subject others to the disgrace of
being tolerated, it would be first necessary to prove that the
_tolerant_ is the only good one, and that all the _tolerated_ were bad.
This proof is unobtainable, since each believes his own religion to be
the best. The word _toleration_ is, therefore, an insult, and cannot
reasonably be replaced except by the word _liberty_. This liberty we now
enjoy in the fullest sense of the term, and we are sure that throughout
our twenty-four states, not one is to be found in which it is not better
understood than in any part of Europe. However, we have also had our
times of _tolerance_, indeed I may say of _intolerance_; before our
glorious revolution, for instance, we still groaned under laws, by which
for certain degrees of heresy, a father could be deprived of the
privilege of educating his own children. Every individual might lose the
rights of citizen, and a part of the protection of the laws, and
sometimes even be burnt. At present there is a happy difference; thanks
to our new laws, worthy of the immortal sages who framed them, no
individual can be forced to observe any religious worship, nor to
frequent any place, nor to support any minister, of whatever religion he
may be, nor be constrained, retained, disturbed or oppressed in his own
person, or his goods; in short he cannot be persecuted in any manner on
account of his religious opinions; but all men have liberty to _profess
and sustain by reasoning_ their religious opinions, and these opinions
can neither diminish nor increase any of their civil rights.”
To this interesting conversation I paid particular attention; one of the
persons engaged in it, who had observed me, took me aside while tea was
preparing, and said:—“Since you take so deep an interest in every thing
relating to the formation of our institutions, I will tell you of one
which was not mentioned by my friend for fear of offending the modesty
of our host.—Previous to the revolution, the episcopal religion was the
prevailing form of worship in this state; its ministers, dissatisfied at
the equality established between different sects by the law of 1776, and
still more with the law of 1779, which deprived them of the
appointments, which they had previously received from government,
declared that they could not be contented with voluntary contributions,
and caused a petition to be presented to the general assembly in 1784–5,
praying for the support of the ministers of the gospel by the
government. This petition supported by the most popular talents of the
house, appeared likely to triumph; to paralyze this success, some
members proposed and obtained a reference of the petition to the ensuing
session, as well as to have it printed and submitted to public
examination; during the interval, Colonels Mason and G. Nicholas
besought Mr. Madison to draw up a refutation of the petition. This
refutation was diffused extensively among the people, and was so
successful, that it soon received the signatures of vast numbers of
persons of all sects, and at the following session the petition was
altogether rejected. You will no doubt be pleased to read this
production, which in my opinion, contains all that can be most strongly
and judiciously said in favour of religious liberty. On reading this
refutation, I found it worthy of the commendations bestowed. The
principles it contains, are simple, reasonable, and most eloquently
established and defended.”
On the 19th of November, we left Montpelier to go to Fredericksburg by
the way of Orange Court-house, a numerous escort commanded by Captain
Mason came in the morning to attend General Lafayette, and Mr. Madison
wished to accompany him. On arriving at Orange Court-house, we found all
the inhabitants drawn up in two lines, between which the general
advanced to Col. Barbour, the governor of the state of Virginia, deputed
by his fellow citizens to make an address to the nation’s guest. In
passing along these two lines, the general received the expression of
the regrets of some old revolutionary soldiers, who had been prevented
by age and the distance from joining their military companions at the
Yorktown celebration; he consoled them by evidences of friendship and
remembrance, for which they seemed very grateful. After Col. Barbour’s
address, Miss Derby presented him in the name of her youthful companions
with a nosegay of flowers, and accompanied it by a tender and respectful
address.—We did not remain longer than was necessary to be present at an
entertainment, over which Col. Barbour presided, who according to
custom, proclaimed thirteen toasts during the dessert; these official or
regular toasts were followed by numerous volunteers, all expressive of
patriotism and gratitude. After the dinner, we parted from Mr. Madison,
who, notwithstanding his seventy-four years, mounted his horse with
activity, and set out through the woods for his peaceful dwelling. We
continued on our journey, accompanied by the escort with which we
arrived, now considerably augmented by a large number of citizens, who
wished to prolong the pleasure of being near Lafayette.
We had advanced but a little way when we discovered a great crowd
collected about a triumphal arch, erected at the intersection of the
road, and a narrow path scarcely to be distinguished from the thickness
of the wood. We soon learned, that this path, over which young females
were strewing flowers, and which the crowd passed over with such
touching interest, was the road opened by Lafayette, on the 15th June,
1781, in order to make a forced march from the banks of the Rapidan to
Michunk Creek, where Cornwallis was much astonished to find him prepared
for battle, at the moment he thought he might seize without resistance
upon the magazines of the middle states established at Albemarle. This
new proof of the honourable recollection in which the Americans held all
his actions, deeply affected Lafayette. He was moved almost to tears,
when he was covered with flowers by the young ladies, when in descending
from his carriage be found himself surrounded and tenderly embraced by
the citizens, who awaited him under the triumphal arch. He conversed a
long time with them, and related to the young people how strongly these
places reminded him of the obligations he owed to their parents. “It was
here,” said he, “at the moment when I effected by this path a movement
which would have been so fatal, if unsuccessful, that they abandoned
their harvests to join my little army, and during that whole campaign,
the separation from their families, fatigues of every description, the
ruinous abandonment of agriculture, and the difficulty of procuring
provisions, did not prevent them from remaining with the army far beyond
the time we had any right to ask of them.” But Lafayette did not relate,
because modesty prevented him, the address with which he raised the
courage of the most dejected, and kept those nearest himself, who were
most disposed to withdraw. A detachment of militia were retained beyond
their time, by the tardiness of those who were to relieve them, and
complaining daily more and more, the general agreed that their
discontent was well founded; expressed how sensible he was of the
considerable injury which must result to those who were so long detained
from homeland especially by this unexpected delay, which he could not
provide against. He added that he could not imagine the cause of it;
apologized for having retained them beyond their time, and declared that
he had not the courage to keep them longer, and therefore gave
permission to all to withdraw, adding, that for his own part he could
not abandon the post confided to him, and should remain with the small
number of regular troops he had. He knew perfectly the character of the
men he commanded, and by this method obtained the desired results, for
after speaking thus he would have found it difficult to have induced one
to go, without giving him a certificate that he was obliged to leave
him. “Who is the wretch,” said they to each other, “who could ever dream
of abandoning the marquis,” by which name the Americans distinguished
Lafayette throughout the war. This mode of designating him had become so
habitual throughout the United States, that it was still used when we
arrived at New York. During several days the newspapers, in giving an
account of his movements, and of the entertainments given to him, used
no other appellation in speaking of him, and they only relinquished it
when they learned that the general constantly refused to resume this
title, since his renunciation of it in the national assembly. His
cotemporaries had a great deal of difficulty in renouncing an old habit
which was not without its charms to them, since it reminded them of
their youthful days. I recollect at Philadelphia an old lady, who had
known him well during the revolution, and who probably thought of him as
he appeared at that time, pressed towards him through the crowd, saying,
“Let me pass, that I may again see that good young marquis.”
It was not until sunset on the 20th of November, that we arrived at
Fredericksburgh, where the general was received by the little boys
formed into a battalion under the name of Lafayette Cadets; the night
was already dark, and the town glittered with illumination, when we
arrived at the place where the mayor pronounced his welcome. A splendid
supper, and a ball in which all the ladies of Fredericksburg were
present, terminated the day. Next day being Sunday, we went to the
Episcopal church, escorted by the free masons in grand ceremony. The
clergyman who officiated was a member of the lodge. On Monday we passed
part of the day with Captain Lewis, a nephew of General Washington, and
in the evening we set out for Washington, accompanied for several miles
by the inhabitants of Fredericksburgh. At the Strafford county line, the
extremity of which we crossed, the militia met the general to escort him
to the Potomac, where the vessel waited for us, and conveyed us to
Washington by a pleasant night voyage.
-----
Footnote 1:
Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family? This
quartetto of Gretry is a great favourite among the French national
airs, and is always played or sung on similar occasions. Gretry in his
memoirs, relates wonderful effects of this piece of music; of families
reconciled who had been before at deadly variance.—D.
Footnote 2:
Gnaphalium, the everlasting flower. This among the French is
emblematic of lasting affection.—D.
Footnote 3:
The state of New York, it is believed, is the only one in our union,
that has thus wisely and prudently provided for the complete, but
gradual emancipation of the coloured race; by admitting those only to
the full enjoyment of the rights of citizens, who by their industry
and economy, have acquired a certain amount of property, and thus
given a pledge to the country, for their future good conduct. It
seems, indeed, the best course to be pursued with a population which
circumstances have placed in an inferior degree of civilization to the
rest of the community. If ever, as we must hope, this country is to be
freed from the pest of slavery, it is by such measures as this (in
connection with others) that the event is to be prepared, so that it
may be met without some dreadful catastrophe. Our enthusiastic author,
who sees in this an unjust and invidious distinction between the two
races, had not yet, as his interlocutor very properly observes,
prepared his mind for a correct judgment, by a visit to those states,
whose situation requires that their friends and neighbours should not
be too hasty in carrying into effect their liberal theories; but
should guard and measure their steps with a view to future, as well as
present circumstances, and to the ultimate welfare and safety of the
whole American union.—D.
Footnote 4:
Those whom our author here calls _magistrates_, were probably no other
than _constables_, who are the executive officers of our police. The
service of _Justices of the Peace_, whom in this country we
distinguish by the name of _magistrates_, is seldom required on such
occasions.—D.
Footnote 5:
It is a pity that the proper spelling of the name of this brave man
has not been preserved. As written here, it has not the appearance nor
the sound of a French name. It was probably _Molan_, or _Molant_, or
perhaps _Moulin_. _Molang_ is evidently a corrupt spelling.—D.
Footnote 6:
The people of Connecticut are not more litigious than those of the
other states, nor are lawyers more plentiful among them, or live more
at the people’s expense. The members of the legal profession are as
honourable, and as liberal, in this country, as in any part of the
world, and the frequency of law suits which has induced the unfounded
charge of litigiousness against the people of America, is not to be
ascribed to their natural disposition, but to the confusion and
uncertainty of the laws which the Normans introduced into England, and
the English into this country. The fathers of this complicated code,
the _Normans_, were stigmatized in France, before the Revolution, as a
litigious people, and this character was produced by the same cause.
In England, the excess of litigation is prevented by measures which we
do not wish to see introduced among us. High and heavy taxes upon
legal proceedings, effectually protect the rich against the litigation
of the poor, and prevent the latter from entertaining suits against
each other. The evil, however, has reached to such a height, that the
government themselves are setting on foot a revision of the whole
legal system. We have amended it here in a considerable degree; but
much remains yet to be done, and will be done, by prudent and gradual
steps, so that we may not be obliged, at a future day, like our
brethren of England, to tear up the whole edifice from its foundation.
As to the excessive familiarity which is supposed to exist in some
parts of New England and particularly in Connecticut, between young
people before marriage, it has been at all times greatly exaggerated.
However dangerous the custom alluded to might be considered in other
countries, it is certain that in Connecticut, it seldom led to
criminal intercourse, and when it did, the mischief was speedily
repaired by the legal union of the parties. At present the custom has
entirely disappeared, or if it ever exist, it is confined to the very
lowest class of society. There is not a people on earth more truly
moral and religious, than the people of that state, and illegitimate
children are not more numerous in it proportionally, than in the other
parts of the union.—D.
Footnote 7:
Historical, Statistic and Political Description of the United States,
by Warden.
Footnote 8:
Our author evidently means here the _Phi Beta Kappa_ society, which is
an association of students, who meet together at stated times, to
promote and encourage among each other classical learning and the
study of the belles lettres. The denomination which they have assumed,
consists of the first letters of three Greek words, the meaning of
which none are supposed to understand but the initiated. The members
of this association continue to belong to it, not only after the
termination of their collegiate studies, but even after being raised
to the first political honours of the country. The professors and the
heads of the university make it a point to encourage this meritorious
society by all the means in their power.—D.
Footnote 9:
The notions commonly entertained by Europeans relative to the
aborigines of America, are principally derived from the exaggerated
statements of early voyagers, or from the fantastic creations of
romance writers, who, in representing these supposed “children of
nature,” have endowed them with qualities they never possessed, and
bestowed upon them ideas, sentiments, and expressions utterly unknown,
as well as perfectly incomprehensible, to the race. An opinion of the
character of our savages, formed from an examination of the miserable
stragglers which still hang upon the out-skirts of civilization, would
be quite as inadequate and inaccurate. The unvarnished truth is, that
the best of the known tribes exhibit specimens of humanity in its
extreme of degradation, from a more perfect condition of which but
few, faint and almost obliterated traces, are occasionally to be
discerned. Inevitably destined to extinction, they appear, like
another coloured race, to be suffering under the infliction of a
tremendous temporal punishment for some ancient national crime. Such a
conclusion is at least strongly borne out by the history of this
continent, and we have already lived to see Spain beginning to receive
her reward for the part she played in the dreadful tragedies by which
this history is dedecorated; must not the day of retribution for the
United States also arrive?—T.
Footnote 10:
Warden, t. 2de.
Footnote 11:
See this letter in Franklin’s works.
Footnote 12:
The Bowery, and Lafayette theatres, the Mount Pitt Circus, and other
places of public amusement, have been built since. Some of them have
also been burnt down and rebuilt within a short time.
Footnote 13:
The writer was probably not acquainted with the Musical Fund Society
of Philadelphia, which had been but lately established when General
Lafayette arrived, and which is rapidly becoming an excellent school
of music. It has already performed in public in a very creditable
manner, several English and German oratorios, such as Handel’s
Messiah, and Haydn’s Creation. Since Lafayette’s departure from this
country, New York has had an Italian opera led by Garcia, Angrisani,
Signorina Garcia, &c. &c. The New Orleans troop of Comedians has
performed with great applause both at New York and Philadelphia. They
have met with so much encouragement that a regular annual visit is
expected from them.—D.
Footnote 14:
This venerable man is still living in Massachusetts; October, 1829.
Footnote 15:
These were his titles of recommendation! They now serve but to remind
his country of the vast loss sustained by his death!—T.
Footnote 16:
By the existing laws of New York, interments can no longer be made in
the city.—T.
Footnote 17:
American Biography.
Footnote 18:
See Brackenridge’s History of the late War.
Footnote 19:
This miserable pretext, of the _profitableness of the traffic_ to the
merchants [robbers] concerned, was resorted to till the last, in the
British parliamentary discussions relative to abolition, and
unfortunately was allowed to exert considerable influence. The last
time we recollect to have seen this seriously urged as an argument in
favour of the continuance of the slave-trade, was by that prig
BOSWELL, in his life of Dr. Johnson.—T.
Footnote 20:
Eheu! vixit!
END OF VOLUME I.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s note:
1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.
2. Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as
printed.
3. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together
at the end of the last chapter.