The rest of the acts of doctor Franklin while he resided in France,
and the many pleasures he enjoyed there, were first, the great
pleasure of announcing to the French court, in 1781, as we have seen,
the surrender of lord Cornwallis and his army to general Washington.
Second, the still greater pleasure of learning in 1782, that the
British ministry were strongly inclined to "A PEACE TALK." Third,
1783, the greatest pleasure of all, the pleasure of _burying the
tomahawk_, by general peace.
Thus after having lived to see completely verified all his awful
predictions to the blind and obstinate British cabinet about the
result of this disastrous war; with losses indeed, beyond his
prediction--the loss of two thousand ships!--the loss of one hundred
thousand lives!--the loss of seven hundred millions of dollars! and a
loss still greater than all, the loss of the immense continent of
North America, and the monopoly of its incalculable produce and trade,
shortly to fly on wings of canvass to all parts of the globe.
Having lived to see happily terminated, the grand struggle for
American liberty, which even Englishmen have pronounced "_the last
hope and probable refuge of mankind_," and having obtained leave from
congress to return, he took a last farewell of his generous Parisian
friends, and embarked for his native country.
On the night of the 4th of September, the ship made the light-house at
the mouth of the Delaware bay. On coming upon deck next morning, he
beheld all in full view and close at hand the lovely shores of
America, "_where his fathers had dwelt_." Who can paint the
joy-brightened looks of our veteran patriot, when, after an absence of
seven years, he beheld once more that beloved country for whose
liberties and morals he had so long contended? Formerly, with an
aching heart, he had beheld her as a dear mother, whose fame was
tarnished, and her liberties half ravished by foreign lords. But now
he greets her as free again, and freed, through heaven's blessing on
her _own heroic virtue and valour_. Crowned thus with tenfold glory,
he hails her with transport, as the grand nursery of civil and
religious freedom, whose fair example of republican wisdom and
moderation is, probably, destined of God to recommend the blessings of
free government to all mankind.
The next day in the afternoon he arrived at Philadelphia. It is not
for me to describe what he felt in sailing along up these lovely
shores, while the heaven within diffused a double brightness and
beauty over all the fair and magnificent scenes around. Neither is it
for me to delineate the numerous demonstrations of public joy,
wherewith the citizens of Philadelphia welcomed the man whom they all
delighted to honour. Suffice it to say, that he was landed amidst the
firing of cannon--that he was crowded with congratulatory
addresses--that he was invited to sumptuous banquets, &c. &c. &c. But
though it was highly gratifying to others to see transcendent worth so
duly noticed, yet to himself, who had been so long familiar with such
honours, they appeared but as baubles that had lost their tinsel.
But there were some pledges of respect offered him, which afforded a
heartfelt satisfaction; I mean those numbers of pressing invitations
to accept the presidencies of sundry noble institutions for public
good, as
I. A society for diffusing a knowledge of the best politics for our
republic.
II. A society for alleviating the miseries of public prisons.
III. A society for abolishing the slave trade--the relief of free
negroes unlawfully held in bondage--and for bettering the condition of
the poor blacks.
"It was because," said the trustees, "they well knew he had made it
the sole scope of his greatly useful life to promote institutions for
the happiness of mankind, that they now solicited the honour and
benefit of his special care and guardianship."
Though now almost worn out with the toils of fourscore years, and
oftentimes grievously afflicted with his old complaint, the gravel, he
yet accepted the proffered appointments with great pleasure, and
attended to the duties of them with all the ardour of youth. Thus
affording one more proof,
"That, in the present as in all the past
O SAVE MY COUNTRY, HEAVEN! was still his last."
"But though the spirit was willing, the flesh was weak." His strength
was so sensibly diminished that it could scarcely second his mind,
which seemed as unimpaired as ever.
But there was still one more service that his country looked to him
for, before he went to rest; I mean that of aiding her councils in the
grand convention that was about to sit in Philadelphia for the purpose
of framing the present excellent constitution. He was called to this
duty in 1787. The speech which he made in that convention has a high
claim to our notice, not only because it was the last speech that Dr.
Franklin ever made in public; but because nothing ever yet placed in a
fairer light the charm of modesty in a great man; and also the force
of temperance, exercise and cheerfulness, which could preserve the
intellectual faculties in such vigour, to the astonishing age of
EIGHTY-TWO!!
_Final Speech of doctor Franklin in the Federal Convention.--George
Washington, President._
MR. PRESIDENT,
I do not entirely approve this constitution at present, but, sir, I am
not sure I shall never approve it; for, having lived long, I have
experienced many instances of being obliged, by better information, to
change opinions which I once thought right. It is, therefore, that the
older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment, and to pay
more respect to the judgment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as
most sects of religion, think themselves in possession of _all truth_,
and that whenever others differ from them, it is so far error. Steele,
a protestant, tells the pope, that "the only difference between our
two churches, in their opinion of the certainty of their doctrines,
is, the Romish church is _infallible_, and the church of England
_never_ in the _wrong_."
But though many private persons think almost as highly of their own
infallibility, as of that of their sect, few express it so naturally
as a certain French lady, who, in a little dispute with her sister,
said, "_I don't know how it happens, sister, but I meet with nobody
but myself that is always in the right_." In these sentiments, sir, I
agree to this constitution, with all its faults, if they are such;
because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no
form of government but what may be a blessing, if well administered;
and I believe farther, that this is likely to be well administered for
a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have
done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted, as to need
despotic government, being incapable of any other. I doubt too,
whether any other convention we can obtain, may be able to make a
better constitution. For when you assemble a number of men, to have
the advantage of their joint wisdom, you assemble with those men, all
their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local
interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly, can a
perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, sir, to
find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I
think it will confound our enemies, who are waiting with confidence,
to hear that our councils are confounded, like those of the builders
of Babel, and that our states are on the point of separation, only to
meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting each other's throats.
Thus I consent, sir, to this constitution, because I expect no better,
and because I am not _sure that this is not the best_. The opinions I
have had of its errors, I sacrifice to the public good. I have never
whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were
born, and here they shall die. If every one of us, in returning to our
constituents, were to report the objections he has had to it, and
endeavour to gain partisans in support of them, we might prevent its
being generally received, and thereby lose all the great advantages
resulting naturally in our favour among foreign nations, as well as
among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the
efficiency of any government, in procuring and securing happiness to
the people, depends on the general opinion of the goodness of that
government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors.
I hope, therefore, that for our _own sakes_, as a part of the people,
and for the sake of _our posterity_, we shall act heartily and
unanimously, in recommending this constitution, wherever our influence
may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavours to the means
of having it well administered.
On the whole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish, that every member
of the convention, who may still have objections, would, with me, on
this occasion, doubt a little of his own infallibility, and making
manifest our unanimity, put his name to this instrument.