Had the fatal sisters, even now, put forth their shears and clipped
his thread, yet would not the friend of man "_have fallen without
his fame_." Admiring posterity would still have written on his
tomb,
_Here lies the GREAT FRANKLIN._
But though great now, he is destined to be much greater still. A
crisis is approaching that is to call forth all his talents, and to
convince even the most unthinking, that in the dark day of trouble the
"_wise shall shine forth like the firmament_." By the crisis here
mentioned, I mean the events leading to the American revolution.
The British cabinet, as if entire strangers to that divine philosophy
which commands its disciples to be "_no respecters of persons_,"
allowed themselves in the most fatal policy of sparing the British
subjects in _England_ at the expense of the British subjects in
_America_. After having drained much money from them in a variety of
unconstitutional ways, they came at length to the resolution of taxing
_the colonies without their consent_.
This dark design was hinted in 1754, by the minister, to governor
Shirley, of the Massachusetts-Bay colony. The governor, well knowing
his extraordinary penetration and judgment, broke this ministerial
plan to Dr. Franklin; requesting _his_ opinion of it. Dr. Franklin
answered this question of the governor, by urging an "_immediate union
of the colonies with great Britain, by allowing them representatives
in parliament_," as the only thing that could prevent those ceaseless
encroachments on the one side, and those bitter animosities on the
other, which, _he feared_, would one day prove the ruin of both
countries. As to the ministerial plan of taxing the colonies by act of
parliament, where they have no representation, he assured the governor
that it would prove utterly abominable. "His majesty, sir," said he to
the governor, "has no subjects in all his wide dominions, who more
heartily love him than do his American subjects. Nor do there exist on
earth, the Englishmen who hold more dear the glory of old England than
they do. But the same spirit of their gallant forefathers, which makes
them ready to lay down their lives and fortunes, in a constitutional
way, for their king and country, will for ever secure them from being
slaves. We exult, sir, in the recollection, that of all the
governments on earth, that of Great Britain has long been the
_freest_; and that more blood has been shed for freedom's sake in
England in one week, than on the whole continent for fifty years. Now,
on the bright face of that government, the first and fairest feature
is this: that no king can touch a penny belonging to the poorest
subject, without his own consent, by his representative in parliament.
For, if, say they, '_a king can at pleasure take our money, he can
take every thing else; since with that he can easily hire soldiers to
rob, and then murder us if we but open our lips against him_.' As
Americans glory in being Englishmen on the western side of the
Atlantic, they very naturally claim the common right of Englishmen,
not to be taxed without their own consent, by their representatives in
parliament. But the British ministry, though they obstinately refuse
to the Americans the sacred rights of representation, yet as wickedly
insist on the right of _taxation_; and accordingly have brought into
parliament the famous _stamp act bill_, whereby no business that
requires a record on paper, as _deeds_, _bonds_, _wills_, _marriages_,
_&c._ can be legally done but on paper that has received the _royal
stamp_. Now, sir, you well know that the same minister who proposes
this most iniquitous and unconstitutional act, would not dare propose
to any the most drunken tavern-keeper in England, a farthing tax on a
pot of his ale without the consent of his representative in
parliament; and yet, without being allowed a hearing in parliament,
_three millions_ of free-born Americans, sons of Englishmen, are to be
taxed at the pleasure of a distant minister! Not, honoured sir, that
the Americans care a fig for the _pence_ imposed on this bit of stamp
paper, but for the _principle_. For they well know that if parliament
claim a _right_ to take from us a penny in the pound, there is no line
drawn to bound that right; and what shall hinder their calling
whenever they please for the other _nineteen shillings and eleven
pence_? And besides, sir, where is the necessity for this _most
degrading_ measure? Have not the Americans ever shown themselves the
warmest friends of their king and country? Have they not, in all cases
of danger, most readily voted both their men and money to the full
extent of their means, and sometimes far beyond?
"And in addition to all this, are they not daily paying large monies
in secret taxes to Great Britain?
"I. We are not _permitted to trade with foreign nations_! All the
difference in the price of what we could buy cheaper from them, but
must buy dearer from Britain, is a clear _tax_ to Britain.
"II. We are obliged to _carry our produce to Britain_! All that
it sells for less _there_ than it would in any other market, is a
clear _tax_ to Britain.
"III. All the manufactures that we could make, but are
_forbidden_ and must buy of British merchants, is a clear
_tax_ to Britain.
"And what _freeborn_ Englishman can, without indignation, think of
being so daringly defrauded of his _birthright_, that if he wants a
pipe of good wine, he cannot go to the island of Madeira and get it on
easy exchange for his bread stuff, and return at once to his home and
business; but must go a thousand miles farther from his family, even
to Great Britain, and there run the gauntlet, through so many ruinous
charges, as to bring his wine up to almost double what it ought to
have cost? And all this most flagrant injustice done to the whole
people of the colonies, just to enrich half a dozen British merchants
engaged in the Portugal wine trade!
"A similar outrage on another of the dearest rights of Englishmen,
_i.e._ '_to make the most that they honestly can of their property_,'
is committed on the British subjects in America, for the sake of
favouring a few hatters and nail makers in England. No country on the
globe, furnishes better iron or better beaver than does North America.
But the Americans must not make a hob-nail or a felt hat for
themselves. No; they must send all their iron and fur to England for
the hatters and nail makers _there_; who may give them their own price
for the raw materials, and ask their own price for the manufactures.
"All that a wise government wishes, is, that the people should be
numerous and wealthy enough to _fight the battles_ of their country,
and to _pay the taxes_. But they care not so much whether the fighting
be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or Charles.
"What imports it to the government, whether a merchant, a smith, or a
hatter, grows rich in Old England or New England? And if, through
increase of the people, _two_ smiths are wanted for _one_ employed
before, why may not the _new_ smith be allowed to live and thrive in
the _new_ country, as well as the _old_ in the _old_? In short, why
should the countenance of a state be _partially_ afforded to its
people, unless it be most in favour of those who have most merit?"
The whig papers in London soon got this letter, and laid it before the
public.
Among a high-minded people like the British, who pride themselves in
their love of liberty and their perfect scorn of _foul play_, such
sentiments could not be read without the liveliest emotions. And
though some, the ministerial junto for example, with the merchants and
manufacturers, did not like such plain truths, yet the nation in
general gave him great credit both for his singular honesty and
abilities; and the name of Dr. Franklin became very dear to thousands
of the most enlightened and virtuous patriots of Britain.
But the pleasure of admiration was dashed with fear, that the minister
would suffer no good to be done to the nation by all this divine
counsel, merely because the giver was not an _Englishman_.
The lights, however, which Dr. Franklin had thrown on this great
subject, were pressed upon the minister with such courage by numbers
of honest English writers, that he prudently delayed ordering the
collection of the tax until he could get further information. It was
not long before an opportunity was offered him to obtain this
information in a way highly complimentary to Dr. Franklin, _i.e._ by
summoning him, then in London as colony agent from Pennsylvania,
February 2, 1766, _to appear before the Bar of the British House of
Commons, to answer certain questions, &c._
The next day, accompanied by Mr. Strahan, afterwards member of
parliament, with several illustrious Englishmen, his warm friends, he
went to the house. The concourse was immense. _To see Dr.
Franklin_--the American, whose philosophical discoveries and political
writings had filled the world with his name, excited universal
curiosity. The galleries were filled with ladies of the first
distinction, and every seat below was occupied by the members from the
house of lords. At ten o'clock he appeared at the bar before the eager
waiting crowd. The profoundest silence ensued. All eyes were fixed on
him; and, from their deep regard, it appeared, that though they beheld
no stars nor garters glittering on his breast, no burning velvets nor
flaming diamonds adorning his person, yet they were not disappointed.
They beheld a spectacle still more interesting and novel.--The
spectacle of a man whose simple dress evinced that he asked no aid of
the tailor and silkworm to recommend him, but stood solely on the
majesty of his mind. The hour for examination being come, and the
attendant officer beckoning him thereto, he arose--
"And in his rising seemed a pillar of state--deep on his brow engraven
deliberation sat and public care. His looks drew audience and
attention still as night, or summer's noontide air."
Who can paint the looks of the minister, as with darkly scowling
eye-balls, he beheld this terror of aristocracy! or who can paint the
NOBLE LORDLINGS, as lost in equal _stare_, they gazed and gazed at the
wondrous American, forgetting the while, "_to quiz_," as they were
wont, "_his homespun coat and simple shoe-strings_."
But never did the mind-illumined looks of man shine more divinely
bright than did those, that day, of the generous Barry, the godlike
Chatham, and the high-minded Dunning, when they beheld the noble form
of Franklin. Though born in North America, he shines before their eyes
as a true born son of Britain--the luminous and brave interpreter of
her SACRED CONSTITUTION, and the wise politician who seeks to exalt
her glory, lasting as the skies, on the broad base of impartial
justice to all her children. With eyes sparkling with esteem
unutterable, they hail him as a brother; and breathe the ardent wish
that in the impending examination he may succeed in diverting the
minister from that unconstitutional course which may involve the ruin
both of England and America.
The moment for trial being come, and the minister giving the signal to
begin, the speaker thus commenced:--
_Q._ What is your name and place of abode?
_A._ Franklin, of Philadelphia.
Here followed nearly _three hundred questions_ and _answers_, which
were once read with exceeding interest by men, women, and children in
America. But as they turn altogether on that great quarrel which the
British ministry formerly excited in this country; and which God, to
his endless glory, was pleased to put asleep in our favour near half a
century ago, then let all these questions and answers lie asleep with
it. However, it is but justice to Dr. Franklin to observe, that when
we consider these questions, what a wide range they take both of the
British and American _relations_ and _interests_--together with the
_luminous_, prompt, and decisive manner in which they were solved, we
are lost in astonishment at the extent of his information and the
powers of his mind, and are almost tempted to believe that the
_answers_, and not the _questions_ must have been studied with the
nicest discrimination of circumstances.
Charles Fox, an honest Englishman, and an excellent judge in these
matters, being asked his opinion of Dr. Franklin and the _ministers_
in the late examination, replied, in his strong way, "_Dwarfs_, sir,
mere _dwarfs in the hand of a giant_!"
Edmund Burke used to say, that this examination of Dr. Franklin before
the ministers, always put him in mind of a "_Master examined before a
parcel of school-boys_."
But though his abilities on this occasion excited the admiration of
generous enemies, while his more partial friends set no bounds to
their praise, yet it would appear from the following that all afforded
_him_ but little pleasure. In a letter to a friend in Philadelphia, he
has these remarkable words: "You have, no doubt, heard that I have
been examined before the HOUSE OF COMMONS in this country. And it is
probable you have also been told that I did not entirely disappoint
the expectations of my friends, nor betray the cause of truth. This,
to be sure, gives me some pleasure; and, indeed it is the only thing
that does; for, as to any good being done by my honest statement to
ministers, of what I firmly believe to be the best interests of the
two countries, 'tis all, I fear, _a lost hope_. The people of this
country are too proud, and too much despise the poor Americans, to
allow them _the common rights of Englishmen_, that is, _a
representation in parliament_. And until this be done, I apprehend
that no taxes laid by parliament, will ever be collected, but such as
must be stained with blood. How lamentable it is that two people,
sprung from the same origin, speaking the same language, governed by
the same laws, and worshipping at the same altar of God, and capable,
by a wise use of the extraordinary means he has now put into their
hands, of becoming the greatest nation on earth, should be stopped
short and perhaps reduced to insignificance by a civil war, kindled by
ministers obstinately contending for what they cannot but know to be
utterly unconstitutional and eternally inadmissible among the
_free-born sons of Englishmen_. But I suppose the repeal will not now
be agreed to, from what I think a mistaken opinion, that the honour
and dignity of government are better supported by persisting in a
wrong measure, once entered into, than by rectifying an error as soon
as it is discovered."
Differently, however, from the apprehensions of Franklin, the stamp
act was repealed, and even in the course of the same year!
But though so little expected by him, yet was this event ascribed, in
a great measure, to Dr. Franklin. His famous examination, printed in a
shilling pamphlet, had been distributed by myriads throughout Britain
and America. In America it served to brighten up the _old land marks_
of their rights as _free-born sons of Englishmen_, and to quicken
their sensibilities to ministerial frauds. In England, it served to
show the ignorance of the ministers; the impolicy of their measures
towards America; and the utter inexpediency of the stamp act. The
stamp act of course fell to the ground. The reader, if a good man,
exults, no doubt, in this as a most fortunate event, and already hails
this removal of strife, as a certain prelude to that return of love
between the mother country and her colonies, which will make them
both, glorious and happy. He may hope it, but alas! he is never to see
the accomplishment of that good hope. Death is whetting his scythe;
and civil wars and slaughters are now just as near at hand as though
the stamp act had never been repealed. For a pamphlet in some popular
style that should unrip the black budget of ministerial injustice and
lay naked to view the causes of the coming war; that unnatural war
that is to sever England and her colonies for ever! Brighter than a
thousand sermons it would illustrate to politicians that "_the Lord is
King_"--that the sole end of his government, is to _glorify himself in
the happiness of his creatures_--that thereunto he hath _established
his throne in justice_--the eternal justice of men "_doing unto others
as they would that others should do unto them_," and that none,
however great, shall ever violate this blessed order with impunity.
The British ministry are destined to illustrate this. They are fond of
power--to preserve this, they must continue in place--in order
thereunto they must please the merchants and manufacturers--to
accomplish this they must favour their trade and lighten their taxes.
And how is this to be done? why, by a little peccadillo of INJUSTICE.
They have only to sweat the "CONVICTS _on their American
plantations_,"--the rascals live a great way off, and have no
_representative_ in parliament to make a noise about it. Accordingly,
soon as the Americans were supposed to have gotten a little over their
fever about the stamp act, the minister, lord North, of famous memory,
determined to try them again. However it was but a small affair
now--only a _three penny excise_ on the pound of tea.
When Dr. Franklin, our ARGUS, then in London, discovered the designs
of minister North, he exerted himself to point that purblind gentleman
to the horrible gulf that was yawning at his feet. He wrote letters to
several members of parliament, his friends; and he published a number
of luminous pieces in the patriotic gazettes, all admirably calculated
to rouse the friends of the nation to a sense of the impending
dangers.
In three letters to the honourable Mr. W. Strahan, he has, in the
extract, these remarkable words:--
"_London, November, 1768._
"DEAR SIR,
"With respect to the present dispute between Great Britain and the
colonies, there is nothing I wish for more than to see it amicably
settled. But _Providence_ brings about its own ends by its own
means; and if it intends the downfall of a nation, that nation will
be so blinded by its pride and other passions as not to see its
danger, or how its fall may be prevented.
"The friends of the ministry say that this tax is but a _trifle_;
granted. But who does not see what will be the consequence of
submitting to it? Is it not the more dangerous for being a trifle?
Is it not in this way that the devil himself most effectually works
our ruin? If he can but prevail on a poor thoughtless youth to
shake hands with innocence, and to _steal_, he is abundantly
satisfied. To get the boy's _hand in_, is all he wants. And he
would as leave the simpleton should begin with stealing a halter as
a horse. For he well knows that if he but begins with the one he is
sure to end with the other. Just so the minister, angling for
American liberty, artfully covers his hook with this delicate bait.
But the truth is, I have talked and written so much and so long on
the subject of this unhappy quarrel, that my acquaintance are weary
of hearing, and the public of reading, any more of it; which begins
to make me weary of talking and writing; especially as I do not
find that I have gained any point in either country, except that of
rendering myself suspected, by my impartiality, in England of being
too much an _American_, and in America of being too much an
_Englishman_. However, as in reply to your polite question, "_what
is to be_ done _to settle this alarming dispute?_" I have often
told you what I think the minister _ought_ to do: I now go a step
farther, and tell you what I fear he will do.
"I apprehend he will, ere long, attempt to enforce this obnoxious
tax, whatever may be the consequences.--I apprehend that in the
mean time, the colonies will continue to be treated with contempt,
and the redress of their grievances be neglected--that, this will
inflame matters still more in that country--that, further rash
measures there, may create more resentments here--that, their
assemblies will be attempted to be dissolved--that, more troops
will be sent to oppress them--that, to justify these measures of
government, your newspapers will revile them as _miscreants_,
_rogues_, _dastards_, and _rebels_--that, this will alienate the
minds of the people here from them, and theirs from you--that,
possibly too, some of their warm patriots may be distracted enough
to do some _mad_ act which will cause them to be sent for
hither--and that government may be indiscreet enough to hang them
for it--that mutual provocations will thus go on to complete the
separation, and instead of that cordial affection which so long
existed, and which is so necessary to the glory and happiness of
both countries, an implacable malice, dishonourable and destructive
to both, may take place. I hope, however, that this may all prove
_false prophecy_, and that you and I may live to see as sincere a
friendship established between our countries, as has so many years
subsisted between W. Strahan, Esq. and his truly affectionate old
friend,
"B. FRANKLIN."
But notwithstanding his prayer to the contrary, every body recollects
how, exactly as Dr. Franklin had predicted, the minister continued to
blunder and blunder on with his face constantly towards war--how
nothing was trumpeted by the ministerial party, like the ingratitude
and baseness of the Americans--how _certain_ newspapers perpetually
vilified them as _miscreants_, _rascals_ and _rebels_--how the public
mind was so set against them that even the _shoe-blacks_, as Mr.
Wilkes said, talked of the colonies as _their plantations_, and of the
people there as if they had been their _overseers_ and _negroes_--how
the minister determined at last, to enforce the _tea-tax_--how, on
hearing the news of this, as of the stamp act, the yankees muffled
their drums, and played the _dead march_--how they took the sacrament
never to submit to it--how the minister, to test their valour, sent
three ships laden with this three-penny tea--how the yankees, dressed
like Mohawks, boarded their ships and destroyed their cargoes--how the
minister, waxing more in wrath, sent more soldiers to quell the
rebels--how the rebels insulted the soldiers--how the soldiers fired
on the rebels--how the port of Boston was shut by royal
proclamation--how, in spite of the royal proclamation, the colonies
would trade with her and send monies to her relief--how the LORDS and
COMMONS petitioned the king that, any rebel opposing the officers of
his sacred majesty, should be instantly hung up without judge or
jury--how the king _thanked_ his noble lords and commons, and was
graciously pleased to decree that all rebels thus offending should be
thus hung up without judge or jury--how that, notwithstanding this
gracious decree, when his majesty's troops attempted to destroy the
rebel stores at Concord, the rebels attacked and killed them, without
any regard to his majesty's decree.
This unpardonable sin against the "Lord's anointed," which happened on
the 19th of April 1775, served as the double bolting and barring of
the door against all hope of peace. Throughout America, it struck but
one deep and awful sentiment, "_the sword is drawn, and we must now
throw the scabbard away_." In May, the news got to England, where it
excited emotions that beggar all description. They somewhat, however,
resembled the effects of the trumpet of the great angel spoken of in
the _Revelations_, that sounded "_wo! wo! wo! to the inhabitants_" of
America, and proclaimed the pouring forth of _fire_ and sword. But,
reserving this tragedy for the next chapter, we will conclude the
present with the following anecdote. It will show at least, that
doctor Franklin left no stone unturned to carry his point; and that
where logic failed he had recourse to wit.
THE CAT AND EAGLE.
A FABLE, BY DOCTOR FRANKLIN.
Lord Spencer was a great admirer of Dr. Franklin, and never missed
sending him a card when he intended a quorum of learned ones at his
table. The last time that our philosopher enjoyed this honour, was in
1775, just before he was driven from England by lord North. The
conversation taking a turn on fables, lord Spencer observed, that it
had certainly been a very lucky thing, especially for the YOUNG, that
this mode of instruction had ever been hit on, as there was a
something in it wonderfully calculated to touch a favourite string
with them, _i.e._ novelty and surprise. They would listen, he said, to
a fox, when they would not to a father, and they would be more apt to
remember any thing good told them by an owl or a crow, than by an
uncle or an aunt. But I am afraid, continued his lordship, that the
age of fables is past. AEsop and Phaedrus among the ancients, and
Fontaine and Gay among the moderns, have given us so many fine
speeches from the birds and beasts, that I suspect their budgets are
pretty nearly exhausted.
The company concluded with his lordship, except Franklin, who was
silent.
"Well, doctor," said lord Spencer, "what is your opinion on this
subject?"
"Why, my lord," replied Franklin, "I cannot say that I have the honour
to think with you in this affair. The birds and beasts have indeed
said a great many wise things; but it is likely they will say a great
many more yet before they are done. Nature, I am thinking, is not
quite so easily exhausted as your lordship seems to imagine."
Lord Spencer, evidently confused, but still with that countenance of
pleasure which characterizes great souls, when they meet superior
genius, exclaimed--"Well, doctor, suppose you give us a fable? I know
you are good at an impromptu." The company all seconded the motion.
Franklin thanked them for the compliment, but begged to be excused.
They would hear no excuses. They knew, they said, he could _go it_,
and insisted he should gratify them. Finding all resistance
ineffectual, he drew his pencil, and after scribbling a few minutes,
reached it to Spencer, saying--"Well, my lord, since, you will have it
so, here's a something fresh from the brain, but I'm afraid you'll not
find AEsop in it."
"Read it, doctor, read it!" was the cry of the noble lord and his
friends. In a mood, spriteful and pleasant, Franklin thus began--"Once
upon a time--hem!--as an Eagle in the full pride of his pinions,
soared over a humble farm-yard, darting his fiery eyes around in
search of a pig, a lamb, or some such pretty tit-bit, what should he
behold but a plump young rabbit, as he thought, squatted among the
weeds. Down at once upon him, he pounced like thunder, and bearing him
aloft in his talons, thus chuckled to himself with joy--Zounds, what a
lucky dog I am! such a nice rabbit here, this morning, for my
breakfast!
"His joy was but momentary; for the supposed rabbit happened to be a
stout cat, who, spitting and squalling with rage, instantly stuck his
teeth and nails, like any fury, into the eagle's thighs, making the
blood and feathers fly at a dreadful rate.
"HOLD! HOLD! _for mercy's sake, hold!_ cried the eagle, his wings
shivering in the air with very torment.
"Villain! retorted the cat, with a tiger-like growl, dare you talk of
_mercy_ after treating me thus, who never injured you?"
O, God bless you, Mr. CAT, is that you? rejoined the eagle, mighty
complaisant; 'pon honour, I did not intend, sir. I thought it was only
a rabbit I had got hold of--and you know we are all fond of rabbits.
Do you suppose, my dear sir, that if I had but dreamt it was you, I
would ever have touched the hair of your head? No, indeed: I am not
such a fool as all that comes to. And now, my dear Mr. CAT, come let's
be good friends again, and I'll let you go with all my heart.
"Yes, you'll let me go, scoundrel, will you--here from the clouds--to
break every bone in my skin!--No, villain, carry me back, and put me
down exactly where you found me, or I'll tear the throat out of you in
a moment.
"Without a word of reply, the eagle stooped at once from his giddy
height, and sailing humbly down, with great complaisance restored the
cat to his simple farm-yard, there to sleep, or hunt his rats and mice
at pleasure."
A solemn silence ensued. At length, with a deep prophetic sigh, lord
Spencer thus replied: "_Ah! Dr. Franklin I see the drift of your
fable; and my fears have already made the application. God grant_,
that Britain may not prove the eagle, and America the cat." This fable
paraphrased in the WHIG papers of that day, concludes in this way:
"Thus Britain thought in seventy-six,
Her talons in a hare to fix;
But in the scuffle it was found,
The bird received a dangerous wound,
Which, though pretending oft to hide,
Still rankles in his Royal side."