The ancient capital of Hadiyah, called by the citizens "Harar Gay," [5] by
the Somal "Adari," by the Gallas "Adaray" and by the Arabs and ourselves
"Harar," [6] lies, according to my dead reckoning, 220° S.W. of, and 175
statute miles from, Zayla--257° W. of, and 219 miles distant from,
Berberah. This would place it in 9° 20' N. lat. and 42° 17' E. long. The
thermometer showed an altitude of about 5,500 feet above the level of the
sea. [7] Its site is the slope of an hill which falls gently from west to
east. On the eastern side are cultivated fields; westwards a terraced
ridge is laid out in orchards; northwards is a detached eminence covered
with tombs; and to the south, the city declines into a low valley bisected
by a mountain burn. This irregular position is well sheltered from high
winds, especially on the northern side, by the range of which Kondura is
the lofty apex; hence, as the Persian poet sings of a heaven-favoured
city,--
"Its heat is not hot, nor its cold, cold."
During my short residence the air reminded me of Tuscany. On the afternoon
of the 11th January there was thunder accompanied by rain: frequent
showers fell on the 12th, and the morning of the 13th was clear; but, as
we crossed the mountains, black clouds obscured the heavens. The monsoon
is heavy during one summer month; before it begins the crops are planted,
and they are reaped in December and January. At other seasons the air is
dry, mild, and equable.
The province of Hadiyah is mentioned by Makrizi as one of the seven
members of the Zayla Empire [8], founded by Arab invaders, who in the 7th
century of our area conquered and colonised the low tract between the Red
Sea and the Highlands. Moslem Harar exercised a pernicious influence upon
the fortunes of Christian Abyssinia. [9]
The allegiance claimed by the AEthiopian Emperors from the Adel--the
Dankali and ancient Somal--was evaded at a remote period, and the
intractable Moslems were propitiated with rich presents, when they thought
proper to visit the Christian court. The Abyssinians supplied the Adel
with slaves, the latter returned the value in rock-salt, commercial
intercourse united their interests, and from war resulted injury to both
people. Nevertheless the fanatic lowlanders, propense to pillage and
proselytizing, burned the Christian churches, massacred the infidels, and
tortured the priests, until they provoked a blood feud of uncommon
asperity.
In the 14th century (A.D. 1312-1342) Amda Sion, Emperor of AEthiopia,
taunted by Amano, King of Hadiyah, as a monarch fit only to take care of
women, overran and plundered the Lowlands from Tegulet to the Red Sea. The
Amharas were commanded to spare nothing that drew the breath of life: to
fulfil a prophecy which foretold the fall of El Islam, they perpetrated
every kind of enormity.
Peace followed the death of Amda Sion. In the reign of Zara Yakub [10]
(A.D. 1434-1468), the flame of war was again fanned in Hadiyah by a Zayla
princess who was slighted by the AEthiopian monarch on account of the
length of her fore-teeth: the hostilities which ensued were not, however,
of an important nature. Boeda Mariana, the next occupant of the throne,
passed his life in a constant struggle for supremacy over the Adel: on his
death-bed he caused himself to be so placed that his face looked towards
those lowlands, upon whose subjugation the energies of ten years had been
vainly expended.
At the close of the 15th century, Mahfuz, a bigoted Moslem, inflicted a
deadly blow upon Abyssinia. Vowing that he would annually spend the forty
days of Lent amongst his infidel neighbours, when, weakened by rigorous
fasts, they were less capable of bearing arms, for thirty successive years
he burned churches and monasteries, slew without mercy every male that
fell in his way, and driving off the women and children, he sold some to
strange slavers, and presented others to the Sherifs of Mecca. He bought
over Za Salasah, commander in chief of the Emperor's body guard, and
caused the assassination of Alexander (A.D. 1478-1495) at the ancient
capital Tegulet. Naud, the successor, obtained some transient advantages
over the Moslems. During the earlier reign of the next emperor, David III.
son of Naud [11], who being but eleven years old when called to the
throne, was placed under the guardianship of his mother the Iteghe Helena,
new combatants and new instruments of warfare appeared on both sides in
the field.
After the conquest of Egypt and Arabia by Selim I. (A. D. 1516) [12] the
caravans of Abyssinian pilgrims travelling to Jerusalem were attacked, the
old were butchered and the young were swept into slavery. Many Arabian
merchants fled from Turkish violence and injustice, to the opposite coast
of Africa, whereupon the Ottomans took possession from Aden of Zayla, and
not only laid the Indian trade under heavy contributions by means of their
war-galleys, but threatened the total destruction of Abyssinia. They aided
and encouraged Mahfuz to continue his depredations, whilst the Sherif of
Meccah gave him command of Zayla, the key of the upper country, and
presented him with the green banner of a Crusader.
On the other hand, the great Albuquerque at the same time (A.D. 1508-1515)
was viceroy of India, and to him the Iteghe Helena applied for aid. Her
ambassador arrived at Goa, "bearing a fragment of wood belonging to the
true cross on which Christ died," which relic had been sent as a token of
friendship to her brother Emanuel by the empress of AEthiopia. The overture
was followed by the arrival at Masawwah of an embassy from the king of
Portugal. Too proud, however, to await foreign aid, David at the age of
sixteen took the field in person against the Moslems.
During the battle that ensued, Mahfuz, the Goliath of the Unbelievers, was
slain in single combat by Gabriel Andreas, a soldier of tried valour, who
had assumed the monastic life in consequence of having lost the tip of his
tongue for treasonable freedom of speech: the green standard was captured,
and 12,000 Moslems fell. David followed up his success by invading the
lowlands, and, in defiance, struck his spear through the door of the king
of Adel.
Harar was a mere mass of Bedouin villages during the reign of Mohammed
Gragne, the "left-handed" Attila of Adel. [13] Supplied with Arab
mercenaries from Mocha, and by the Turks of Yemen with a body of
Janissaries and a train of artillery, he burst into Efat and Fatigar. In
A.D. 1528 he took possession of Shoa, overran Amhara, burned the churches
and carried away an immense booty. The next campaign enabled him to winter
at Begmeder: in the following year he hunted the Emperor David through
Tigre to the borders of Senaar, gave battle to the Christians on the banks
of the Nile, and with his own hand killed the monk Gabriel, then an old
man. Reinforced by Gideon and Judith, king and queen of the Samen Jews,
and aided by a violent famine which prostrated what had escaped the spear,
he perpetrated every manner of atrocity, captured and burned Axum,
destroyed the princes of the royal blood on the mountain of Amba Geshe
[14], and slew in A.D. 1540, David, third of his name and last emperor of
AEthiopia who displayed the magnificence of "King of Kings."
Claudius, the successor to the tottering throne, sent as his ambassador to
Europe, one John Bermudez, a Portuguese, who had been detained in
Abyssinia, and promised, it is said, submission to the Pontiff of Rome,
and the cession of the third of his dominions in return for
reinforcements. By order of John III., Don Stephen and Don Christopher,
sons of Don Vasco de Gama, cruised up the Red Sea with a powerful
flotilla, and the younger brother, landing at Masawwah with 400
musqueteers, slew Nur the governor and sent his head to Gondar, where the
Iteghe Sabel Wenghel received it as an omen of good fortune. Thence the
Portuguese general imprudently marched in the monsoon season, and was soon
confronted upon the plain of Ballut by Mohammed Gragne at the head of
10,000 spearmen and a host of cavalry. On the other side stood a rabble
rout of Abyssinians, and a little band of 350 Portuguese heroes headed by
the most chivalrous soldier of a chivalrous age.
According to Father Jerome Lobo [15], who heard the events from an eye-
witness, a conference took place between the two captains. Mohammed,
encamped in a commanding position, sent a message to Don Christopher
informing him that the treacherous Abyssinians had imposed upon the king
of Portugal, and that in compassion of his opponent's youth, he would give
him and his men free passage and supplies to their own country. The
Christian presented the Moslem ambassador with a rich robe, and returned
this gallant answer, that "he and his fellow-soldiers were come with an
intention to drive Mohammed out of these countries which he had wrongfully
usurped; that his present design was, instead of returning back the way he
came, as Mohammed advised, to open himself a passage through the country
of his enemies; that Mohammed should rather think of determining whether
he would fight or yield up his ill-gotten territories than of prescribing
measures to him; that he put his whole confidence in the omnipotence of
God, and the justice of his cause; and that to show how full a sense he
had of Mohammed's kindness, he took the liberty of presenting him with a
looking-glass and a pair of pincers."
The answer and the present so provoked the Adel Monarch that he arose from
table to attack the little troop of Portuguese, posted upon the declivity
of a hill near a wood. Above them stood the Abyssinians, who resolved to
remain quiet spectators of the battle, and to declare themselves on the
side favoured by victory.
Mohammed began the assault with only ten horsemen, against whom an equal
number of Portuguese were detached: these fired with so much exactness
that nine of the Moors fell and the king was wounded in the leg by Peter
de Sa. In the melee which ensued, the Moslems, dismayed by their first
failure, were soon broken by the Portuguese muskets and artillery.
Mohammed preserved his life with difficulty, he however rallied his men,
and entrenched himself at a strong place called Membret (Mamrat),
intending to winter there and await succour.
The Portuguese, more desirous of glory than wealth, pursued their enemies,
hoping to cut them entirely off: finding, however, the camp impregnable,
they entrenched themselves on a hill over against it. Their little host
diminished day by day, their friends at Masawwah could not reinforce them,
they knew not how to procure provisions, and could not depend upon their
Abyssinian allies. Yet memorious of their countrymen's great deeds, and
depending upon divine protection, they made no doubt of surmounting all
difficulties.
Mohammed on his part was not idle. He solicited the assistance of the
Moslem princes, and by inflaming their religious zeal, obtained a
reinforcement of 2000 musqueteers from the Arabs, and a train of artillery
from the Turks of Yemen. Animated by these succours, he marched out of his
trenches to enter those of the Portuguese, who received him with the
utmost bravery, destroyed many of his men, and made frequent sallies, not,
however, without sustaining considerable losses.
Don Christopher had already one arm broken and a knee shattered by a
musket shot. Valour was at length oppressed by superiority of numbers: the
enemy entered the camp, and put the Christians to the spear. The
Portuguese general escaped the slaughter with ten men, and retreated to a
wood, where they were discovered by a detachment of the enemy. [16]
Mohammed, overjoyed to see his most formidable enemy in his power, ordered
Don Christopher to take care of a wounded uncle and nephew, telling him
that he should answer for their lives, and upon their death, taxed him
with having hastened it. The Portuguese roundly replied that he was come
to destroy Moslems, not to save them. Enraged at this language, Mohammed
placed a stone upon his captive's head, and exposed him to the insults of
the soldiery, who inflicted upon him various tortures which he bore with
the resolution of a martyr. At length, when offered a return to India as
the price of apostacy, the hero's spirit took fire. He answered with the
highest indignation, that nothing could make him forsake his Heavenly
Master to follow an "imposter," and continued in the severest terms to
vilify the "false Prophet," till Mahommed struck off his head. [17] The
body was divided into quarters and sent to different places [18], but the
Catholics gathered their martyr's remains and interred them. Every Moor
who passed by threw a stone upon the grave, and raised in time such a heap
that Father Lobo found difficulty in removing it to exhume the relics. He
concludes with a pardonable superstition: "There is a tradition in the
country, that in the place where Don Christopher's head fell, a fountain
sprang up of wonderful virtue, which cured many diseases, otherwise past
remedy."
Mohammed Gragne improved his victory by chasing the young Claudius over
Abyssinia, where nothing opposed the progress of his arms. At last the few
Portuguese survivors repaired to the Christian emperor, who was persuaded
to march an army against the King of Adel. Resolved to revenge their
general, the musqueteers demanded the post opposite Mohammed, and directed
all their efforts against the part where the Moslem Attila stood. His
fellow religionists still relate that when Gragne fell in action, his wife
Talwambara [19], the heroic daughter of Mahfuz, to prevent the destruction
and dispersion of the host of Islam, buried the corpse privately, and
caused a slave to personate the prince until a retreat to safe lands
enabled her to discover the stratagem to the nobles. [20]
Father Lobo tells a different tale. According to him, Peter Leon, a
marksman of low stature, but passing valiant, who had been servant to Don
Christopher, singled the Adel king out of the crowd, and shot him in the
head as he was encouraging his men. Mohammed was followed by his enemy
till he fell down dead: the Portuguese then alighting from his horse, cut
off one of his ears and rejoined his fellow-countrymen. The Moslems were
defeated with great slaughter, and an Abyssinian chief finding Gragne's
corpse upon the ground, presented the head to the Negush or Emperor,
claiming the honor of having slain his country's deadliest foe. Having
witnessed in silence this impudence, Peter asked whether the king had but
one ear, and produced the other from his pocket to the confusion of the
Abyssinian.
Thus perished, after fourteen years' uninterrupted fighting, the African
hero, who dashed to pieces the structure of 2500 years. Like the
"Kardillan" of the Holy Land, Mohammed Gragne is still the subject of many
a wild and grisly legend. And to the present day the people of Shoa retain
an inherited dread of the lowland Moslems.
Mohammed was succeeded on the throne of Adel by the Amir Nur, son of
Majid, and, according to some, brother to the "Left-handed." He proposed
marriage to Talwambara, who accepted him on condition that he should lay
the head of the Emperor Claudius at her feet. In A.D. 1559, he sent a
message of defiance to the Negush, who, having saved Abyssinia almost by a
miracle, was rebuilding on Debra Work, the "Golden Mount," a celebrated
shrine which had been burned by the Moslems. Claudius, despising the
eclipses, evil prophecies, and portents which accompanied his enemy's
progress, accepted the challenge. On the 22nd March 1559, the armies were
upon the point of engaging, when the high priest of Debra Libanos,
hastening into the presence of the Negush, declared that in a vision,
Gabriel had ordered him to dissuade the Emperor of AEthiopia from
needlessly risking life. The superstitious Abyssinians fled, leaving
Claudius supported by a handful of Portuguese, who were soon slain around
him, and he fell covered with wounds. The Amir Nur cut off his head, and
laid it at the feet of Talwambara, who, in observance of her pledge,
became his wife. This Amazon suspended the trophy by its hair to the
branch of a tree opposite her abode, that her eyes might be gladdened by
the sight: after hanging two years, it was purchased by an Armenian
merchant, who interred it in the Sepulchre of St. Claudius at Antioch. The
name of the Christian hero who won every action save that in which he
perished, has been enrolled in the voluminous catalogue of Abyssinian
saints, where it occupies a conspicuous place as the destroyer of Mohammed
the Left-handed.
The Amir Nur has also been canonized by his countrymen, who have buried
their favourite "Wali" under a little dome near the Jami Mosque at Harar.
Shortly after his decisive victory over the Christians, he surrounded the
city with its present wall,--a circumstance now invested with the garb of
Moslem fable. The warrior used to hold frequent conversations with El
Khizr: on one occasion, when sitting upon a rock, still called Gay
Humburti--Harar's Navel--he begged that some Sherif might be brought from
Meccah, to aid him in building a permanent city. By the use of the "Great
Name" the vagrant prophet instantly summoned from Arabia the Sherif Yunis,
his son Fakr el Din, and a descendant from the Ansar or Auxiliaries of the
Prophet: they settled at Harar, which throve by the blessing of their
presence. From this tradition we may gather that the city was restored, as
it was first founded and colonized, by hungry Arabs.
The Sherifs continued to rule with some interruptions until but a few
generations ago, when the present family rose to power. According to
Bruce, they are Jabartis, who, having intermarried with Sayyid women,
claim a noble origin. They derive themselves from the Caliph Abubakr, or
from Akil, son of Abu Talib, and brother of Ali. The Ulema, although
lacking boldness to make the assertion, evidently believe them to be of
Galla or pagan extraction.
The present city of Harar is about one mile long by half that breadth. An
irregular wall, lately repaired [21], but ignorant of cannon, is pierced
with five large gates [22], and supported by oval towers of artless
construction. The material of the houses and defences are rough stones,
the granites and sandstones of the hills, cemented, like the ancient Galla
cities, with clay. The only large building is the Jami or Cathedral, a
long barn of poverty-stricken appearance, with broken-down gates, and two
white-washed minarets of truncated conoid shape. They were built by
Turkish architects from Mocha and Hodaydah: one of them lately fell, and
has been replaced by an inferior effort of Harari art. There are a few
trees in the city, but it contains none of those gardens which give to
Eastern settlements that pleasant view of town and country combined. The
streets are narrow lanes, up hill and down dale, strewed with gigantic
rubbish-heaps, upon which repose packs of mangy or one-eyed dogs, and even
the best are encumbered with rocks and stones. The habitations are mostly
long, flat-roofed sheds, double storied, with doors composed of a single
plank, and holes for windows pierced high above the ground, and decorated
with miserable wood-work: the principal houses have separate apartments
for the women, and stand at the bottom of large court-yards closed by
gates of Holcus stalks. The poorest classes inhabit "Gambisa," the
thatched cottages of the hill-cultivators. The city abounds in mosques,
plain buildings without minarets, and in graveyards stuffed with tombs,--
oblong troughs formed by long slabs planted edgeways in the ground. I need
scarcely say that Harar is proud of her learning, sanctity, and holy dead.
The principal saint buried in the city is Shaykh Umar Abadir El Bakri,
originally from Jeddah, and now the patron of Harar: he lies under a
little dome in the southern quarter of the city, near the Bisidimo Gate.
The ancient capital of Hadiyah shares with Zebid in Yemen, the reputation
of being an Alma Mater, and inundates the surrounding districts with poor
scholars and crazy "Widads." Where knowledge leads to nothing, says
philosophic Volney, nothing is done to acquire it, and the mind remains in
a state of barbarism. There are no establishments for learning, no
endowments, as generally in the East, and apparently no encouragement to
students: books also are rare and costly. None but the religious sciences
are cultivated. The chief Ulema are the Kabir [23] Khalil, the Kabir
Yunis, and the Shaykh Jami: the two former scarcely ever quit their
houses, devoting all their time to study and tuition: the latter is a
Somali who takes an active part in politics.
These professors teach Moslem literature through the medium of Harari, a
peculiar dialect confined within the walls. Like the Somali and other
tongues in this part of Eastern Africa, it appears to be partly Arabic in
etymology and grammar: the Semitic scion being grafted upon an indigenous
root: the frequent recurrence of the guttural _kh_ renders it harsh and
unpleasant, and it contains no literature except songs and tales, which
are written in the modern Naskhi character. I would willingly have studied
it deeply, but circumstances prevented:--the explorer too frequently must
rest satisfied with descrying from his Pisgah the Promised Land of
Knowledge, which another more fortunate is destined to conquer. At Zayla,
the Hajj sent to me an Abyssinian slave who was cunning in languages: but
he, to use the popular phrase, "showed his right ear with his left hand."
Inside Harar, we were so closely watched that it was found impossible to
put pen to paper. Escaped, however, to Wilensi, I hastily collected the
grammatical forms and a vocabulary, which will correct the popular
assertion that "the language is Arabic: it has an affinity with the
Amharic." [24]
Harar has not only its own tongue, unintelligible to any save the
citizens; even its little population of about 8000 souls is a distinct
race. The Somal say of the city that it is a Paradise inhabited by asses:
certainly the exterior of the people is highly unprepossessing. Amongst
the men, I did not see a handsome face: their features are coarse and
debauched; many of them squint, others have lost an eye by small-pox, and
they are disfigured by scrofula and other diseases: the bad expression of
their countenances justifies the proverb, "Hard as the heart of Harar."
Generally the complexion is a yellowish brown, the beard short, stubby and
untractable as the hair, and the hands and wrists, feet and ankles, are
large and ill-made. The stature is moderate-sized, some of the elders show
the "pudding sides" and the pulpy stomachs of Banyans, whilst others are
lank and bony as Arabs or Jews. Their voices are loud and rude. They dress
is a mixture of Arab and Abyssinian. They shave the head, and clip the
mustachios and imperial close, like the Shafei of Yemen. Many are
bareheaded, some wear a cap, generally the embroidered Indian work, or the
common cotton Takiyah of Egypt: a few affect white turbans of the fine
Harar work, loosely twisted over the ears. The body-garment is the Tobe,
worn flowing as in the Somali country or girt with the dagger-strap round
the waist: the richer classes bind under it a Futah or loin-cloth, and the
dignitaries have wide Arab drawers of white calico. Coarse leathern
sandals, a rosary and a tooth-stick rendered perpetually necessary by the
habit of chewing tobacco, complete the costume: and arms being forbidden
in the streets, the citizens carry wands five or six feet long.
The women, who, owing probably to the number of female slaves, are much
the more numerous, appear beautiful by contrast with their lords. They
have small heads, regular profiles, straight noses, large eyes, mouths
approaching the Caucasian type, and light yellow complexions. Dress,
however, here is a disguise to charms. A long, wide, cotton shirt, with
short arms as in the Arab's Aba, indigo-dyed or chocolate-coloured, and
ornamented with a triangle of scarlet before and behind--the base on the
shoulder and the apex at the waist--is girt round the middle with a sash
of white cotton crimson-edged. Women of the upper class, when leaving the
house, throw a blue sheet over the head, which, however, is rarely veiled.
The front and back hair parted in the centre is gathered into two large
bunches below the ears, and covered with dark blue muslin or network,
whose ends meet under the chin. This coiffure is bound round the head at
the junction of scalp and skin by a black satin ribbon which varies in
breadth according to the wearer's means: some adorn the gear with large
gilt pins, others twine in it a Taj or thin wreath of sweet-smelling
creeper. The virgins collect their locks, which are generally wavy not
wiry, and grow long as well as thick, into a knot tied _a la Diane_ behind
the head: a curtain of short close plaits escaping from the bunch, falls
upon the shoulders, not ungracefully. Silver ornaments are worn only by
persons of rank. The ear is decorated with Somali rings or red coral
beads, the neck with necklaces of the same material, and the fore-arms
with six or seven of the broad circles of buffalo and other dark horns
prepared in Western India. Finally, stars are tattooed upon the bosom, the
eyebrows are lengthened with dyes, the eyes fringed with Kohl, and the
hands and feet stained with henna.
The female voice is harsh and screaming, especially when heard after the
delicate organs of the Somal. The fair sex is occupied at home spinning
cotton thread for weaving Tobes, sashes, and turbans; carrying their
progeny perched upon their backs, they bring water from the wells in large
gourds borne on the head; work in the gardens, and--the men considering,
like the Abyssinians, such work a disgrace--sit and sell in the long
street which here represents the Eastern bazar. Chewing tobacco enables
them to pass much of their time, and the rich diligently anoint themselves
with ghee, whilst the poorer classes use remnants of fat from the lamps.
Their freedom of manners renders a public flogging occasionally
indispensable. Before the operation begins, a few gourds full of cold
water are poured over their heads and shoulders, after which a single-
thonged whip is applied with vigour. [25]
Both sexes are celebrated for laxity of morals. High and low indulge
freely in intoxicating drinks, beer, and mead. The Amir has established
strict patrols, who unmercifully bastinado those caught in the streets
after a certain hour. They are extremely bigoted, especially against
Christians, the effect of their Abyssinian wars, and are fond of
"Jihading" with the Gallas, over whom they boast many a victory. I have
seen a letter addressed by the late Amir to the Hajj Sharmarkay, in which
he boasts of having slain a thousand infidels, and, by way of bathos, begs
for a few pounds of English gunpowder. The Harari hold foreigners in
especial hate and contempt, and divide them into two orders, Arabs and
Somal. [26] The latter, though nearly one third of the population, or 2500
souls, are, to use their own phrase, cheap as dust: their natural timidity
is increased by the show of pomp and power, whilst the word "prison" gives
them the horrors.
The other inhabitants are about 3000 Bedouins, who "come and go." Up to
the city gates the country is peopled by the Gallas. This unruly race
requires to be propitiated by presents of cloth; as many as 600 Tobes are
annually distributed amongst them by the Amir. Lately, when the smallpox,
spreading from the city, destroyed many of their number, the relations of
the deceased demanded and received blood-money: they might easily capture
the place, but they preserve it for their own convenience. These Gallas
are tolerably brave, avoid matchlock balls by throwing themselves upon the
ground when they see the flash, ride well, use the spear skilfully, and
although of a proverbially bad breed, are favourably spoken of by the
citizens. The Somal find no difficulty in travelling amongst them. I
repeatedly heard at Zayla and at Harar that traders had visited the far
West, traversing for seven months a country of pagans wearing golden
bracelets [27], till they reached the Salt Sea, upon which Franks sail in
ships. [28] At Wilensi, one Mohammed, a Shaykhash, gave me his itinerary
of fifteen stages to the sources of the Abbay or Blue Nile: he confirmed
the vulgar Somali report that the Hawash and the Webbe Shebayli both take
rise in the same range of well wooded mountains which gives birth to the
river of Egypt.
The government of Harar is the Amir. These petty princes have a habit of
killing and imprisoning all those who are suspected of aspiring to the
throne. [29] Ahmed's greatgrandfather died in jail, and his father
narrowly escaped the same fate. When the present Amir ascended the throne
he was ordered, it is said, by the Makad or chief of the Nole Gallas, to
release his prisoners, or to mount his horse and leave the city. Three of
his cousins, however, were, when I visited Harar, in confinement: one of
them since that time died, and has been buried in his fetters. The Somal
declare that the state-dungeon of Harar is beneath the palace, and that he
who once enters it, lives with unkempt beard and untrimmed nails until the
day when death sets him free.
The Amir Ahmed's health is infirm. Some attribute his weakness to a fall
from a horse, others declare him to have been poisoned by one of his
wives. [30] I judged him consumptive. Shortly after my departure he was
upon the point of death, and he afterwards sent for a physician to Aden.
He has four wives. No. 1. is the daughter of the Gerad Hirsi; No. 2. a
Sayyid woman of Harar; No. 3. an emancipated slave girl; and No. 4. a
daughter of Gerad Abd el Majid, one of his nobles. He has two sons, who
will probably never ascend the throne; one is an infant, the other is a
boy now about five years old.
[Illustration]
The Amir Ahmed succeeded his father about three years ago. His rule is
severe if not just, and it has all the _prestige_ of secresy. As the
Amharas say, the "belly of the Master is not known:" even the Gerad
Mohammed, though summoned to council at all times, in sickness as in
health, dares not offer uncalled-for advice, and the queen dowager, the
Gisti Fatimah, was threatened with fetters if she persisted in
interference. Ahmed's principal occupations are spying his many stalwart
cousins, indulging in vain fears of the English, the Turks, and the Hajj
Sharmarkay, and amassing treasure by commerce and escheats. He judges
civil and religious causes in person, but he allows them with little
interference to be settled by the Kazi, Abd el Rahman bin Umar el Harari:
the latter, though a highly respectable person, is seldom troubled; rapid
decision being the general predilection. The punishments, when money forms
no part of them, are mostly according to Koranic code. The murderer is
placed in the market street, blindfolded, and bound hand and foot; the
nearest of kin to the deceased then strikes his neck with a sharp and
heavy butcher's knife, and the corpse is given over to the relations for
Moslem burial. If the blow prove ineffectual a pardon is generally
granted. When a citizen draws dagger upon another or commits any petty
offence, he is bastinadoed in a peculiar manner: two men ply their
horsewhips upon his back and breast, and the prince, in whose presence the
punishment is carried out, gives the order to stop. Theft is visited with
amputation of the hand. The prison is the award of state offenders: it is
terrible, because the captive is heavily ironed, lies in a filthy dungeon,
and receives no food but what he can obtain from his own family,--seldom
liberal under such circumstances,--buy or beg from his guards. Fines and
confiscations, as usual in the East, are favourite punishments with the
ruler. I met at Wilensi an old Harari, whose gardens and property had all
been escheated, because his son fled from justice, after slaying a man.
The Amir is said to have large hoards of silver, coffee, and ivory: my
attendant the Hammal was once admitted into the inner palace, where he saw
huge boxes of ancient fashion supposed to contain dollars. The only specie
current in Harar is a diminutive brass piece called Mahallak [31]--hand-
worked and almost as artless a medium as a modern Italian coin. It bears
on one side the words:
[Arabic]
(Zaribat el Harar, the coinage of Harar.)
On the reverse is the date, A.H. 1248. The Amir pitilessly punishes all
those who pass in the city any other coin.
The Amir Ahmed is alive to the fact that some state should hedge in a
prince. Neither weapons nor rosaries are allowed in his presence; a
chamberlain's robe acts as spittoon; whenever anything is given to or
taken from him his hand must be kissed; even on horseback two attendants
fan him with the hems of their garments. Except when engaged on the
Haronic visits which he, like his father [32], pays to the streets and
byways at night, he is always surrounded by a strong body guard. He rides
to mosque escorted by a dozen horsemen, and a score of footmen with guns
and whips precede him: by his side walks an officer shading him with a
huge and heavily fringed red satin umbrella,--from India to Abyssinia the
sign of princely dignity. Even at his prayers two or three chosen
matchlockmen stand over him with lighted fusees. When he rides forth in
public, he is escorted by a party of fifty men: the running footmen crack
their whips and shout "Let! Let!" (Go! Go!) and the citizens avoid stripes
by retreating into the nearest house, or running into another street.
The army of Harar is not imposing. There are between forty and fifty
matchlockmen of Arab origin, long settled in the place, and commanded by a
veteran Maghrebi. They receive for pay one dollar's worth of holcus per
annum, a quantity sufficient to afford five or six loaves a day: the
luxuries of life must be provided by the exercise of some peaceful craft.
Including slaves, the total of armed men may be two hundred: of these one
carries a Somali or Galla spear, another a dagger, and a third a sword,
which is generally the old German cavalry blade. Cannon of small calibre
is supposed to be concealed in the palace, but none probably knows their
use. The city may contain thirty horses, of which a dozen are royal
property: they are miserable ponies, but well trained to the rocks and
hills. The Galla Bedouins would oppose an invader with a strong force of
spearmen, the approaches to the city are difficult and dangerous, but it
is commanded from the north and west, and the walls would crumble at the
touch of a six-pounder. Three hundred Arabs and two gallopper guns would
take Harar in an hour.
Harar is essentially a commercial town: its citizens live, like those of
Zayla, by systematically defrauding the Galla Bedouins, and the Amir has
made it a penal offence to buy by weight and scale. He receives, as
octroi, from eight to fifteen cubits of Cutch canvass for every donkey-
load passing the gates, consequently the beast is so burdened that it must
be supported by the drivers. Cultivators are taxed ten per cent., the
general and easy rate of this part of Africa, but they pay in kind, which
considerably increases the Government share. The greatest merchant may
bring to Harar 50_l._ worth of goods, and he who has 20_l._ of capital is
considered a wealthy man. The citizens seem to have a more than Asiatic
apathy, even in pursuit of gain. When we entered, a caravan was to set out
for Zayla on the morrow; after ten days, hardly one half of its number had
mustered. The four marches from the city eastward are rarely made under a
fortnight, and the average rate of their Kafilahs is not so high even as
that of the Somal.
The principal exports from Harar are slaves, ivory, coffee, tobacco, Wars
(safflower or bastard saffron), Tobes and woven cottons, mules, holcus,
wheat, "Karanji," a kind of bread used by travellers, ghee, honey, gums
(principally mastic and myrrh), and finally sheep's fat and tallows of all
sorts. The imports are American sheeting, and other cottons, white and
dyed, muslins, red shawls, silks, brass, sheet copper, cutlery (generally
the cheap German), Birmingham trinkets, beads and coral, dates, rice, and
loaf sugar, gunpowder, paper, and the various other wants of a city in the
wild.
Harar is still, as of old [33], the great "half way house" for slaves from
Zangaro, Gurague, and the Galla tribes, Alo and others [34]: Abyssinians
and Amharas, the most valued [35], have become rare since the King of Shoa
prohibited the exportation. Women vary in value from 100 to 400 Ashrafis,
boys from 9 to 150: the worst are kept for domestic purposes, the best are
driven and exported by the Western Arabs [36] or by the subjects of H. H.
the Imam of Muscat, in exchange for rice and dates. I need scarcely say
that commerce would thrive on the decline of slavery: whilst the Felateas
or man-razzias are allowed to continue, it is vain to expect industry in
the land.
Ivory at Harar amongst the Kafirs is a royal monopoly, and the Amir
carries on the one-sided system of trade, common to African monarchs.
Elephants abound in Jarjar, the Erar forest, and in the Harirah and other
valleys, where they resort during the hot season, in cold descending to
the lower regions. The Gallas hunt the animals and receive for the spoil a
little cloth: the Amir sends his ivory to Berberah, and sells it by means
of a Wakil or agent. The smallest kind is called "Ruba Aj"(Quarter Ivory),
the better description "Nuss Aj"(Half Ivory), whilst" Aj," the best kind,
fetches from thirty-two to forty dollars per Farasilah of 27 Arab pounds.
[36]
The coffee of Harar is too well known in the markets of Europe to require
description: it grows in the gardens about the town, in greater quantities
amongst the Western Gallas, and in perfection at Jarjar, a district of
about seven days' journey from Harar on the Efat road. It is said that the
Amir withholds this valuable article, fearing to glut the Berberah market:
he has also forbidden the Harash, or coffee cultivators, to travel lest
the art of tending the tree be lost. When I visited Harar, the price per
parcel of twenty-seven pounds was a quarter of a dollar, and the hire of a
camel carrying twelve parcels to Berberah was five dollars: the profit did
not repay labour and risk.
The tobacco of Harar is of a light yellow color, with good flavour, and
might be advantageously mixed with Syrian and other growths. The Alo, or
Western Gallas, the principal cultivators, plant it with the holcus, and
reap it about five months afterwards. It is cocked for a fortnight, the
woody part is removed, and the leaf is packed in sacks for transportation
to Berberah. At Harar, men prefer it for chewing as well as smoking: women
generally use Surat tobacco. It is bought, like all similar articles, by
the eye, and about seventy pounds are to be had for a dollar.
The Wars or Safflower is cultivated in considerable quantities around the
city: an abundance is grown in the lands of the Gallas. It is sown when
the heavy rains have ceased, and is gathered about two months afterwards.
This article, together with slaves, forms the staple commerce between
Berberah and Muscat. In Arabia, men dye with it their cotton shirts, women
and children use it to stain the skin a bright yellow; besides the purpose
of a cosmetic, it also serves as a preservative against cold. When Wars is
cheap at Harar, a pound may be bought for a quarter of a dollar.
The Tobes and sashes of Harar are considered equal to the celebrated
cloths of Shoa: hand-woven, they as far surpass, in beauty and durability,
the vapid produce of European manufactories, as the perfect hand of man
excels the finest machinery. On the windward coast, one of these garments
is considered a handsome present for a chief. The Harari Tobe consists of
a double length of eleven cubits by two in breadth, with a border of
bright scarlet, and the average value of a good article, even in the city,
is eight dollars. They are made of the fine long-stapled cotton, which
grows plentifully upon these hills, and are soft as silk, whilst their
warmth admirably adapts them for winter wear. The thread is spun by women
with two wooden pins: the loom is worked by both sexes.
Three caravans leave Harar every year for the Berberah market. The first
starts early in January, laden with coffee, Tobes, Wars, ghee, gums, and
other articles to be bartered for cottons, silks, shawls, and Surat
tobacco. The second sets out in February. The principal caravan, conveying
slaves, mules, and other valuable articles, enters Berberah a few days
before the close of the season: it numbers about 3000 souls, and is
commanded by one of the Amir's principal officers, who enjoys the title of
Ebi or leader. Any or all of these kafilahs might be stopped by spending
four or five hundred dollars amongst the Jibril Abokr tribe, or even by a
sloop of war at the emporium. "He who commands at Berberah, holds the
beard of Harar in his hand," is a saying which I heard even within the
city walls.
The furniture of a house at Harar is simple,--a few skins, and in rare
cases a Persian rug, stools, coarse mats, and Somali pillows, wooden
spoons, and porringers shaped with a hatchet, finished with a knife,
stained red, and brightly polished. The gourd is a conspicuous article;
smoked inside and fitted with a cover of the same material, it serves as
cup, bottle, pipe, and water-skin: a coarse and heavy kind of pottery, of
black or brown clay, is used by some of the citizens.
The inhabitants of Harar live well. The best meat, as in Abyssinia, is
beef: it rather resembled, however, in the dry season when I ate it, the
lean and stringy sirloins of Old England in Hogarth's days. A hundred and
twenty chickens, or sixty-six full-grown fowls, may be purchased for a
dollar, and the citizens do not, like the Somal, consider them carrion.
Goat's flesh is good, and the black-faced Berberah sheep, after the rains,
is, here as elsewhere, delicious. The staff of life is holcus. Fruit grows
almost wild, but it is not prized as an article of food; the plantains are
coarse and bad, grapes seldom come to maturity; although the brab
flourishes in every ravine, and the palm becomes a lofty tree, it has not
been taught to fructify, and the citizens do not know how to dress,
preserve, or pickle their limes and citrons. No vegetables but gourds are
known. From the cane, which thrives upon these hills, a little sugar is
made: the honey, of which, as the Abyssinians say, "the land stinks," is
the general sweetener. The condiment of East Africa, is red pepper.
* * * * *
To resume, dear L., the thread of our adventures at Harar.
Immediately after arrival, we were called upon by the Arabs, a strange
mixture. One, the Haji Mukhtar, was a Maghrebi from Fez: an expatriation
of forty years had changed his hissing Arabic as little as his "rocky
face." This worthy had a coffee-garden assigned to him, as commander of
the Amir's body-guard: he introduced himself to us, however, as a
merchant, which led us to look upon him as a spy. Another, Haji Hasan, was
a thorough-bred Persian: he seemed to know everybody, and was on terms of
bosom friendship with half the world from Cairo to Calcutta, Moslem,
Christian and Pagan. Amongst the rest was a boy from Meccah, a Muscat man,
a native of Suez, and a citizen of Damascus: the others were Arabs from
Yemen. All were most civil to us at first; but, afterwards, when our
interviews with the Amir ceased, they took alarm, and prudently cut us.
The Arabs were succeeded by the Somal, amongst whom the Hammal and Long
Guled found relatives, friends, and acquaintances, who readily recognised
them as government servants at Aden. These visitors at first came in fear
and trembling with visions of the Harar jail: they desired my men to
return the visit by night, and made frequent excuses for apparent want of
hospitality. Their apprehensions, however, soon vanished: presently they
began to prepare entertainments, and, as we were without money, they
willingly supplied us with certain comforts of life. Our three Habr Awal
enemies, seeing the tide of fortune settling in our favour, changed their
tactics: they threw the past upon their two Harari companions, and
proposed themselves as Abbans on our return to Berberah. This offer was
politely staved off; in the first place we were already provided with
protectors, and secondly these men belonged to the Ayyal Shirdon, a clan
most hostile to the Habr Gerhajis. They did not fail to do us all the harm
in their power, but again my good star triumphed.
After a day's repose, we were summoned by the Treasurer, early in the
forenoon, to wait upon the Gerad Mohammed. Sword in hand, and followed by
the Hammal and Long Guled, I walked to the "palace," and entering a little
ground-floor-room on the right of and close to the audience-hall, found
the minister sitting upon a large dais covered with Persian carpets. He
was surrounded by six of his brother Gerads or councillors, two of them in
turbans, the rest with bare and shaven heads: their Tobes, as is customary
on such occasions of ceremony, were allowed to fall beneath the waist. The
lower part of the hovel was covered with dependents, amongst whom my Somal
took their seats: it seemed to be customs' time, for names were being
registered, and money changed hands. The Grandees were eating Kat, or as
it is here called "Jat." [37] One of the party prepared for the Prime
Minister the tenderest twigs of the tree, plucking off the points of even
the softest leaves. Another pounded the plant with a little water in a
wooden mortar: of this paste, called "El Madkuk," a bit was handed to each
person, who, rolling it into a ball, dropped it into his mouth. All at
times, as is the custom, drank cold water from a smoked gourd, and seemed
to dwell upon the sweet and pleasant draught. I could not but remark the
fine flavour of the plant after the coarser quality grown in Yemen.
Europeans perceive but little effect from it--friend S. and I once tried
in vain a strong infusion--the Arabs, however, unaccustomed to stimulants
and narcotics, declare that, like opium eaters, they cannot live without
the excitement. It seems to produce in them a manner of dreamy enjoyment,
which, exaggerated by time and distance, may have given rise to that
splendid myth the Lotos, and the Lotophagi. It is held by the Ulema here
as in Arabia, "Akl el Salikin," or the Food of the Pious, and literati
remark that it has the singular properties of enlivening the imagination,
clearing the ideas, cheering the heart, diminishing sleep, and taking the
place of food. The people of Harar eat it every day from 9 A.M. till near
noon, when they dine and afterwards indulge in something stronger,--
millet-beer and mead.
The Gerad, after polite inquiries, seated me by his right hand upon the
Dais, where I ate Kat and fingered my rosary, whilst he transacted the
business of the day. Then one of the elders took from a little recess in
the wall a large book, and uncovering it, began to recite a long Dua or
Blessing upon the Prophet: at the end of each period all present intoned
the response, "Allah bless our Lord Mohammed with his Progeny and his
Companions, one and all!" This exercise lasting half an hour afforded me
the opportunity,--much desired,--of making an impression. The reader,
misled by a marginal reference, happened to say, "angels, Men, and Genii:"
the Gerad took the book and found written, "Men, Angels, and Genii."
Opinions were divided as to the order of beings, when I explained that
human nature, which amongst Moslems is _not_ a little lower than the
angelic, ranked highest, because of it were created prophets, apostles,
and saints, whereas the other is but a "Wasitah" or connection between the
Creator and his creatures. My theology won general approbation and a few
kinder glances from the elders.
Prayer concluded, a chamberlain whispered the Gerad, who arose, deposited
his black coral rosary, took up an inkstand, donned a white "Badan" or
sleeveless Arab cloak over his cotton shirt, shuffled off the Dais into
his slippers, and disappeared. Presently we were summoned to an interview
with the Amir: this time I was allowed to approach the outer door with
covered feet. Entering ceremoniously as before, I was motioned by the
Prince to sit near the Gerad, who occupied a Persian rug on the ground to
the right of the throne: my two attendants squatted upon the humbler mats
in front and at a greater distance. After sundry inquiries about the
changes that had taken place at Aden, the letter was suddenly produced by
the Amir, who looked upon it suspiciously and bade me explain its
contents. I was then asked by the Gerad whether it was my intention to buy
and sell at Harar: the reply was, "We are no buyers nor sellers [38]; we
have become your guests to pay our respects to the Amir--whom may Allah
preserve!--and that the friendship between the two powers may endure."
This appearing satisfactory, I added, in lively remembrance of the
proverbial delays of Africa, where two or three months may elapse before a
letter is answered or a verbal message delivered, that perhaps the Prince
would be pleased to dismiss us soon, as the air of Harar was too dry for
me, and my attendants were in danger of the small-pox, then raging in the
town. The Amir, who was chary of words, bent towards the Gerad, who
briefly ejaculated, "The reply will be vouchsafed:" with this
unsatisfactory answer the interview ended.
Shortly after arrival, I sent my Salam to one of the Ulema, Shaykh Jami of
the Berteri Somal: he accepted the excuse of ill health, and at once came
to see me. This personage appeared in the form of a little black man aged
about forty, deeply pitted by small-pox, with a protruding brow, a tufty
beard and rather delicate features: his hands and feet were remarkably
small. Married to a descendant of the Sherif Yunis, he had acquired great
reputation as an Alim or Savan, a peace-policy-man, and an ardent Moslem.
Though an imperfect Arabic scholar, he proved remarkably well read in the
religious sciences, and even the Meccans had, it was said, paid him the
respect of kissing his hand during his pilgrimage. In his second
character, his success was not remarkable, the principal results being a
spear-thrust in the head, and being generally told to read his books and
leave men alone. Yet he is always doing good "lillah," that is to say,
gratis and for Allah's sake: his pugnacity and bluntness--the prerogatives
of the "peaceful"--gave him some authority over the Amir, and he has often
been employed on political missions amongst the different chiefs. Nor has
his ardour for propagandism been thoroughly gratified. He commenced his
travels with an intention of winning the crown of glory without delay, by
murdering the British Resident at Aden [39]: struck, however, with the
order and justice of our rule, he changed his intentions and offered El
Islam to the officer, who received it so urbanely, that the simple Eastern
repenting having intended to cut the Kafir's throat, began to pray
fervently for his conversion. Since that time he has made it a point of
duty to attempt every infidel: I never heard, however, that he succeeded
with a soul.
The Shaykh's first visit did not end well. He informed me that the old
Usmanlis conquered Stamboul in the days of Umar. I imprudently objected to
the date, and he revenged himself for the injury done to his fame by the
favourite ecclesiastical process of privily damning me for a heretic, and
a worse than heathen. Moreover he had sent me a kind of ritual which I had
perused in an hour and returned to him: this prepossessed the Shaykh
strongly against me, lightly "skimming" books being a form of idleness as
yet unknown to the ponderous East. Our days at Harar were monotonous
enough. In the morning we looked to the mules, drove out the cats--as
great a nuisance here as at Aden--and ate for breakfast lumps of boiled
beef with peppered holcus-scones. We were kindly looked upon by one
Sultan, a sick and decrepid Eunuch, who having served five Amirs, was
allowed to remain in the palace. To appearance he was mad: he wore upon
his poll a motley scratch wig, half white and half black, like Day and
Night in masquerades. But his conduct was sane. At dawn he sent us bad
plantains, wheaten crusts, and cups of unpalatable coffee-tea [40], and,
assisted by a crone more decrepid than himself, prepared for me his water-
pipe, a gourd fitted with two reeds and a tile of baked clay by way of
bowl: now he "knagged" at the slave girls, who were slow to work, then
burst into a fury because some visitor ate Kat without offering it to him,
or crossed the royal threshold in sandal or slipper. The other inmates of
the house were Galla slave-girls, a great nuisance, especially one
Berille, an unlovely maid, whose shrill voice and shameless manners were a
sad scandal to pilgrims and pious Moslems.
About 8 A.M. the Somal sent us gifts of citrons, plantains, sugar-cane,
limes, wheaten bread, and stewed fowls. At the same time the house became
full of visitors, Harari and others, most of them pretexting inquiries
after old Sultan's health. Noon was generally followed by a little
solitude, the people retiring to dinner and siesta: we were then again
provided with bread and beef from the Amir's kitchen. In the afternoon the
house again filled, and the visitors dispersed only for supper. Before
sunset we were careful to visit the mules tethered in the court-yard;
being half starved they often attempted to desert. [41]
It was harvest home at Harar, a circumstance which worked us much annoy.
In the mornings the Amir, attended by forty or fifty guards, rode to a
hill north of the city, where he inspected his Galla reapers and
threshers, and these men were feasted every evening at our quarters with
flesh, beer, and mead. [42] The strong drinks caused many a wordy war, and
we made a point of exhorting the pagans, with poor success I own, to purer
lives.
We spent our _soiree_ alternately bepreaching the Gallas, "chaffing" Mad
Said, who, despite his seventy years, was a hale old Bedouin, with a salt
and sullen repartee, and quarrelling with the slave-girls. Berille the
loud-lunged, or Aminah the pert, would insist upon extinguishing the fat-
fed lamp long ere bed-time, or would enter the room singing, laughing,
dancing, and clapping a measure with their palms, when, stoutly aided by
old Sultan, who shrieked like a hyaena on these occasions, we ejected her
in extreme indignation. All then was silence without: not so--alas!--
within. Mad Said snored fearfully, and Abtidon chatted half the night with
some Bedouin friend, who had dropped in to supper. On our hard couches we
did not enjoy either the _noctes_ or the _coenoe deorum_.
The even tenor of such days was varied by a perpetual reference to the
rosary, consulting soothsayers, and listening to reports and rumours
brought to us by the Somal in such profusion that we all sighed for a
discontinuance. The Gerad Mohammed, excited by the Habr Awal, was curious
in his inquiries concerning me: the astute Senior had heard of our leaving
the End of Time with the Gerad Adan, and his mind fell into the fancy that
we were transacting some business for the Hajj Sharmarkay, the popular
bugbear of Harar. Our fate was probably decided by the arrival of a youth
of the Ayyal Gedid clan, who reported that three brothers had landed in
the Somali country, that two of them were anxiously awaiting at Berberah
the return of the third from Harar, and that, though dressed like Moslems,
they were really Englishmen in government employ. Visions of cutting off
caravans began to assume a hard and palpable form: the Habr Awal ceased
intriguing, and the Gerad Mohammed resolved to adopt the _suaviter in
modo_ whilst dealing with his dangerous guest.
Some days after his first visit, the Shaykh Jami, sending for the Hammal,
informed him of an intended trip from Harar: my follower suggested that we
might well escort him. The good Shaykh at once offered to apply for leave
from the Gerad Mohammed; not, however, finding the minister at home, he
asked us to meet him at the palace on the morrow, about the time of Kat-
eating.
We had so often been disappointed in our hopes of a final "lay-public,"
that on this occasion much was not expected. However, about 6 A.M., we
were all summoned, and entering the Gerad's levee-room were, as usual,
courteously received. I had distinguished his complaint,--chronic
bronchitis,--and resolving to make a final impression, related to him all
its symptoms, and promised, on reaching Aden, to send the different
remedies employed by ourselves. He clung to the hope of escaping his
sufferings, whilst the attendant courtiers looked on approvingly, and
begged me to lose no time. Presently the Gerad was sent for by the Amir,
and after a few minutes I followed him, on this occasion, alone. Ensued a
long conversation about the state of Aden, of Zayla, of Berberah, and of
Stamboul. The chief put a variety of questions about Arabia, and every
object there: the answer was that the necessity of commerce confined us to
the gloomy rock. He used some obliging expressions about desiring our
friendship, and having considerable respect for a people who built, he
understood, large ships. I took the opportunity of praising Harar in
cautious phrase, and especially of regretting that its coffee was not
better known amongst the Franks. The small wizen-faced man smiled, as
Moslems say, the smile of Umar [43]: seeing his brow relax for the first
time, I told him that, being now restored to health, we requested his
commands for Aden. He signified consent with a nod, and the Gerad, with
many compliments, gave me a letter addressed to the Political Resident,
and requested me to take charge of a mule as a present. I then arose,
recited a short prayer, the gist of which was that the Amir's days and
reign might be long in the land, and that the faces of his foes might be
blackened here and hereafter, bent over his hand and retired. Returning to
the Gerad's levee-hut, I saw by the countenances of my two attendants that
they were not a little anxious about the interview, and comforted them
with the whispered word "Achha"--"all right!"
Presently appeared the Gerad, accompanied by two men, who brought my
servants' arms, and the revolver which I had sent to the prince. This was
a _contretemps_. It was clearly impossible to take back the present,
besides which, I suspected some finesse to discover my feelings towards
him: the other course would ensure delay. I told the Gerad that the weapon
was intended especially to preserve the Amir's life, and for further
effect, snapped caps in rapid succession to the infinite terror of the
august company. The minister returned to his master, and soon brought back
the information that after a day or two another mule should be given to
me. With suitable acknowledgments we arose, blessed the Gerad, bade adieu
to the assembly, and departed joyful, the Hammal in his glee speaking
broken English, even in the Amir's courtyard.
Returning home, we found the good Shaykh Jami, to whom we communicated the
news with many thanks for his friendly aid. I did my best to smooth his
temper about Turkish history, and succeeded. Becoming communicative, he
informed me that the original object, of his visit was the offer of good
offices, he having been informed that, in the town was a man who brought
down the birds from heaven, and the citizens having been thrown into great
excitement by the probable intentions of such a personage. Whilst he sat
with us, Kabir Khalil, one of the principal Ulema, and one Haji Abdullah,
a Shaykh of distinguished fame who had been dreaming dreams in our favour,
sent their salams. This is one of the many occasions in which, during a
long residence in the East, I have had reason to be grateful to the
learned, whose influence over the people when unbiassed by bigotry is
decidedly for good. That evening there was great joy amongst the Somal,
who had been alarmed for the safety of my companions: they brought them
presents of Harari Tobes, and a feast of fowls, limes, and wheaten bread
for the stranger.
On the 11th of January I was sent for by the Gerad and received the second
mule. At noon we were visited by the Shaykh Jami, who, after a long
discourse upon the subject of Sufiism [44], invited me to inspect his
books. When midday prayer was concluded we walked to his house, which
occupies the very centre of the city: in its courtyard is "Gay Humburti,"
the historic rock upon which Saint Nur held converse with the Prophet
Khizr. The Shaykh, after seating us in a room about ten feet square, and
lined with scholars and dusty tomes, began reading out a treatise upon the
genealogies of the Grand Masters, and showed me in half a dozen tracts the
tenets of the different schools. The only valuable MS. in the place was a
fine old copy of the Koran; the Kamus and the Sihah were there [45], but
by no means remarkable for beauty or correctness. Books at Harar are
mostly antiques, copyists being exceedingly rare, and the square massive
character is more like Cufic with diacritical points, than the graceful
modern Naskhi. I could not, however, but admire the bindings: no Eastern
country save Persia surpasses them in strength and appearance. After some
desultory conversation the Shaykh ushered us into an inner room, or rather
a dark closet partitioned off from the study, and ranged us around the
usual dish of boiled beef, holcus bread, and red pepper. After returning
to the study we sat for a few minutes,--Easterns rarely remain long after
dinner,--and took leave, saying that we must call upon the Gerad Mohammed.
Nothing worthy of mention occurred during our final visit to the minister.
He begged me not to forget his remedies when we reached Aden: I told him
that without further loss of time we would start on the morrow, Friday,
after prayers, and he simply ejaculated, "It is well, if Allah please!"
Scarcely had we returned home, when the clouds, which had been gathering
since noon, began to discharge heavy showers, and a few loud thunder-claps
to reverberate amongst the hills. We passed that evening surrounded by the
Somal, who charged us with letters and many messages to Berberah. Our
intention was to mount early on Friday morning. When we awoke, however, a
mule had strayed and was not brought back for some hours. Before noon
Shaykh Jami called upon us, informed us that he would travel on the most
auspicious day--Monday--and exhorted us to patience, deprecating departure
upon Friday, the Sabbath. Then he arose to take leave, blessed us at some
length, prayed that we might be borne upon the wings of safety, again
advised Monday, and promised at all events to meet us at Wilensi.
I fear that the Shaykh's counsel was on this occasion likely to be
disregarded. We had been absent from our goods and chattels a whole
fortnight: the people of Harar are famously fickle; we knew not what the
morrow might bring forth from the Amir's mind--in fact, all these African
cities are prisons on a large scale, into which you enter by your own
will, and, as the significant proverb says, you leave by another's.
However, when the mosque prayers ended, a heavy shower and the stormy
aspect of the sky preached patience more effectually than did the divine:
we carefully tethered our mules, and unwillingly deferred our departure
till next morning.