CHAPTER VIII

THE COMING OF THE PLEASURE SEEKERS

Pleasure seeking at Murray Bay.--A fisherman's experience in

1830.--New visitors.--Fishing in a mountain lake.--Camp life.--The

Upper Murray.--Canoeing.--Running the rapids.--Walks and

drives.--Golf.--A rainy day.--The habitant and his visitors.

In the Middle Ages mankind in pursuit of change of air and scene and of

bodily and spiritual health went on pilgrimage to some famous shrine; in

modern times dwellers in cities, in a similar pursuit, go in summer to

some beautiful spot by sea, or lake, or mountain. To many these places

then become as sacred as was the saint's shrine of an earlier age. Busy

men have leisure there to be idle, to read, to enjoy companionship, to

pursue wholesome pleasures. Such a spot has Murray Bay become to many.

Their intrusion was not looked upon with favour by those who wished to

preserve the old simplicity, but it could not be resisted. More than a

hundred years ago Colonel Nairne and Colonel Fraser had parties of

guests in the summer that must have made the two manor houses lively

enough. The beauty of the place, its coolness when Quebec and Montreal

suffered from sweltering heat in the short Canadian summer, the

simplicity and charm of its life, proved alluring. There was also

excellent sport. Salmon and trout abounded. Though time has brought

changes, in some seasons the salmon fishing is still excellent and, in

all the world, probably, there is no better trout fishing than in the

upper waters of the Murray and in some of the lakes.

Thus it happened that the earliest annals of pleasure seeking at Murray

Bay relate to fishing. It is at least possible that more than two

hundred years ago the Sieur de Comporté tried his fortune as a fisherman

in the lake that bears his name. A hundred and fifty years ago, as we

have seen, Captain Nairne and his guest Gilchrist had such excellent

salmon fishing that Gilchrist thought this sport alone worth a trip

across the Atlantic. Many other fishing expeditions to Malbaie there

must have been and, fortunately, a detailed narrative of one of them,

made in 1830, has been preserved. The fishermen were Major Wingfield and

Dr. Henry--attached to the 66th regiment at Montreal.

They went by steamer from Montreal to Quebec and an American General on

board jeered at them for travelling three hundred miles to catch fish

which they could buy in the market at their door! When they reached

Quebec they found no steamer for Murray Bay,--hardly strange as then the

steamboat was comparatively new. Three days they waited at Quebec until

at length they bargained with the captain of a coasting schooner bound

for Kamouraska, on the south shore of the St. Lawrence, to land them at

Malbaie. The weather was stormy, the ship nearly foundered, and the

eighty miles of the journey occupied no less than four days and nights.

The fishermen had brought with them a quarter of cold lamb, a loaf, and

a bottle of wine, but, before the journey was over, sheer hunger drove

them to the ship's salt pork and to sausages stuffed with garlic. Rather

than take refuge below among "thirty or forty dirty habitants from

Kamouraska" they stuck to the deck and encamped under the great sail,

but the rain fell so heavily that they could not even keep their cigars

alight. At length "with beards like Jews," cold, wet, half-starved and

miserable, they reached their destination. As they landed at Murray Bay

they saw a salmon floundering in a net, bought it, and carried it with

them to the house of a man named Chaperon where they had engaged

lodgings. Here, says Dr. Henry, the sensation of being clean and

comfortable in their host's "pleasant parlour" was delicious. The tea,

the toast, the dainty prints of fresh butter were all exquisite "after

rancid pork and garlic," and he declares that they ate for two hours and

consumed "some half gallon of thick cream and half a bushel of new laid

eggs." Under their window bloomed a rose bush in full flower. Murray Bay

was at its best.

On Monday morning, July 5th, 1830, the two fishermen engaged a

_calèche_, and a boy named Louis Panet drove them up the Murray River.

The present village church was already standing, "a respectable church,"

says Dr. Henry, "with its long roof and glittering spire and a tall elm

or two"; the elms, alas, have disappeared and now there are only

willows. A wooden bridge crossed the Murray and its large abutments

loaded with great boulders told of formidable spring floods sweeping

down the valley. A recent "éboulement" or land slide had blocked the

road along the river and men were still busy clearing away the rubbish.

Eight or ten miles up the river at the fall known as the Chute, still a

favourite spot for salmon fishing, they had magnificent sport. One Jean

Gros, in a crazy canoe, took them to the best places for casting the

fly. The first salmon weighed twenty-five pounds and they had to play it

for three-quarters of an hour. That evening when they returned to M.

Chaperon's, to feast once more, they had five salmon weighing in all one

hundred and five pounds and forty-five sea trout averaging three pounds

each. No wonder Gilchrist has said such fishing was worth a trip across

the Atlantic! The blot on the day's enjoyment was that in the July

weather they were pestered with flies.

Excellent sport continued from day to day. Once Jean Gros lost his hold

of the pole by which he controlled the canoe and it drifted helplessly

towards a rapid, Henry all the time playing a salmon. The man was

alarmed and knelt to mumble prayers but Henry caught up a board thrown

from the shore, gave him a whack with it on the back and shouted:

"_Ramez! Sacré! Ramez!_" The effect was electrical. The old fellow

seized the board, paddled with it like mad, steered down the rapid, and

Henry finally landed his salmon. Day after day the two fishermen drove

up to the Chute to fish until, after a fortnight, the river fell and the

salmon ceased to rise; then they went down in a large boat to Rivière

Noire, said never yet to have been fished with a rod, slept at night on

the sandy beach, but had no luck. Henry tells of an annoyance at Malbaie

that still continues; mongrel dogs ran after their _calèche_; sometimes

one would try to seize the horse by the nose and nearly cause a

run-away. Each cur pursued the vehicle and barked himself hoarse, and

then, when he retired, his neighbour would take up the task. At length,

after this experience had been frequently renewed, they decided to

retaliate. One black shaggy beast had made himself specially obnoxious;

with his thick wooly fur he did not mind in the least being struck by

the whip. So one day Dr. Henry got ready the salmon gaff and, as the

brute darted out at them, skilfully hooked him by the side. The driver

whipped up his horse, which seemed to enjoy the punishment of his

enemy, and the vehicle went tearing along the road, the dog yelling

hideously as he was dragged by the hook. The people ran to the doors

holding up their hands in astonishment. The Doctor soon shook off the

dog and he trotted home little the worse. Next day when he saw the

fisherman's calèche coming he limped into the house "as mute as a fish"

with his tail between his legs.

Dr. Henry thought Murray Bay an earthly paradise. The people in this

"secluded valley" were the most virtuous he had ever seen. Flagrant

crime was unknown,--doors were never locked at night. There was no need

of temperance reform; "whole families pass their lives without any

individual ever having tasted intoxicating fluids." The devout people,

he says, had social family worship, morning and evening; the families

were huge, fifteen to twenty children being not uncommon; when a young

couple married the relations united to build a house for them; and so

on. Unfortunately we know from other sources that conditions were not as

idyllic at Murray Bay as Dr. Henry describes; but it was, no doubt, a

simple and virtuous community.

In time its isolation was to disappear before invaders like Dr. Henry,

in pursuit of pleasure. So gradual was the change that we hardly know

when it came. By 1850 there was a little summer colony mostly from

Quebec and Montreal. Soon a few came from points more distant. As means

of transport on the St. Lawrence improved a great many travellers passed

Murray Bay on their way to the Saguenay. Tadousac, at its mouth, was

already well known and an occasional stray visitor stopped off at Murray

Bay to see what it was like. The accommodation offered was rude enough,

no doubt, but perhaps less rude than one might suppose. At Pointe au Pic

stood a substantial stone house. This was turned into a hotel and known

some fifty years ago as Duberger's house. There were besides a few other

houses for summer visitors. Thus, long ago, was there tolerable comfort

at Murray Bay. In any case visitors soon found that the place had

abundant compensations even for discomfort. They came and came again.

Friends came to visit them and they too learned to love the spot. Some

Americans from New York chanced to find it out and others of their

countrymen followed; by 1885 already well established was the now

dominant American colony.

The influx has limited and restricted but has not destroyed the old

diversion of fishing. There are still many hundreds of lakes in the

neighbourhood on which no fisherman has ever yet cast a fly. But nearly

all the good spots within easy range are now leased or owned by private

persons and clubs; no longer may the transient tourist fish almost where

he pleases. All the better for this restriction is the quality of the

fishing. What magnificent sport there is in some of those tiny lakes on

the mountain side and what glorious views as one drives thither! To

reach Lac à Comporté, for instance, one crosses the brawling Murray,

drives up its left bank for a mile or so and then heads straight up the

mountain side. Turning back one can see the silver gleam of the small

river winding through its narrow valley until lost in the enveloping

mountains. From points still higher one looks northwestward upon the

mountain crests worn round ages ago, some of them probably never yet

trodden by the foot of man. Most are wooded to the top but there are

bare crags, a glowing purple sometimes in the afternoon light; but the

prevailing tone is the deep, deep blue, the richest surely that nature

can show anywhere. Along the road where we are driving stretch the

houses of the habitants and sometimes, to survey the passing strangers,

the whole family stands on the rude door-step. They rarely fail in a

courteous greeting, with a touch still of the manners of France.

Two or three days spent on one of these wild mountain lakes, such as Lac

à Comporté, is as pleasant an experience as any one can have. The walk

is beautiful from the last cottage where the vehicles are left and the

two or three men are secured who shoulder the packs with the necessary

provisions. At first the forest path is hewn broadly in a straight line

but it soon narrows to a trail winding up the mountain side. The way is

rough; one must clamber over occasional boulders and turn aside to avoid

fallen trees. The white stems of birches are conspicuous in the forest

thicket. After a stiff climb we have passed over the shoulder of the

mountain; the path is now trending downward and at length through the

arch of green over the pathway one catches the gleam of the lake. The

pace quickens and in a few minutes we stand upon the shore of a lovely

little sheet of water with a shore line perhaps three miles long, lying

in the mountain hollow. Evening is near and, half an hour later, each

fisherman is in a boat paddled softly by a habitant companion. In a

thousand places the calm water is disturbed by the trout feeding busily;

they often throw themselves quite clear of the water and, when the sport

has well begun, at a single cast one occasionally takes a trout on each

of his three flies. Before it is dark the whole circuit of the lake has

been made and a goodly basket of trout is the result.

A camp at evening is always delightful. The tired fishermen lie by the

cheery fire while the men prepare the evening meal, to consist chiefly

of the trout just caught. They have the vivacity and readiness of their

race: rough habitants though they are their courtesy is inborn,

inalienable. After the meal is over silence often falls on the group of

three or four by the fire. Every one is tired and at barely nine o'clock

it is time for bed. Before each of the two or three small tents standing

some distance apart by the water's edge the men have built a blazing

fire which throws its light far out over the tiny lake. All round rise

the mountains, now dark and sombre; a sharp wind is blowing and as one

stands alone looking out over the water there comes a sense of chill;

for a moment the mountain solitude seems remote, melancholy and

friendless: with something like a shiver one turns to the cheerful fire

before the tent. Here blankets are spread on sweet scented boughs of

_sapin_; the bed is hard, but not too hard for a tired man and one

quickly falls asleep.

Other fishing expeditions at Murray Bay take one farther afield and into

more varied scenes. In its upper stretches, three thousand feet above

the sea, the Murray River flows through a level country before it

plunges into mountain fastnesses, almost impregnable in summer, for a

long and troubled détour, to emerge at length into this last valley. To

reach this flat upland one must drive through a beautiful mountain pass

with great heights towering on either side of the winding roadway. In

the upper river the fishing is still unsurpassed. Of small trout there

are vast numbers, excellent for the table, but in the deep pools are

also huge trout, ranging in weight from three to eight pounds. The

surrounding country is open; there are only clumps of scrubby timber;

and the plain is covered with deep moss readily beaten into a hard path

upon which the foot treads silently. Here the bears come to feed upon

the berries and the Canadians have called the plain prettily the "Jardin

des Ours." Other sport than trout fishing there is. In season the

caribou and the moose are abundant--but that is a sportsman's tale by

itself.

Fishing and hunting are not the sole diversions. As long ago as in 1811,

when young Captain Nairne came here fresh from Europe, the boating

attracted him and he spent much time on the bay and the river. No doubt

the young seigneur was soon skilful in the art of paddling a canoe. In

those days there were real Indians and no other canoes than those of

birch bark; now these have well-nigh disappeared and, indeed, few

visitors at Murray Bay, use any kind of a canoe. The pastime is thought

too dangerous for all but the initiated. Amid these mountains, winds

rise quickly and beat up a sea, and it is well to keep near the shore.

The rising tide sweeps like a mill race over the bar at the mouth of the

bay and when one has passed out to the great river it is like being

afloat on the open sea. On perfectly calm days we may go far out to be

swept up with the tide; but it is both safer and pleasanter to glide

along close to shore under the shadow of the cliffs, around sharp

corners, dodging in and out among boulders submerged, or now being

submerged, by the rising tide. The successive sandy beaches are each

backed by high cliffs. The river is a shining, spangled, surface of

light blue and white, reflecting the sky sprinkled with fleecy clouds.

Here a chattering stream, the Petit Ruisseau, falls over white rocks to

lose itself in the sand. Far ahead now one can see the Church of Ste.

Irénée perched on a level table-land, two or three hundred feet above

the river. Soon a dark green line on the high birch-clad shore marks the

gorge by which the Grand Ruisseau flows to the St. Lawrence. At its

mouth is a good place to land and make tea. The canoes are drawn up on a

sandy beach under the shadow of cliffs, a medley of red and grey and

brown. Near by, the Grand Ruisseau, a fair sized brook, babbles in its

bed crowded with great boulders. A wild path, part of it including steps

from rock to rock in the bed of the stream itself, leads to a lovely

little cascade where, in white foam, the water falls into a deep dark

pool. One hurries to visit it and then, with the evening shadows falling

and the narrow gorge becoming sombre, it is wise to hasten back. As one

steps out from the wooded path to the shore of the great river the scene

is enchanting. The river's shining surface is perfectly smooth. Far

across it is a dark-blue serried line of mountains. Houses, twenty miles

distant, stand out white in the last light of the sun. From the

tin-covered spire of a church far away, the flash of the rays comes back

like the glow of fire. Standing in shadow we look out on a realm of

light:

"As when the sun prepared for rest

Hath gained the precincts of the West,

Though his departing radiance fail

To illuminate the hollow vale,

A lingering light he fondly throws

On the fair hills, where first he rose."

The shore is strangely silent; one hears only the occasional puffing of

the white whale or the sad cry of the loon.

A thrilling diversion is that of running the rapids in the Murray River.

The canoe is sent up by _charette_ and after luncheon it is a walk or

drive of eight or nine miles up the river to the starting point--a deep,

dark-brown pool, which soon narrows into a swift rapid, the worst in all

the stretches to the river's mouth. Formerly a procession of half a

dozen canoes would go through the rapid with light hearts, but, long

ago, when the river was very high, a canoe upset here and one of its

occupants was never seen alive again. As one paddles out into the pool

and is drawn into the dark current moving silently and swiftly to the

rapid the heart certainly beats a little faster. The water's surface is

an inclined plane as it flows over the ledge of rock. Straight ahead the

current breaks on a huge black rock in a cloud of white foam. One must

sweep off to the right, with the great volume of the water, and need

catch only a little spray in swinging safely past the danger point.

Then, in the waves caused by the current, before the canoe is quite

turned "head-on" a wave may curl over the bow and leave the occupants

kneeling in half an inch of water. In such a case it is wise to land and

empty the canoe. In the next rapid, a tangled maze, the water is shallow

and skill is required to wind in and out among the rocks and find water

enough to keep afloat. Then the canoe slips over a ledge with plenty of

water and the only care is to curve sharply to the left with the current

before it strikes the bank straight ahead. The whole trip down the river

occupies two glorious hours. There are short stretches of smooth and

deep water; then the river contracts and pours with impetuous swiftness

down a rocky slope. Sometimes trees stand close to the river; then there

are bare grey banks of clay; then smiling fields sloping gently up to

the high land; at times the canoe is in shade, then in the flashing

sunlight. The river grows milder as it nears its mouth but the

excitement does not end until we float under the bridge at Malbaie

village and lift the canoe over the boom fastened there to catch logs in

their descent. To paddle home in calm water across the bay seems tame

after dancing for two hours on that tossing current.

Of course there are many walks and drives--on the whole the most

delightful of Malbaie's diversions. The favourite walk is to "Beulah." A

generation that does not read its Bible as it should may need to be told

that Beulah is the name of the land no more desolate in which the Lord

delighteth; some Bible reader so named a spot on the mountain where one

looks out far, far, afield in every direction for immense distances. It

may be reached by a forest path straight up the mountain side from

Pointe au Pic. We go through spruce and birch woods till we reach an

opening where we look out northward on rounded mountain tops blue,

silent, immeasurable, spreading away, one might almost fancy to the

North Pole itself, so endless seems their mass. On beautiful turf

through woods, then by a cow path across a bog, the path leads until a

bare hill top lies full in view. This is Beulah. Standing there one

seems to have the whole world at one's feet. When Petrarch had climbed

Mount Ventoux, near Avignon, the first man for half a century to do so,

the scene overwhelmed him; thoughts of the deeper meaning of life rose

before his mind; he drew from his pocket St. Augustine and read: "Men go

about to wonder at the height of the mountains and the mighty waves of

the sea, and the wide sweep of rivers and the circuit of the ocean and

the revolution of the stars, but themselves they consider not." I never

stand on "Beulah" without thinking of this passage. Far away to the

distant south shore, and up and down the river we can survey a stretch

of eighty or ninety miles. We stand in the midst of a sea of mountains

and look landward across deep valleys in all directions with the ranges

rising tier on tier beyond.

[Illustration: THE GOLF LINKS AT MURRAY BAY]

Among diversions for men golf, in spite of a certain reaction, has still

the chief place. The club house is on the west shore of the bay. One

plays out northward. The players zigzag here and there among curious

earth mounds formed by the eddying swirl of water when the river's

current held high carnival over these level stretches. Then the course

leads up to the higher slope and mounts steadily, until, at the farthest

hole, a considerable height has been reached. As one turns back towards

the river he faces a wonder scene of changing grey and blue and green

and white. The smoke of passing steamers floats lazily in the air; they

take the deep channel by the south shore and are a dozen miles away. It

is usually a silent world that one looks out upon; but when there is a

north-east wind great green waves come rolling in upon the sandy shore

of the bay and fill the air with their undertone.

Even the rainy days have their own pleasures. One is glad of its excuse

to sit before a crackling fire of birch wood and read. When the rain has

ceased and the sun comes out, looking across to Cap à l'Aigle and up

the river valley one sees new beauties. The mist disperses slowly. First

it leaves bare the rounded mountain tops; they stand out dark, massive,

with bases shrouded still in fleecy white. When the sun grows strong,

river and valley are soon clear again, though the outlines are still a

little softened. Up over the sand and boulders of the bay comes the

rising tide changing sombre brown to shining blue. It rushes noisily

across the bar at the bay's mouth a few hundred yards away.

The visitors to this beautiful scene gather year by year from places

widely separated and form in this remote village a society singularly

cosmopolitan. English, French, Americans, Canadians, all mingle here

with leisure to meet and play together. For a time far away seems the

hard world of competition. Rarely do newspapers arrive until at least

the day after publication; the telegraph is used only under urgent

necessity; as far as possible business is excluded. The cottages are

spacious enough but quite simple, with rooms usually divided off only by

boards of pine or spruce. Very little decoration makes them pretty.

Gardening has a good many devotees; the long day of sunshine and in some

seasons the abundant rain of this northern region help to make

vegetation luxurious. If one drives he may take a _planche_--the

convenient serviceable "buck-board,"--still unsurpassed for a country

of hills and rough roads. But to me at least the _calèche_ is the more

enjoyable. It comes here from old France, a two-wheeled vehicle, with

the seat hung on stout leather straps reaching from front to back on

each side of the wooden frame. It is not a vehicle for those sensitive

to slight jars. The driver sits in a tiny seat in front and one is

amazed at the agility with which even old men spring from this perch to

walk up and down the steep hills. Their ponies are beautiful little

animals, specially fitted by a long development for work in this hilly

country. So well do they mount its heights that travellers repeat an

unconfirmed tradition of their having been known to climb trees!

It is not strange that in our happy summer days we acquire a deep

affection for this northern region, its brilliant colouring, its crisp

air. Not its least charm is in the cheerful and kindly people. One would

not have them speak any other tongue than their French, preserving here

archaic usages, with new words for new things, influenced of course by

English, but still the beautiful language of an older France than the

France of to-day. The people have their own tragedies. One sees pale

women, over-worked. The physician's skill is too little sought; the

country ranges are very remote; it is difficult and expensive to get

medical aid; and there are deformed cripples who might have been made

whole by skill applied in time. Consumption too is here a dread

scourge, though against it a strenuous campaign has now begun. Many

children are born but too many die. Still, most of the people live in

comfort and they enjoy life--enjoy it probably much more than would an

Anglo-Saxon community of the same type.

We who are among them in the summer are citizens of another and an

unknown world. New York and Chicago, Boston and Washington, Toronto and

Montreal are to us realities with one or other of which, in some way,

each of us is linked. To this simple people they are all merely that

outer world whence come their fleeting visitors of summer, as out of the

unknown come the migrant birds to pause and rest awhile. We bring with

us substantial material benefits; but it is not clear that our moral

influence is good. Leaving his farm the habitant brings to the village

his horse and calèche to become a hired _charretier_. He often gets good

fares but there is much idle waiting. Bad habits are formed and regular

industry is discouraged. The curé finds Malbaie a difficult sphere. We

alone get unmixed benefit from this fair scene, its days of glad

serenity, and of almost solemn stillness, when even a bird's note is

heard but rarely.

Because all that concerns it interests us I have tried to put together

from scattered fragments the story long forgotten of the past of

Malbaie. In it there is abundance of the tragedy never remote from

man's life: if the telling of the tale has been a pleasure it has proved

not less a sad pleasure. But the story adds only a deeper meaning to our

beautiful playground. After all it is man and his activities which give

to nature's scenes their deepest interest; Quebec's chief charm is due

to Wolfe and Montcalm, St. Helena's to Napoleon. The shaggy mountain

crests which we view from our valley, the glistening blue river, the

strong north-east wind which clouds the sky, turns the river to grey,

and sprinkles its surface with white caps,--all are full for us of

joyous beauty. But how much less of interest would there be did the

white spire of the village church not peep out above the green trees up

the bay to tell of man's weakness and his hopes! The story of the brave

old soldier who peopled this valley, the pathetic tragedy of his

successor's fate, add something here to the bloom of nature. It may be

that the chief service of the chequered and half-forgotten past when it

speaks is to show how vain and transient is all we think and

plan,--"what shadows we are and what shadows we pursue." But be it so.

One would not miss from life this last joy of knowing what it really

means.

AUTHORITIES

CHAPTER I.--For Jacques Cartier see his Voyages of 1535-36, in

French (Ed. D'Avezac) Paris, 1863, translated into English (Ed. Baxter),

New York, 1906. For Champlain see his Oeuvres (Ed. Laverdière) Quebec,

1870. Bourdon's Act of Faith and Homage is in Canadian Archives, Series

M., Vol. I, p. 387. M. B. Sulte gives an account of the Carignan

Regiment in the Proc. and Trans. of the Royal Society of Canada for

1902. The account of the Sieur de Comporté in France is in Canadian

Archives Series B., F., 213, p. 46; that of the auction sale of his

property is in a MS. preserved at Murray Bay, while a record of the sale

of Malbaie to the government is in Canadian Archives, Series M., Vol.

LXV, p. 75. "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents" (Ed. Thwaites)

(Cleveland, 1900), Vol. LXIX., pp. 80 _sqq._ contains the account of

Malbaie in 1750. The authority for the burning of Malbaie in 1759 is Sir

James M. Le Moine, "The Explorations of Jonathan Oldbuck," Quebec, 1889,

based upon documents printed by "T.C." in _L'Abeille_, Nov. and Dec.,

1859. Standard histories of the time such as Parkman's "Montcalm and

Wolfe" give references to authorities for the events of the Seven Years'

War.

CHAPTER II.--The "Dictionary of National Biography" contains

good articles on Lord Lovat, General Murray, &c., with references to

authorities. Alexander Mackenzie's "History of the Frasers of Lovat"

(Inverness, 1896) is the most recent detailed history of the family.

MacLean, "An Historical Account of the Settlement of Scotch Highlanders

in America," (Cleveland, 1900), contains valuable information. The

portion of the chapter relating to Malbaie is based upon MSS. preserved

there in the Murray Bay Manor House.

CHAPTER III.--MS. material preserved at Murray Bay.

CHAPTER IV.--Much original material relating to the Siege of

Quebec in 1775-76 has been published by the Literary and Historical

Society of Quebec. To be specially noted are the two volumes of

documents on the "Blockade of Quebec in 1775-76 by the American

Revolutionists, (Les Bostonnais)" Edited by F.C. Würtele (Quebec, 1905

and 1906). Two or three works have been written recently on the episode

from the American point of view: Codman, "Arnold's Expedition to Quebec"

(New York, 1901); Justin H. Smith, "Arnold's March from Cambridge to

Quebec, a critical study, together with a reprint of Arnold's Journal,"

(New York, 1903); Justin H. Smith, "Our Struggle for the Fourteenth

Colony," 2 Vols. (New York, 1907). The story of Nairne's part in the war

is based chiefly upon MS. material preserved at Murray Bay. The incident

of the escaped prisoners is told in Nairne's reports; to Captain

Matthews, Secretary to Haldimand, on the 14th of May, 1780, and to Major

Le Maistre, on the 5th of June. These are at Murray Bay. A further

report to Matthews on the 3rd of June is preserved at Ottawa; Canadian

Archives, Series B, Vol. 73, p. 130. Mr. James Thompson was in charge of

the building of the houses for the prisoners and tells of their escape

in his MS. Diary.

CHAPTER V. and CHAPTER VI. are based upon MSS. at

Murray Bay.

CHAPTER VII.--M. Léon Gérin has given an exhaustive analysis of

the life of the habitant in "L'Habitant de Saint Justin," published in

the Proc. and Trans, of the Royal Society of Canada for 1898 (Ottawa,

1898). M. J.-E. Roy's "Histoire de la Seigneurie de Lauzon," of which

five volumes have been published (the last, Levis, Quebec, 1904) is the

most detailed and authoritative account of a Canadian Seigniory. Vol. IV

deals especially with the life of the habitants. Philippe Aubert de

Gaspé's "Les anciens Canadiens," (Quebec, 1863), and his "Mémoires"

(Ottawa, 1866), contain much that is interesting on the life of a

Canadian manor. So also do H.R. Casgrain's "Une Paroisse Canadienne au

XVIIe Siècle," Oeuvres Completes, Vol. I (Montreal, 1884), and

Parkman's "The Old Régime in Canada," (Boston, 1893). W. Bennett Munro's

"The Seigniorial System in Canada," (New York, 1907), and his "Documents

relating to Seigniorial Tenure in Canada," (Toronto, 1908), cover

adequately the whole subject, and contain, in addition, abundant

references to further authorities. The "Mandements des Evêques de

Québec," (Ed. Têtu and Gagnon), in six volumes, the first published in

1887, contain much of interest in regard to the attitude of the Church

to the people. The Second Part of "The Report of the Commission charged

with revising and consolidating the General Statutes of the Province of

Quebec," (Quebec, 1907), outlines the legal aspects of the school and

Church systems. M. André Seigfried's "Le Canada, Les Deux Races,"

(Paris, 1906), translated into English under the title of "The Race

Question in Canada," (London, 1907), is a passionless analysis of

religious and political thought in the Province of Quebec.

CHAPTER VIII.--The account of fishing at Murray Bay in 1830 is

by Walter Henry; "Events of a Military Life," 2 Vols. (London, 1843).

The chapter is based chiefly upon personal observation.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A (p. 31)

THE JOURNAL OF MALCOM FRASER, FIRST SEIGNEUR OF MOUNT MURRAY,

MALBAIE

Malcolm Fraser was a young man of about twenty-six when he kept his

diary of Wolfe's campaign against Quebec. It shows that already he had

considerable powers of observation and very definite opinions. No doubt

Fraser preserved a record of events in the campaign earlier than those

of 1759; and it seems likely that the habit of recording his experiences

would also have been kept up in later life. When, some time before 1860,

were made the extracts from Fraser's Journal upon which the present

notes are based, the original remained in the possession of his son the

Hon. John Malcolm Fraser. The extracts were published by the Literary

and Historical Society of Quebec in 1868 and have been used by Parkman

and other historians, who usually, however, confuse Fraser with his

commanding officer Colonel Simon Fraser. The extracts have long been out

of print. I have not been able to trace the original MS. or any other

Journal of Fraser, except a brief and quite valueless one preserved at

Mount Murray. In one of his later letters, written fifty years after

this Journal, Fraser speaks of his reluctance to handle the pen. But

this did not keep him from writing in a beautiful round hand many long

letters and making also copies for his own use.

Early in the spring of 1859 a great British fleet had arrived in America

from England and a squadron under Admiral Holmes had gone to New York to

embark the Highlanders and other regiments wintering there to proceed

to Quebec. The place of rendezvous was Louisbourg. Fraser's Journal

begins on May 8th, 1759, with the departure of the regiments from Sandy

Hook, the fleet consisting of about twenty-eight sail. The Highlanders

had taken part in the siege and capture of Louisbourg in the previous

year but had gone to New York for the winter. On May 17th the fleet

sailed into Louisbourg Harbour after "a very agreeable and quick

passage" of nine days. Patches of snow lay still on the ground and on

the 29th of May Louisbourg Harbour was so full of ice that boats could

not pass from the ships to shore. "I suppose," says Fraser, "the ice

comes from the Gulf and river of St. Lawrence," regions he was in time

to be very familiar with. He hears that a Lieutenant has shot himself on

one of the men of war "for fear I suppose the French should do it. If he

was wearied of life, he might soon get out of it in a more honourable

way."

On Monday, June 4th, after much bustle of preparation, the fleet set

sail for Quebec. "I take it to consist of about 150 sail," says Fraser;

so great was the array that to count the ships was almost impossible.

They numbered in fact nearly 300, a huge force. On June 13th the fleet

anchored at Bic in the St. Lawrence River. As they came up the river

Fraser noted that the north shore was but little inhabited, a defect

which, within a few years, he was himself to try to remedy in part. On

June 23rd a whole division of the fleet anchored near Isle aux Coudres

as Jacques Cartier had done more than two hundred years earlier.

Arrived before Quebec the Highlanders were sent to Point Levi where, on

July 1st, they pitched their tents. The next day Fraser's company

established itself in the Church of St. Joseph there. The Canadians were

carrying on guerilla warfare, firing on the British from the woods and

Fraser was shocked at the horrid practise of scalping. He writes on July

2nd:

"While we were out, I observed several dead bodies on the road, not far

from our Camp; they were all scalped and mangled in a shocking manner. I

dare say no human creature but an Indian or Canadian could be guilty of

such inhumanity as to insult a dead body."

He was to see worse atrocities committed on his own side. On July 10th,

still at Point Levi, he writes of the doings of a company of the

colonial scouting force, the Rangers, commanded by Captain Gorham, who

soon after desolated Malbaie.

"A party of our Rangers having been sent out on this side of the river

(the south), on the 9th they took one man prisoner and two boys (his

children) having followed him a little way, making a great noise, were

in a most inhuman manner murdered by those worse than savage Rangers,

for fear, as they pretend, they should be discovered by the noise of the

children. I wish this story was not fact, but I'm afraid there is little

reason to doubt it:--the wretches having boasted of it on their return,

tho' they now pretend to vindicate themselves by the necessity they were

under; but, I believe, this barbarous action proceeded from that

cowardice and barbarity which seems so natural to a native of America,

whether of Indian or European extraction. In other instances, those

Rangers have hitherto been of some use, and showed in general a better

spirit than usual. They are for the most part raised in New England."

On Friday, July 13th, the scene changed. Wolfe was planning an attack on

Montcalm's camp and Fraser writes: "I was sent orderly officer to the

Camp, at Montmorency, where I had an opportunity of seeing our own, and

the French posts nigh the Fall. The river is fordable below the Fall at

low water." On July 24th, 350 of the Highlanders under Col. Simon Fraser

were sent down the river to bring in prisoners and cattle. The Highland

leader met with misfortune. On July 26th Fraser writes: "Lieut.

Alexander Fraser, Junior, returned to camp from the detachment which

marched with the Col. on the 24th. He brings news of the Colonel's

having been wounded in the thigh, by an unlucky shot from a small party

of Canadians who lay in ambush and fired on the detachment out of a

bush, and then retired. In the evening, the Col. came to camp with Capt.

McPherson, who was wounded by the same shot, and the ball lodged in his

thigh; but it is thought neither of their wounds are (_sic_) dangerous.

There was not another man of the detachment touched." Next day the rest

of the detachment "returned with three women and one man prisoners, and

above two hundred head of cattle."

On the following night July 28th, the French tried to destroy the

British fleet by a fire ship. "This night the French sent down a large

fire raft which they did not set fire to till they were fired on by some

of the boats who are every night on the watch for them above the

shipping. Our boats immediately grappled it, and tho' it burnt with

great violence, they towed it past all the shipping without any damage."

We know from other sources that one of the sailors engaged in dragging

away the fireship likened it to having "hell-fire in tow."

Fraser records on Tuesday, July 31st, the disastrous attempt by the

British to carry by a frontal attack Montcalm's entrenchments along the

Beauport shore. The attack failed partly through the rashness of the

Grenadiers who dashed forward prematurely. For this Wolfe rebuked them

but he commended the cool steadiness of the Highlanders. Some 700

British casualties were the results of the attack. When the British drew

off they left many of their men fallen on the shore. Fraser says: "I

observed some men coming down from the trenches where some of our people

lay killed; we imagined they were Indians who were sent to scalp them,

after the whole had retreated."

At once after the disaster, the Highlanders were moved back to their old

camp at Point Levi. Some idle days followed. But, on August 15th, a

detachment which included Fraser was sent to the Island of Orleans. It

was bent on the work of desolating the Canadian parishes, the people of

which still persisted in warring on the British. On Thursday, August

16th, the detachment, consisting of about 170 officers and men, marched

the length of the Island of Orleans and on the 17th it crossed to St.

Joachim--the fertile flats lying almost under the shadow of Cap

Tourmente: Fraser was drawing near to the Malbaie country. He writes:

"Friday, 17th August.--Crossed from the Isle of Orleans to St. Joachim.

Before we landed we observed some men walking along the fences, as if

they intended to oppose us and on our march up to the Church of St.

Joachim, we were fired on by some party's of the Enemy from behind the

houses and fences, but upon our advancing they betook themselves to the

woods, from whence they continued popping at us, till towards evening,

when they thought proper to retire, and we kept possession of the

Priest's house, which we set about fortifying in the best manner we

could." They remained quietly at St. Joachim for some days. But they

were getting ready for the grim task of desolating the parishes lying

between St. Joachim and Montmorency. Fraser tells the story with

soldier-like brevity, but obviously he hated the work.

"Thursday, 23rd.--We were reinforced by a party of about one hundred and

forty Light Infantry, and a Company of Rangers, under the command of

Captain Montgomery of Kennedy's or forty-third Regiment, who likewise

took the command of our detachment, and we all marched to attack the

village to the west of St. Joachim, which was occupied by a party of the

enemy to the number of about two hundred, as we supposed, Canadians and

Indians. When we came pretty near the village, they fired on us from

the houses pretty smartly; we were ordered to lie behind the fences till

the Rangers, who were detached to attack the Enemy from the woods, began

firing on their left flank, when we advanc^d briskly without great

order; and the French abandoned the houses and endeavoured to get into

the woods, our men pursuing close at their heels. There were several of

the enemy killed, and wounded, and a few prisoners taken, all of whom

the barbarous Captain Montgomery, who commanded us, ordered to be

butchered in a most inhuman and cruel manner; particularly two, who I

sent prisoners by a sergeant, after giving them quarter, and engaging

that they should not be killed, were one shot, and the other knocked

down with a Tomahawk (a little hatchet) and both scalped in my absence,

by the rascally sergeant neglecting to acquaint Montgomery that I wanted

them saved, as he, Montgomery, pretended when I questioned him about it;

but even that was no excuse for such an unparalleled piece of barbarity.

However, as the affair could not be remedied, I was obliged to let it

drop. After this skirmish we set about burning the houses with great

success, setting all in flames till we came to the church of St. Anne's,

[the now famous shrine of St. Anne de Beaupré], where we put up for this

night, and were joined by Captain Ross, with about one hundred and

twenty men of his company.

"Friday, 24th August.--Began to march and burn as yesterday, till we

came to Ange Gardien where our detachment and Captain Ross, who had been

posted for some days at Chateau Richer, joined Colonel Murray with the

three companies of Grenadiers of the 22nd, 40th and 45th Regiments,

where we are posted in four houses which we have fortified so as to be

able, we hope, to stand any attack which we can expect with small arms.

"Saturday, 25th.--Busy felling the fruit trees, and cutting the wheat to

clear round us.

"Sunday, 26th.--The same.

"Monday, 27th August.--I hear Brigadier Murray has returned with his

detachment, having had all the success expected of the detachment. We

received orders to march to-morrow to Chateau Richer. Some men were

observed skulking in the corn, round the houses we possessed; upon

which, some of our people fired from one of the houses, when the whole

took the alarm and continued firing from the windows and loopholes for

about ten minutes. For my own part I can't say I could observe any of

the Enemy, but as we had one man killed, and most of the men affirmed

they saw men in the Corn, I can't doubt but there were a few of the

Enemy near us."

So the record goes on. On August 30th the detachment was busy fortifying

itself in the Church at Château Richer near Quebec. On the next day

orders came to burn the houses there but not the church and return at

once to Montmorency. At Ange Gardien, on the way, General Murray, after

whom Murray Bay is named, joined them with his detachment. As they

marched along the force burned all the houses and was soon back in camp

at Montmorency. They had left a trail black with desolation between that

point and Cap Tourmente. Captain Gorham completed the tale of woe by

destroying Baie St. Paul and Malbaie. Hardly a house was left between

Montmorency and the Saguenay.

But all this was only side-play. The crisis of the campaign was now

near. On September 3rd Wolfe abandoned the camp at Montmorency. Fraser

writes: "The Army at Montmorency decamped this day, and crossed to the

Island of Orleans, and from thence to Point Levy, without molestation

from the French, tho' they must have known some time ago that we

intended to abandon that post."

Wolfe was now massing as many troops as possible above Quebec on the

south side of the river. On September 6th, 600 of the Highlanders,

together with the 15th and the 43rd, marched six miles above Point Levi

and there embarked on board the ships. Fraser says: "We are much

crowded; the ship I am in has about six hundred on board, being only

about two hundred and fifty tons." On the 7th and 8th it rained and the

men must have been very uncomfortable in their narrow quarters. For some

days still they remained in this condition. Meanwhile were issued to the

men careful instructions as to what they should do. The army was to drop

down the river in small boats, and to attempt to make a landing on the

north shore.

On the evening of September 12th came the final effort so carefully

planned. "About nine o'clock, the night of the 12th, we went into the

Boats as ordered." Fraser says that a shore battery began to fire on the

British boats about 4.0 A.M. before they landed and that the landing at

the Foulon to climb to the Heights was made at daybreak.

"Thursday, 13th September, 1759.--The Light Infantry under the command

of Colonel Howe, immediately landed and mounted the hill. We were fired

on in the Boats by the Enemy who killed and wounded a few. In a short

time, the whole army was landed at a place called 'Le Foulon,' (now

Wolfe's Cove) about a mile and a half above the Town of Quebec, and

immediately followed the Light Infantry up the hill. There was a few

tents and a Picket of the French on the top of the hill whom the Light

Infantry engaged, and took some of their Officers and men prisoners. The

main body of our Army soon got to the upper ground after climbing a hill

or rather a precipice, of about three hundred yards, very steep and

covered with wood and brush. We had several skirmishes with the

Canadians and Savages, till about ten o'clock, when the army was formed

in line of battle, having the great River St. Lawrence on the right with

the precipice which we mounted in the morning; on the left, a few

houses, and at some distance the low ground and wood above the General

Hospital with the River St. Charles; in front, the Town of Quebec, about

a mile distant; in the rear, a wood occupied by the Light Infantry ...

and the third Battalion of the Royal Americans.... The Army was ordered

to march on slowly in line of battle, and halt several times, till about

half an hour after ten, when the French began to appear in great numbers

on the rising ground between us and the Town, and [they] having advanced

several parties to skirmish with us, we did the like. They then got two

Iron field pieces to play against our line. Before eleven o'clock, we

got one brass field piece up the Hill, which being placed in the proper

interval began to play very smartly on the Enemy while forming on the

little eminence. Their advanced parties continued to annoy us and

wounded a great many men. About this time, we observed the Enemy formed,

having a bush of short brush wood on their right, which straitened them

in room, and obliged them to form in columns. About eleven o'clock, the

French Army advanced in columns till they had got past the bush of wood

into the plain, when they endeavoured to form in line of Battle, but

being much galled by our Artillery, which consisted of only one field

piece, very well served, we observed them in some confusion. However

they advanced at a brisk pace till within about thirty or forty yards of

our front, when they gave us their first fire, which did little

execution. We returned it, and continued firing very hot for about six,

or (as some say) eight minutes, when the fire slackening, and the smoke

of the powder vanishing, we observed the main body of the Enemy

retreating in great confusion towards the Town, and the rest towards

the River St. Charles. Our Regiment were then ordered by Brigadier

General Murray to draw their swords and pursue them, which I dare say

increased their panic but saved many of their lives, whereas if the

artillery had been allowed to play, and the army advanced regularly

there would have been many more of the Enemy killed and wounded, as we

never came up with the main body. In advancing, we passed over a great

many dead and wounded, (french regulars mostly) lying in the front of

our Regiment, who,--I mean the Highlanders,--to do them justice, behaved

extremely well all day, as did the whole of the army. After pursuing the

French to the very gates of the Town, our Regiment was ordered to form

fronting the Town, on the ground whereon the French formed first. At

this time the rest of the Army came up in good order. General Murray

having then put himself at the head of our Regiment, ordered them to

face to the left and march thro' the bush of wood, towards the General

Hospital, when they got a great gun or two to play upon us from the

Town, which however did no damage, but we had a few men killed and

Officers wounded by some skulking fellows with small arms, from the

bushes and behind the houses in the suburbs of St. Louis and St. John's.

After marching a short way through the bush, Brigadier Murray thought

proper to order us to return again to the high road leading from Porte

St. Louis, to the heights of Abraham, where the battle was fought, and

after marching till we got clear of the bushes, we were ordered to turn

to the right, and go along the edge of them towards the bank, at the

descent between us and the General Hospital, under which we understood

there was a body of the Enemy who no sooner saw us than they began

firing on us from the bushes and from the bank; we soon dispossessed

them from the bushes and from thence kept firing for about a quarter of

an hour on those under cover of the bank; but as they exceeded us

greatly in numbers, they killed and wounded a great many of our men,

and killed two Officers, which obliged us to retire a little, and form

again, when the 58th Regiment with the 2nd Battalion of Royal Americans

having come up to our assistance, all three making about five hundred

men, advanced against the Enemy and drove them first down to the great

meadow between the Hospital and town and afterwards over the River St.

Charles. It was at this time and while in the bushes that our Regiment

suffered most: Lieutenant Roderick, Mr. Neill of Bana, and Alexander

McDonell, and John McDonell, and John McPherson, volunteer, with many of

our men, were killed before we were reinforced; and Captain Thomas Ross

having gone down with about one hundred men of the 3rd Regiment to the

meadow, after the Enemy, when they were out of reach, ordered me up to

desire those on the height would wait till he would come up and join

them, which I did, but before Mr. Ross could get up, he unfortunately

was mortally wounded in the body, by a cannon ball from the hulks, in

the mouth of the River St. Charles, of which he died in great torment,

but with great resolution, in about two hours thereafter.

"In the afternoon, Mons. Bougainville, with the French Grenadiers and

some Canadians, to the number of two thousand who had been detached to

oppose our landing at Cap Rouge, appeared between our rear and the

village St. Foy, formed in a line as if he intended to attack us; but

the 48th Regiment with the Light Infantry and 3rd Battalion Royal

Americans being ordered against him, with some field pieces, they fired

a few cannon shot at him when he thought proper to retire.

"Thus ended the battle of Quebec, the first regular engagement that we

... fought in North America, which has made the king of Great Britain

master of the capital of Canada, and it is hoped ere long will be the

means of subjecting the whole country to the British Dominion; and if

so, this has been a greater acquisition to the British Empire than all

that England has acquired by Conquest since it was a nation, if I may

except the conquest of Ireland, in the reign of Henry the 2nd.

"The Enemy's numbers I have never been able to get an exact account of.

We imagined them seven or eight thousand: this has been disputed since.

However, I am certain they were greatly superior to us in numbers, as

their line was equal to ours in length, tho' they were in some places

nine deep, whereas ours was no more than three deep. Add to this, their

advanced parties and those in the bushes, on all hands, I think they

must exceed five thousand.

"Our strength at the utmost did not exceed the thousand men in the line,

exclusive of the 15th Regiment and 2nd Battalion Royal Americans, who

were drawn up on our left, fronting the River St. Charles, with the 3rd

Battalion Royal Americans and Light Infantry in the rear, and the 48th

Regiment, who were drawn up between our main body and the Light Infantry

as a Corps of Reserve. So that I am pretty certain our numbers did not

exceed four thousand men, the Regiments being very weak, most of them

under three hundred men each.

"We had only about five hundred men of our Army killed and wounded, but

we suffered an irreparable loss in the death of our commander the brave

Major General James Wolfe, who was killed in the beginning of the

general action; we had the good fortune not to hear of it till all was

over.

"The French were supposed to have about one thousand men killed and

wounded, of whom five hundred killed during the whole day, and amongst

these Monsieur le Lieutenant Général Montcalm, the commander in chief of

the French Army in Canada, one Brigadier General, one Colonel and

several other Officers. I imagined there had been many more killed and

wounded on both sides, as there was a heavy fire for some minutes,

especially from us.

"We had of our Regiment three officers killed and ten wounded, one of

whom Captain Simon Fraser, afterwards died. Lieutenant Archibald

Campbell was thought to have been mortally wounded, but to the surprise

of most people recovered; Captain John McDonell thro' both thighs;

Lieut. Ronald McDonell thro' the knee; Lieutenant Alexander Campbell

thro' the leg; Lieutenant Douglas thro' the arm, who died of this wound

soon afterwards; Ensign Gregorson, Ensign McKenzie and Lieutenant

Alexander Fraser, all slightly. I received a contusion in the right

shoulder or rather breast, before the action became general, which

pained me a good deal, but it did not disable me from my duty then, or

afterwards.

"The detachment of our Regiment consisted, at our marching from Point

Levi, of six hundred men, besides commissioned and non-commissioned

Officers; but of these, two Officers and about sixty men were left on

board for want of boats, and an Officer and about thirty men left at the

landing place; besides a few left sick on board, so that we had about

five hundred men in the action. We suffered in men and Officers more

than any three Regiments in the field. We were commanded by Captain John

Campbell; the Colonel and Captain McPherson having been unfortunately

wounded on the 25th July, of which they were not yet fully recovered.

"We lay on our Arms all the night of the 13th September.

"Friday, 14th September.--We got ashore our tents and encamped our

Regiment on the ground where they fought the battle yesterday. He[re] we

are within reach of the guns of the town.

"Saturday, 15th September.--We were ordered to move our Camp nigh the

wood, at a greater distance from the Town. We are making advanced

redoubts within five hundred yards of the town."

Such is Fraser's account of the struggle on the Plains of Abraham and of

the conduct of the Highlanders in their first pitched battle in North

America. The resolute preparations to attack Quebec produced their

effect. On September 18th the fortress surrendered. A little later the

army broke up the camp outside the walls and marched into the town. The

outlook was certainly not cheerful: "Most of the houses are destroyed

and we have but a very dismal prospect for seven or eight months, as

fresh provisions are very scarce, and every other thing exorbitantly

dear." A little later the fleet sailed away and General Murray with a

small force was left in a hostile country to hold Quebec through a long

and bitterly cold winter. He established two out-posts, one at Ste. Foy,

the other at Lorette, and then the army bent all its energies to meet

the foes, cold, disease and the French. Fighting the cold was terrible

work. Fraser writes:

"December 1st.--The Governor ordered two weeks wood to be issued to the

Garrison. It is thought we shall have a great deal of difficulty in

supplying ourselves with fuel this winter. The winter is now very

severe.

"December 20th.--The winter is become almost insupportably cold. The men

are notwithstanding obliged to drag all the wood used in the Garrison on

sledges from St. Foy, about four miles distance. This is a very severe

duty; the poor fellows do it however with great spirit, tho' several of

them have already lost the use of their fingers and toes by the

incredible severity of the frost, and the country people tell us it is

not yet at the worst. Some men on sentry have been deprived of speech

and sensation in a few minutes, but hitherto, no person has lost his

life, as care is taken to relieve them every half hour or oftener when

the weather is very severe. The Garrison in general are but

indifferently cloathed, but our regiment in particular is in a pitiful

situation having no breeches, and the Philibeg is not all calculated for

this terrible climate. Colonel Fraser is doing all in his power to

provide trowsers for them, and we hope soon to be on a footing with

other Regiments in that respect.

"January, 1760.--Nothing remarkable during this month. The duty is very

severe on the poor men; we mount every day a guard of about one hundred

men, and the whole off duty with a subaltern officer from each Regiment

are employed in dragging fire wood; tho' the weather is such that they

are obliged to have all covered but their eyes, and nothing but the last

necessity obliged any men to go out of doors."

Early in February the St. Lawrence froze over. On February 13th the

British established a force in the Church at St. Joseph at Point Levi

but it was attacked by the French and then, on February 24th, Murray

sent a rescue party. The Highlanders and the 28th went across on the ice

and nearly intercepted the retreat of the French force, which was driven

off. The kilted Highlanders marching on the ice in the bitter winter

weather make an interesting picture. But by this time, no doubt, they

were not bare-legged!

Towards the end of March there was much illness and Fraser writes: "The

Scurvy, occasioned by salt provisions and cold, has begun to make fierce

havock in the garrison, and it becomes every day more general. In short,

I believe there is scarce a man of the Army entirely free from it." On

the 24th of April he writes again: "Great havock amongst the Garrison

occasioned by the Scurvy, &c.; this is the more alarming, as the General

seems certain that the French are preparing to come and attack the

place, and will he says, be here in a very few days."

Of the garrison of 5653 no less than 2312 were on the sick list, when,

on the 26th, came the great crisis of the defence of Quebec:

"On the night of the 26th April, a man of the French army who, with some

others had been cast away in a boat that night, came down the river on a

piece of ice, and being taken up next morning at the Town, gave the

General information that the chevalier de Levi [Lévis] was within twenty

miles of us, with an army of about twelve thousand men, made up of

regulars, Canadians and savages.

"27th April, 1760.--The Governor marched out, with the Grenadiers and

Piquets of the garrison, to support the Light Infantry which had taken

post some days before near Cap Rouge. By the time he got out, the

vanguard of the French army appeared; upon which, he thought it

adviseable to withdraw the Light Infantry, and all the other outposts,

and retire to Town; and for that purpose he sent orders to the 28th,

47th and 58th and Colonel Fraser's Regiment to march out to St. Foy and

cover his retreat; the 35th Regiment, 2nd Battalion Royal Americans

having been detached in the morning to prevent the enemy, in case they

attempted to land at Sillery or any other place near the Town. The

retreat was accordingly effected without any loss, tho' the enemy were

so nigh as to skirmish with our rear till we got within half a league of

the Ramparts.

"On the 28th April, 1760, about eight o'clock in the morning, the whole

Garrison, exclusive of the Guards, was drawn up on the parade, and about

nine o'clock we marched out of Town with twenty pieces of Field

Artillery, that is, two to each Regiment. The men were likewise ordered

to carry a pick axe or spade each. When we had marched a little way out

of Town, we saw the advanced parties of the Enemy nigh the woods, about

half a league distant from us. When we were about three-quarters of a

mile out of Town, the General ordered the whole to draw up in line of

Battle, two deep, and take up as much room as possible. Soon thereafter,

he ordered the men to throw down the intrenching tools, and the whole

Army to advance slowly, dressing by the right, having drawn up the 35th

Regiment and 3rd Battalion Royal Americans in our rear as a corps of

reserve, with one hundred men (in a redoubt which was begun by us a few

days preceding) to cover our retreat in case of necessity. In this

order, we advanced, about one hundred paces, when the canonading began

on our side, and we observed the French advanced parties retiring, and

their main body forming in order of Battle at the edge of the wood,

about three hundred paces distant we continued canonading and advancing

for some minutes. The enemy, on their side, played against the left of

our army, where our Regiment happened to be, with two pieces of cannon

and killed and wounded us some men. The affair begun now to turn

serious, when the General ordered the Light Infantry, who were posted on

the right of our army, to attack five companies of French Grenadiers who

they obliged to retire, but they being supported by a large column of

the enemy, the Light Infantry were in their turn obliged to give way,

which they doing along the front of our line on the right (as I am told)

hindered our men on the right from firing for some minutes which gave

the enemy full time to form. On the left, matters were in a worse

situation. The company of Volunteers of the garrison, commanded by

Captain Donald McDonald of our Regiment, and Captain Hazen's company of

Rangers who covered the left flank of our army having been almost

entirely destroyed, were obliged to give way; by this means the left of

the 28th Regiment was exposed, and this obliged them to give ground

after an obstinate resistance; Colonel Fraser's Regiment was next them

to the right, and being in danger of being surrounded, and at the same

time extremely galled by a fire from the Bushes in front and flank,

were under a necessity of falling back instantly, when Colonel Fraser

who commanded the Left Brigade consisting of the 28th, 47th and his own

Regiment, sent orders to the 47th to retire; they were drawn up with a

small rising ground in their front, which till then covered them pretty

much from the enemy's fire, but as most of the Regiment to the right, as

well as the two Regiments to the left of them, had by this time retired,

it was absolutely necessary for the 47th to quit that ground, otherwise

they must inevitably have been surrounded in a few minutes. Most of the

Regiments attempted to carry off their artillery, but the ground was so

bad with wreaths of snow in the hollows, that they were obliged to

abandon them, after nailing them up, as well as the intrenching tools.

Every Regiment made the best of their way to Town, but retired however

in such a manner that the enemy did not think proper to pursue very

briskly, otherwise they must have killed or made prisoners many more

than they did. Our loss was about three hundred killed, and about seven

hundred wounded, and a few Officers and men made prisoners. We had about

three thousand in the field, one-third of whom had that very day, come

voluntarily out of the Hospitals; of these, about five hundred were

employed in dragging the cannon, and five hundred more in reserve, so

that we could have no more than two thousand in the line of battle,

whereas the enemy must have had at least four times as many, beside a

large body in reserve, and notwithstanding their great superiority we

suffered very little in the retreat; some Regiments attempted to rally,

but it was impossible to form in any sort of order with the whole, till

we got within the walls.

"Our Regiment had about four hundred men in the field near one half of

whom had that day come out of the Hospital, out of their own accord. We

had about sixty killed and forty wounded, and of thirty-nine officers,

Captain Donald McDonald who commanded the volunteer company of the army,

and Lieutenant Cosmo Gordon who commanded the Light Infantry company of

our Regiment, were both killed in the field; Lieutenant Hector McDonald

and Ensign Malcolm Fraser died of their wounds, all very much regretted

by every one who knew them. We had twenty-three more Officers wounded;

of this number was Colonel [Simon] Fraser, who commanded the left wing

of the army, and it was with great pleasure we observed his behaviour

during the action, when he gave his orders with great coolness and

deliberation. He was touched at two different times; the first took him

in the right breast but having his cartouche box slung, it luckily

struck against the star of it and did not penetrate tho', otherways,

must infallibly have done his business. The second, he got in the

retreat, but striking against the cue of his hair, he received no other

damage than a stiffness in his neck for some days. [Fraser then adds

this tribute to Lord Lovat's son:] Here I cannot help observing that if

any unlucky accident had befallen our Colonel, not only his Regiment

must have suffered an irreparable loss, but I think I can, without any

partiality say, it would be a loss to his Country. His behaviour this

winter in particular to his Regiment has been such, as to make him not

only esteemed by them, but by the Garrison in general. Captain Alexander

Fraser of our Regiment, was wounded in the right temple, and thought

very dangerous, the rest are mostly flesh wounds. I received a musket

ball in the right groin, which was thought dangerous for three or four

days, as the ball was supposed to be lodged, but whether it has wrought

out in walking into Town, or did not penetrate far enough at first to

lodge, or is still in, I cannot say, but in twenty days I was entirely

cured, and the wound which was at first but small was entirely closed

up.

"When we marched out, we thought the General did not intend to give the

French battle; and as he ordered the Army to carry out intrenching

tools, we thought he meant to throw up works on the rising ground,

before the Town, if the Enemy should not choose to attack him that day;

but, it seems he changed his mind on seeing their situation, which gave

him all the advantage he could desire with such an inferior Army and

where, if the Enemy ventured to attack him, he could use his Artillery,

on which was his chief dependence, to the best purpose: having a rising

ground, whereon he might form his Army and plant his Cannon, so as to

play on the Enemy as they advanced for about four hundred or five

hundred yards, with round shot, and when they came within a proper

distance the grape shot must have cut them to pieces. However, it seems

he observed the enemy, some formed at the edge of the wood, some

forming, and the rest marching from St. Foy. The bait was too tempting,

and his passion for glory getting the better of his reason he ordered

the Army to march and attack the enemy, as he thought, before they could

form, in a situation the most desired by them and ought to be avoided by

us, as the Canadians and Savages could be used against us to the

greatest advantage in their beloved (if I may say element) woods. It

would give me great pleasure to relate something more to the advantage

of this gentleman who is, in many respects, possessed of several

virtues, and particularly all the military ones, except prudence, and

entirely free of all mercenary principles; but, as his conduct on this

occasion is universally condemned by all those who are not immediately

dependent on him, truth obliges me to state matters as I believe, they

really stood; more especially as it is not said he advised with any of

those who had a right to be consulted before such a step should be

taken. Nay, it is said: that the preceding night, at a meeting with the

different Commandants of the Corps, he declared his intention of

fortifying himself on the heights and not to attack the Enemy, unless he

should be forced to it, which we were persuaded of by his orders to

carry out intrenching tools. We had very little chance of beating an

Army four times our number [an exaggeration: they were not twice as

numerous] in a situation where we could scarce act; and if the Enemy had

made a proper use of their advantage, the consequences must have proved

fatal to us, as they might have got betwixt us and the Town, cut off our

retreat, and by that means ruined us to all intents." [It will hardly be

denied that the young officer is rather severe upon his future friend

and patron, General Murray.]

"Our situation became now extremely critical: we were beat in the field,

by an army greatly superior in numbers, and obliged to rely on what

defence we could make within the walls of Quebec, which were hitherto

reckoned of very little consequence against a superior army.

"The French that very night after the Battle opened trenches within six

hundred yards of the walls, and went on next, 29th April, with their

works pretty briskly. For the first two days after the battle there was

very little done by us; and on the 1st of May, the largest of our block

houses (small square redoubts of Logs musquet proof) was blown up by

accident, and Captain Cameron of our Regiment and a subaltern of the

48th with several men, dangerously burnt and bruised. On the 3rd day

after the battle, the General set about to strengthen or (I may say)

fortify the Town, and the men worked with the greatest alacrity. In a

few days there were about one hundred additional guns mounted, with

which our people kept an incessant fire on the enemy, and retarded their

works very much.

"On the 9th May, the Leostaff Frigate, Captain Dean, arrived from

England, and brought us news from thence, and informed us that there

was a squadron in the River, which might be expected every tide to our

assistance. This added greatly to the spirits of the Garrison, and our

works were carried on briskly. The General seemed resolved from the

first to defend the place to the last. This, nobody doubted, and every

one seemed to forget their late misfortune, and to place entire

confidence in the General's conduct, which all must acknowledge very

resolute, when reduced almost to an extremity.

"On the 11th May, the French opened two Batteries mounting thirteen

guns, and one or two mortars. Their heavy metal consisted of one

twenty-four and two eighteen pounders, the rest were all light. They did

not seem to confine their fire entirely to any particular part of the

Walls, otherwise I believe they might in time have made a breach, and

their fire was not very smart. We were masters of a much superior fire,

and annoyed the besiegers at their batteries very much. Their fire

became every day more and more faint, and it was generally believed they

intended to raise the seige.

"On the 16th May, in the evening the Vanguard, commodore Swanton, and

Diana Frigate, Captain Schomberg, arrived from England, and next

morning, 17th May, 1760, they and the Leostaff attacked the two French

Frigates that lay at anchor in the Bay, above Cape Diamond; which when

they first observed, they made as if they intended to engage, but on our

ships approaching nearer, they set sail up the river; but one of them

ran ashore immediately, and our Frigates soon got up with theirs, and

obliged them also to run aground and thereafter destroyed them. One ship

however escaped out of their reach, and unluckily, the Leostaff, after

all was over, ran on a rock, sunk and was entirely lost.

"That very night several deserters came into the Town, and informed that

most part of the French army had marched, the Trenches being guarded by

their Grenadiers only. About twelve o'clock at night, the General sent

out a party who found the Trenches entirely abandoned and next morning,

18th May, 1760, we found ourselves entirely freed of very disagreeable

neighbours, having left behind all their artillery, with a great part of

their ammunition, Camp equipage and baggage. What made them retreat with

such precipitation we could not guess; but, it seems they were seized

with a panic. It appears they allowed the savages to scalp all the

killed and most part of the wounded, as we found a great many scalps on

the bushes.

"I have been since informed by Lieutenant McGregor, of our Regiment, who

was left on the field wounded, and narrowly escaped being killed, having

received two stabs of a bayonet from two French Regulars, that he saw

the savages murdering the wounded and scalping them on all sides, and

expected every moment to share the same fate, but was saved by a French

Officer, who luckily spoke a little English."

Thus ends Fraser's narrative of the two sieges of Quebec. He served in

the third siege, that of 1775-76, and was still alive in 1812-15 to give

counsel when Quebec was again menaced by the Americans.

APPENDIX B (p. 38)

TITLE-DEED OF THE SEIGNIORY OF MURRAY BAY GRANTED TO CAPTAIN JOHN

NAIRNE OF THE 78th REGIMENT, APRIL 27th, 1762

By the Honourable James Murray, Esquire, Governor of Quebec, &c.

Whereas it is a national advantage and tends to promote the cultivation

of lands within the province to encourage His Majesty's natural-born

subjects settling within the same:

For these purposes, and in consideration of the faithful services

rendered by John Nairne, Esquire, Captain in the 78th Regiment of Foot,

unto His Majesty, I do hereby give, grant, and concede unto the said

Captain John Nairne, his heirs, executors, and administrators for ever,

all that extent of land lying on the north side of the river St.

Lawrence from the Cap aux Oyes, limit of the parish of Eboulemens, to

the south side of the river of Malbaie, and for three leagues back, to

be known hereafter, at the special request of said John Nairne, by the

name of Murray's Bay; firmly to hold the same to himself, his heirs,

executors, and administrators for ever, or until His Majesty's pleasure

is further known, for and in consideration of the possessor's paying

liege homage to His Majesty, his heirs and successors, at his castle of

St. Lewis in Quebec on each mutation of property, and, by way of

acknowledgment, a piece of gold of the value of ten shillings, with one

year's rent of the domain reserved, as customary in this country,

together with the woods and rivers, or other appurtenances within the

said extent, right of fishing or fowling on the same therein included

without hindrance or molestation; all kind of traffic with the Indians

of the back country hereby specially excepted.

Given under my hand and seal at Quebec, this 27th day of April, 1762.

(Signed) JAS. MURRAY.

APPENDIX C (p. 78)

THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC IN 1775-76

COLONEL NAIRNE TO MISS M. NAIRNE

_Quebec, 14th May, 1776._

The New England rebels were very successful on their first arrival in

this Province having got most of the Canadians in their interest. They

took the two Regiments (which were all the regular troops in the

Province) prisoners, made themselves masters of the Town of Montreal and

all the Forts and the whole open country. Flushed with this success they

came before our Capital (Quebec) where their main army was joined by a

reinforcement of six hundred men who had marched straight through the

Woods from Boston where scarcely any body had ever passed before and

thought utterly impracticable for a body of men. The suburbs about

Quebec which were extensive (now in ruins) were not all destroyed at the

first arrival of the enemy so that in two places they annoyed us with

their Riflemen though they only killed a very few. They also (though in

the Winter) got a Battery of five guns against the Town but [it] was

silenced by a superior fire from our Ramparts. They also bombarded the

Town in the night with small shell till the 31st December when about two

hours before day they made a general attack with their whole force upon

the Ramparts, their two principal attacks being against the two

extremitys of the low Town. Their General (Montgomery) an Irish

gentleman who had been a Captain in our army possessing extraordinary

qualifications fitting him for such a Command led the attack against a

very strong post in the low town. Our Cannon (six pieces) loaded with

grape shot, did not begin to fire till the enemy was within the distance

of twenty yards, which with the musketry of the guard at the same time

made terrible havoc. Their General with four of his officers lay slain

in one heap within twenty and others within ten yards of our

fortifications by which that attack was wholly frustrated and all that

part of their army retired in confusion. The attack upon the other

extremity of the low Town was made with six hundred men. At first they

had success though that turned out at last to their ruin. They forced

our advanced post where we had four pieces of cannon, afterward got

possession of another barrier and forced their way through a narrow

street to the last barrier, which if they had gained they would have

been in the low Town. At the same time the Governor ordered a sally out

at a Gate they had passed to follow their track in the snow (that was

then deep) and fall upon them behind. That we should open a Gate and

attack them when attacked ourselves was a thing very unexpected so that

finding they were stopped at the last barrier and thus attacked behind

they were obliged to take shelter in the houses of the narrow street and

at last gave themselves up prisoners to the number of about four hundred

and fifty amongst whom were thirty-two officers of all ranks from

Colonels to Ensigns. The morning of the attack I happened to have the

Piquet and guessing by the flashes in the air (in the dark) that it was

musketry at the other side of the town, tho' we heard no report, had the

Piquet drawn out upon the Ramparts at our alarm post, before the firing

came round that length, which it soon did and we fired away upon these

people as they passed along that way, which they were obliged to do to

get to the low Town. About break of day Major Caldwell came round with

some men, and took me with part of the Piquet along with him to the low

Town. When we got there the enemy had got on as far as the inner Barrier

and [had] a Ladder on both sides of it. There the Battle raged till the

Enemy falling back got into Houses. Some time after the Sorti coming

behind them put an end to the affair. It was the first time I ever

happened to be so closely engaged as we were obliged to push our

bayonets. It is certainly a disagreeable necessity to be obliged to put

one another to death especially those speaking the same language and

dressed in the same manner with ourselves. Only these mad people had a

large piece of white linen or paper upon their foreheads with the words

"Liberty or Death" wrote upon it. The Garrison in general behaved

remarkably well consisting in all of about 1400 men, mostly the town

Militia and sailors with 200 of Maclean's corps which were only raised

last summer. They certainly did their duty with much patience during a

severe winter of six months. In the day time we wrought a great deal at

the fortifications and shovelling the snow and in the night even those

not upon duty durst not sleep but with Clothes and accoutrements on and

by whole Companys in one House to be the more ready, for, upon our

vigilance, everything depended. For the last month the Enemy had two

Batterys of four Guns each, playing on the Town with red hot Balls, in

hope to set it on fire but luckily did very little harm. They also made

use of a fire ship in order to burn our shipping in the Harbour, which

would have communicated the flames to the Town, at the same time

intending to escalade the Walls, for which purpose they laid numbers of

ladders all round in our sight which had the effect to keep us more upon

our Guard. This fire ship got very near the Harbour but a Cannon being

fired that was well directed the men that were in her left her a little

too soon so that the tide carried her clear past the town without doing

the least harm and disappointed them of their attack for which their

whole army was prepared. Thus from the 14th of November last we passed

one dreary night after another either watching or making Rounds and

Patrole upon an extent of works of upwards of three miles round, till

the 6th of May when we had the agreeable sight of Commodore Douglass

with a Ship of War and two Frigates arriving in the Bason with part of

the 29th Regiment on board. And the same day with only the reinforcement

of about 300 Regular Troops the Gates were thrown open and the whole

garrison (except those on Guard) poured out, drove off the Enemy's

advanced Guards and marched forward near two miles clear out upon the

plain (our former field of Battles last war) with three pieces of cannon

in our front that fired away at some partys of men at a distance. This

Sally, so unexpected and the two Frigates [being] under sail at the same

time up the River; [and the enemy] being ignorant of our numbers and

suspecting probably that there was a force on board the Frigates which

might by taking possession of a strong post above cut off their retreat,

their whole army took to their heels (it is said about 3000 men) leaving

all their Artillery stores, baggage and provisions which fell into our

hands. I suppose they will retreat to Montreal where they expect strong

reinforcements from New England. We will probably soon follow them

though our Corps may possibly be left to garrison Quebec. General

Carleton has gained honour by his behaviour this winter. He showed

himself a brave steady officer careful not to expose rashly the lives of

his men, in short a chief whom we esteem and cheerfully obey. Lieut.

Colonel Maclean has likewise great merit in having contributed much to

the preservation of this place by his forwarding the reparations of the

fortifications and his indefatigable care and trouble in the directing

the duty of the Garrison, together with his management in every shape as

a good officer. He was here the second in Command and seemed the fittest

man in the world for the place he occupied. There were also several old

Officers who happened to be here and were of great service as Major

Caldwell who distinguished himself very much, Major Cox, two Captain

Frasers and several others.

Mr. Wauchope who you will wish to hear of is very well. He has done

Lieutenant's duty this winter in Maclean's Regiment, is a good officer

and went through some severe Duty with great perseverance.

Yours, &c., &c.,

J.N.

APPENDIX D (p. 98)

MEMORANDUM FOR ENSIGN JOHN NAIRNE, 5TH APRIL, 1795

1st. You ought to read the Articles of War.

2nd. To pay the greatest attention to all orders from your Superior

Officers.

3rd. Take care to have your own Orders strictly obeyed by those who are

under your Command but before you give any Order, be sure it is right

and necessary.

4th. Attend the Parades, and learn without delay the different motions

and words of Command and every part of the Duty of a Subaltern officer

when upon guard; also when under Arms with the whole Battalion, or

otherwise.

5th. Be always ready and willing to go upon every military duty that may

be ordered. Never think you do too much in that way; the more the better

and the more honourable.

6th. Be careful in doing the Company Duty, in such a manner, that the

Soldiers may be kept in excellent Order and everything belonging to

them; as their Arms, Accoutrements, Ammunition, Necessarys, Dress,

Messing, etc., according as may be regulated by the standing Orders of

the Regiment, or that may be most agreeable to your Captain or

Lieutenant Commanding the Company; also not only to know every man of

the Company by Name, but, as soon as possible, to know their several

Characters and Dispositions that each may be encouraged, cherished, or

punished, as he deserves. You ought every day, or very frequently to

wait on your Captain, or Lieutenant Commanding the Company, in order to

report to him upon these matters, and to know if he has any directions

or Commands for you.

7th. Endeavour all you can to learn the Adjutant's Duty: To be able to

Exercise the Company (or even the Battalion) in the Manual, their

Manoeuvres and the firings.

8th. Make yourself fit for paying the Company, and to be exact in

keeping Accounts, so that you may be capable of even being paymaster to

a Regiment.

9th. You ought to practice writing Court-Martials, Returns, and Reports

of all sorts, Acquittance Rolls, Muster Rolls, and Letter Writing;

taking always great pains to have a good hand of writ and to spell well.

10th. It is also recommended to you to study Engineering and Drawing; To

read Military Books, The occurrences and news of the time and History,

etc.; Never to leave anything undone which you think ought to be done;

in short, not to lose or misspend time, but constantly [to] endeavour to

gain knowledge, and improvement, and to exert yourself in being always

steady and diligent in the Execution of every part of your Duty.

11th. No doubt you will soon get Acquainted with all the officers of the

Regiment, and to know the Companys the Subaltern Officers belong to,

likewise to know the Names and Characters of all the non-Commissioned

officers, and the Companys they belong to, even most of the private men

and what Companys they are in. You ought to have a Book of Quarters (or

List of the Army) and learn the Number, and any thing else Remarkable of

each Regiment; also concerning the Generals, and Field Officers, and the

Rules and Regulations of the Army.

N.B.--Never be ashamed to ask questions at any of your Brother Officers

in order to gain information. The Sergeants of your Company will furnish

you with any Rolls, Lists or Returns you may have occasion for

respecting the Regt.

APPENDIX E (p. 104)

THE "PORPOISE" (BELUGA OR WHITE WHALE) FISHERY ON THE ST.

LAWRENCE

The so-called "porpoise" of the St. Lawrence is in reality the French

_marsouin_, the English beluga, a word of Russian origin, signifying

white. The Beluga (_Delphinapterus leucas_), is a real whale with its

most striking characteristic the white, or rather cream-coloured, skin

described by some writers as very beautiful. Like the narwhal it has no

dorsal fin. Though the smallest member of the whale family it is

sometimes more than twenty feet long; but usually ranges from thirteen

to sixteen feet. The young are bluish black in colour and may be seen

swimming beside their mother who feeds them with a very thick milk.

These young grow rapidly and become mottled and then white as they grow

older. The beluga is peculiar to northern regions where the water is

cold: when one is seen at the mouth of an English river it is a subject

of special note. There are numbers in Hudson Bay and they have been

found in the Yukon River, it is said, 700 miles from its mouth, whither

they went no doubt after salmon or other fish.

Jacques Cartier saw the beluga disporting itself off Malbaie nearly 400

years ago and in summer it is still to be seen there almost daily. It is

never alone. One sees the creatures swimming rapidly in single file.

They come to the surface with a prolonged sigh accompanied by the

throwing of a small jet of water; the perfectly white bodies writhe into

view as the small round heads disappear. Sometimes the beluga makes a

noise like the half suppressed lowing of oxen and, since the aquatic

world is so silent, sailors have christened the beluga, for this slender

achievement, the "sea canary." It is a playful creature and is

apparently attracted by man's presence. Before its confidence in him was

shaken it used to linger about wharves and ships. But, in spite of the

extremely small aperture of its ear, it is very sensitive to sound and

modern man with his fire arms and clatter of machinery frightens it

away. In 1752 the Intendant Bigot issued special instructions to check

the use of firearms on the point at Rivière Ouelle, in order that the

beluga might not be frightened, to the ruin of the extensive fishery

that has existed there for more than two hundred years. Its sight, touch

and taste are also well developed but it has no olfactory nerve and is

apparently without the sense of smell. The creature has qualities that

we should hardly expect. It has been tamed and almost domesticated. The

enterprising Barnum exhibited in New York a beluga which drew a boat

about in his aquarium. At Boston another beluga from the St. Lawrence

drew about a floating car carrying a woman performer. It knew its keeper

and at the proper time would appear and put its head from the water to

be harnessed or to take food. This beluga would take in its mouth a

sturgeon and a small shark confined in the same tank, play with them and

allow them to go unharmed. It would also pick up and toss stones with

its mouth.

The beluga is greedy. In the early spring, when he is thin and half

starved, capelin and smelt in great numbers come to spawn along the

north and south shores of the St. Lawrence. With high tide comes the

beluga's chance to feed on the spawning fish and he will rush in quite

near to shore for his favourite food. So voracious is he that with the

fish he takes quantities of sand into his stomach. In eight or ten days

he will eat enough to form from five to eight inches of fat over his

whole body. "The facility with which he thus grows fat is explained,"

says the Abbé Casgrain, "by the easy assimilation of such food and by

the considerable development of his digestive apparatus."

No doubt the beluga enjoys himself hugely. But Nemesis awaits him. His

fish diet has a soporific effect; gorged with food he becomes stupid and

is easily taken. Man's trap for him is simple and ingenious. A century

and a half ago it was to be seen at Pointe au Pic and to-day it is in

operation at Rivière Ouelle on the south side of the river. The weir or

fishery for the beluga must be on a large scale and is expensive to keep

up; it is for this reason that when the number of these creatures

declined it was no longer possible to maintain the fishery at Pointe au

Pic. At Rivière Ouelle annually more than 7000 stakes, from 18 to 20

feet long, are necessary to keep in repair the fishery which is almost

entirely destroyed each year by ice. Beginning at the shore a line of

stakes is carried out into the river placed perhaps a foot apart to form

a rough semi-circle about a mile and a third long. The stakes curve back

to the shore leaving however a passage of perhaps 1000 feet open between

the farther end and the shore. This outer end of the weir is completed

by a smaller circle of stakes, so arranged as to make entrance easy by

following within the line of stakes, but exit difficult. The distance

between high and low water mark at Rivière Ouelle is about a mile and a

half and along this great stretch of beach the small fish come in great

numbers to spawn. There is a considerable point at the mouth of the

little Rivière Ouelle. The wide beach, bare at low water, and this point

furnish an admirable combination for the beluga fishery. At high tide

the beluga comes rushing in near to shore after his prey, sometimes in

water so shallow that his whole body comes into view. In his progress

along the shore he is checked by the stakes reaching out from the point,

so close together that he cannot get through. The stakes sway with the

current and sometimes strike together making considerable noise. Early

whalers thought the beluga would try to pass by squeezing between the

stakes and to prevent this they fastened the stakes together with ropes.

But this was not necessary. Frightened by the noise the timid beluga's

instinct leads him to make for the open water. He dashes across the

semi-circle of the fishery only to be checked by the line of stakes on

its outer edge. The line like a wall he follows, looking for an opening,

and may be led insensibly into the labyrinthine circle at its end from

which he will hardly escape. If he heads back towards shore where he

came in, he is frightened by the shallow water which he disregarded only

when in pursuit of his prey. Where was shallow water indeed he may now

find dry land for the tide is running out. So the creature becomes

bewildered. He swims about slowly, as it were feeling his way, or

disappears at the bottom, to be stranded when the tide goes out and thus

becomes the prey of his enemy, man.

Some old belugas are very cunning; they are called by the French

Canadian the _savants_, the knowing ones, and seem to understand the

wiles of the fisherman. They warn off the others and so foil the design

against them. But greediness proves often their destruction. From

over-feeding year after year they become fat and stupid and they too are

likely in time to be taken. The less knowing beluga has usually slight

chance of escape when once he encounters the line of stakes stretching

out from the point and, since they follow each other blindly, if one is

taken a whole troop is likely to meet the same fate.

The Abbé Casgrain, who, since his childhood was spent at the Manor House

at Rivière Ouelle, was long familiar with the "porpoise" fishery,

describes the scene witnessed there by him on May 1st, 1873. It was a

glorious day and the belugas appeared in greater numbers than for many

years. They swarmed off the mouth of the Rivière Ouelle. At high tide

they came in, skirting the rocks within a stone's throw of shore and

devouring greedily the innumerable small fish. The surface of the

shallow water in which they swam was white with their gleaming bodies.

When they puffed they spurted jets of water into the air which fell in

spray that sparkled in the sunlight. The Abbé then describes how the

creatures became entrapped in the fishery. Instances of the mother's

devotion are recorded. They have been known to wait outside the stakes

for their young, caught within, and to allow themselves to be stranded

and killed rather than leave their offspring.

When the tide is low the slaughter begins. In the season of the spring

tide the water at Rivière Ouelle retreats so far that the entrapped

"porpoises" are left high and dry in the fishery and are readily killed.

But in the season of neap tides enough water is left for them to swim

about within the semi-circle of stakes. Boats are taken into the fishery

through the outer line of stakes and then begins a regular whale hunt

within a very circumscribed area. If the belugas are numerous their

captors have not a moment to lose for the creatures may escape with the

next tide. And numerous they sometimes are; 500 have been taken in a

single tide; at Rivière Ouelle, about 1870, 101 were killed in one night

by only four men. They had not expected such a host and had no time to

send for help before the tide should rise again.

The captors are armed with barbed harpoons and with spears. The harpoon

is sometimes thrown at the beluga from a considerable distance. When

struck the creature rushes to the surface, plunges and rolls to get

free. He never defends himself but thinks only of flight. It is an

accident if a boat is upset by the stroke of its tail; such accidents

sometimes happen but the victim gets little more than a soaking, much to

the merriment of his companions. The harpooned beluga will make off at

full speed dragging in his wake the assailant's boat which flies over

the face of the water, boiling with the mighty strokes of the monster's

tail. Soon the water is red for each beluga sheds eight or ten gallons

of blood. When he is tired the boat is drawn in closer by the rope

fastened to the animal. As opportunity offers the spear is used and,

driven home by a strong hand, it sometimes goes clear through the body.

A skilful man will quickly strike some vital spot; otherwise the beluga

struggles long.

"Picture if possible," says the Abbé, "the animation of the beluga hunt

when a hundred of them are in the weir, when twenty-five or thirty men

are pursuing them, when five or six boats dragged by the creatures are

ploughing the enclosed waters in every direction, when the spears are

hurled from all sides and the men are covered with the blood which

gushes out in streams. Some years ago the passengers of a passing

steamer from Europe were witnesses of such a scene and showed their keen

interest by firing a salvo of cannon."

When the belugas have been killed the next task is to get them to shore.

The work must be done quickly for the next tide will stop all work and

may sweep the animals away. Horses are brought and the bodies are

dragged ashore or partly floated with the aid of the rising tide. The

task of cutting up and boiling follows immediately. Workmen with long

knives take off the skin and separate the blubber from the flesh. The

Abbé Casgrain describes the process in detail. In the end the blubber is

cut up into small pieces and boiled in huge caldrons. The poor never

fail to come for their share of the catch and, with proverbial charity,

the Company carrying on the operations never send them away empty. "The

share-holders" says the Abbé Casgrain, "are convinced that the success

of their labours depends upon the gifts which they make to God, and

their generosity merits His benediction," Many a habitant goes home with

a mass of blubber in his pot or hooked to the end of a stout branch.

The fishery is old and has been very profitable. La Potherie describes

the industry as it existed at Kamouraska in 1701: that at Rivière Ouelle

is found in 1707 and it remained in the hands of the heirs of the

original promoters until, in 1870, it was found necessary to form them

into an incorporated company. The oil is highly valued. It is very clear

and has good lubricating qualities. Before the universal sway of

petroleum it was much used for lighting purposes; an ordinary lamp would

burn for 72 hours without going out. The Abbé Casgrain says that a

barrel of the oil is worth from 100 to 200 dollars and since each beluga

would yield not less than a barrel the value of the fishery in a good

season is evident. The skin is very thick and of extraordinary strength.

It has no grain and will take a beautiful polish.

[Beddard, "A Book of Whales" (London, 1900), pp. 244 _sqq._

Sir Harry Johnston, "British Mammals," (London, 1903), pp. 22 _sqq._

La Potherie, "Histoire de l'Amérique Septentrionale," (Paris, 1703),

Vol. 1, Lettre X., pp. 273 _sqq._

Casgrain, "Une Paroisse Canadienne au XVIIe Siècle," Oeuvres, Vol. 1,

pp. 530 _sqq._

Casgrain, "Eclaircissements sur La Pêche aux Marsouins," Ib. p. 563

_sqq._]

APPENDIX F (p. 122)

THE PRAYER OF COLONEL NAIRNE

(There are several versions of parts of the Prayer. It is, I think,

partly copied from some other source, partly Nairne's own composition.)

We believe in Thee our God; do thou strengthen our faith; We hope in

thee; confirm our hope; we repent of all our Sins; but do thou increase

our repentance. As our first beginning we worship thee; as our

benefactor we praise thee; and as our supreme protector we pray unto

thee that it may please thee, O God, to guide and lead us by thy

Providence, to keep us in obedience to thy justice, to comfort us by thy

mercie, and to protect us by thy Almighty power. We submit to thee all

our thoughts, words, and deeds, as well as our afflictions, pains, and

sufferings, and in thy name and for thy sake [we desire] to bear all

adversity with patience. We will nothing but what thou Willest, because

it is agreeable to thee. Give us grace that we may be attentive in

prayer, vigilant in our Conduct, and immovable in all good purposes.

Grant, most merciful Lord, that we may be true and just to those who put

their trust in us, that we may be Courteous and kind to all men, and

that in both our words and actions we may show them a good example.

Dispose our hearts to admire and adore thy goodness, to hate all errours

and evil ways. Assist us, most gracious God, in subduing our passions,

covetousness by liberality, anger by mildness, and lukewarmness by zeal

and fervency. Enable us to Conduct ourselves with prudence in all

transactions, to show courage in danger, patience in adversity, in

prosperity an humble will. Let thy Grace illuminate our understanding.

Direct our will and bless our souls. Make us diligent in curbing all

irregular affections and Zealous in imploring thy Grace, careful in

keeping thy Commandments and constant in working out our own salvation.

We humbly beseech thee, O Lord, to assist us in keeping our temper and

passions under due restraint to reason and to virtue, so as not only to

contribute to our internal peace of mind, honour, and reputation in this

life, but also to our eternal Comfort and happiness in the life to come;

and to defend us, O Lord, from the arts and subtilties which designing

men may work against us in order to lead us into evil or idle purposes.

Finally, O God, make us sensible how little is this world, how great thy

Heavens and how long will be thy blessed eternity. O! that we may well

prepare ourselves for Death and obtain of thee, O God, eternal life

through the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

APPENDIX G (p. 144)

THE CURÉS OF MALBAIE

Of the early missionaries I have found no record, though no doubt one

could be compiled from the episcopal archives. The registers at Malbaie

do not begin until 1790 but I find a note that in 1784 there were

sixty-five communicants. Isle aux Coudres, Les Eboulements and Malbaie

were then united under one curé, M. Compain, who lived at Isle aux

Coudres. He served Malbaie from 1775 to 1788. This curé has a share in

the legend of Père de La Brosse, which, since it is characteristic of

the region, is worth repeating.

Père de La Brosse was a much loved and saintly missionary priest,

dwelling in his later years at Tadousac. On the evening of April 11th,

1872, he played cards at Tadousac at the house of one of the officers of

the post. Rising to go at about nine o'clock he said to the company:

"I wish you good night, my dear friends, for the last time; for at

midnight I shall be a dead man. At that hour you will hear the bell of

my chapel ring. I beg you not to touch my body. To-morrow you will send

for M. Compain at Isle aux Coudres. He will be waiting for you at the

lower end of the island. Do not be afraid if a storm comes. I will

answer for those whom you shall send."

At first the company thought the good father was joking. None the less

did they become anxious to see what should happen. Watch in hand they

waited for the hour named. Exactly at midnight the bell of the chapel

rang three times. They ran to the chapel and there found Père de La

Brosse upon his _prie-dieu_ dead.

The next day, Sunday, a south-east wind blew with violence. Huge

white-capped waves made the great river so dangerous that the employés

of the post refused to undertake the journey to Isle aux Coudres of

forty or fifty miles in a canoe over a raging sea. But the chief clerk

at the post said to them: "You know well that the Father never deceived

you. You ought to have confidence in his word. Is there no one among you

who will carry out his last wish?"

Then three or four men agreed to go. When they put their canoe in the

water, behold a wonder! To the great surprise of every one the sea

subsided so that before them lay a pathway of calm water. To their

further amazement, they made the journey to Isle aux Coudres with

incredible rapidity. As they neared the shore they could see M. Compain

walking up and down, a book in his hand. When they were within hearing

distance he called out "Père de La Brosse is dead. You come to get me to

bury him. I have been waiting an hour for you." When the canoe touched

the shore M. Compain embarked and they carried him to Tadousac. At Isle

aux Coudres the bell of the chapel had distinctly sounded three times

at midnight as at Tadousac. M. Compain knew what it meant for Père de La

Brosse had told him what he told his friends at Tadousac. Other church

bells in the neighbourhood also rang miraculously on that night. Père de

La Brosse had said while curé at Isle Verte, "If I die elsewhere than

here, you will have certain knowledge of the fact at the moment of my

death."

The legend, the rather obscure motive of which is to emphasize the

saintly virtues of Père de La Brosse, is believed even to this day by

many simple people, hundreds of whom know it by heart. But some are

skeptical. "I should have been able to give more certainty to this

tradition," says M. Mailloux, the historian of Isle aux Coudres and also

its curé, "had I been able to make more extended investigation.

Meanwhile," he adds naïvely, "my investigations suffice to give a high

idea of the virtues of this admirable missionary."

There is little to record of the careers of curés at Malbaie subsequent

to M. Compain. Often the annals of the good are not exciting and this is

eminently true of these virtuous teachers. M. Charles Duchouquet was

curé of Isle aux Coudres and served Malbaie in 1790. In 1791 he was

succeeded by M. Raphael Paquet who lived at Les Eboulements. The first

curé resident at Malbaie was M. Keller who came in 1797. When he went

away in 1799 M. J.-B.-A. Marcheteau who was curé of Les Eboulements and

lived there, served Malbaie. In 1807 M. Marcheteau was succeeded by M.

Le Courtois, the second resident curé, a French émigré who remained at

Malbaie until 1822 and was, as we have seen, an intimate friend of the

Nairne family. For a long time M. Le Courtois carried on missionary work

among the Indians. In 1822 M. Duguay became curé; he went to Malbaie

after being curé at Isle aux Coudres. In 1832 he was succeeded by M.

Zephérin Lévêque who, in 1840, was followed by M. Alexis Bourret. This

curé was something of a scholar. He read the Greek fathers in the

original which is, I fancy, very unusual among the priests of Canada. In

1847 M. Beaudry became curé and in 1862 he was followed by M. Narcisse

Doucet. It was under M. Doucet that the great influx of summer visitors

began. Naturally they desired to have their own Protestant service on

Sunday and M. Doucet did all he could to prevent their getting a place

of worship. Protestantism having disappeared from Malbaie the curé was

not anxious to see it revived. But the last Mrs. Nairne, a Protestant,

then ruled at the Manor House, and she gave for the purpose of

Protestant worship the admirable site of the present Union Church. M.

Doucet was a man of considerable culture. The parish church, first built

in 1806, was remodelled in his time as also was the _presbytère_; he

built, too, the convent for girls. In 1891 M. B.-E. Leclercq became

curé--a good man of the peasant type, who retired in 1906 and died at

Malbaie in the following year. The present energetic curé is M. Hudon.

[For Père de La Brosse, see Casgrain, Oeuvres, Vol. 1, "Une Excursion

a L'Ile aux Coudres"; Mailloux, "Histoire de L'Isle aux Coudres"

(Montreal, 1879). M. Mailloux has particulars about some of the curés

named above. The dates for the successive curés are found in the

registers at Malbaie.]

INDEX

Abraham, Plains of, 30, 69, 74, 81, 123, 258, 262.

Amherst, General, 34.

Amiens, Peace of, 119.

Ange Gardien, 254, 255.

Arnold, Colonel Benedict, 66-70, 76, 78, 81.

Augustine, St., 236.

Austerlitz, Battle of, 129.

Avignon, 213.

Baie St. Paul, 2, 9, 16, 20, 64, 89, 183, 255.

Barnum, P.T., 280.

Baxter, J.P., 243.

Bazire, Marie, 11.

Beaudry, Père, 290.

Beauport, 252.

Beaupré, 16.

Beaver Dam, 156.

Beck, Miss, 170.

Bedard, Pierre, 150.

Begin, Mgr., 198.

Begon, M., Intendant, 14.

Belairs, 109.

Belmont Seigniory, 36.

Beluga Fishery on the St. Lawrence, 279-285.

Bencoolen, India, 59.

Berthier, 9, 69.

Bic, 250.

Bigot F., Intendant, 18, 280.

Blackburn, Hugh, 54, 55.

Bleakley, Mrs., 106.

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 112, 129, 133, 155, 169.

Bonneau, 10, 11, 109.

Bonner, G.T., 219.

Boucher, Pierre, 9.

Bouchette, Mr., 141.

Bougainville, Col., 29, 51, 259.

Boulogne, 129.

Bourdon, Jean, 8, 243.

Bourret, Père Alexis, 290.

Bowen, Judge E., 149, 150, 163-7.

Bowen, Mrs. E., 151.

Boyd, General, 162.

Brassard, 54.

Bréboeuf, 198.

Brock, Gen. Sir I., 151, 153.

Brosse, Père de la, 287-9.

Buchanan. Mr., 166.

Burlington Heights, 156, 158, 161.

Burlington Bay, 158, 159.

Butler, Captain, 86.

Cacouna, 88.

Caldwell, Colonel, 84, 85, 87, 148.

Cameron, Captain, 269.

Campbell, Lieut. Alex., 261.

Campbell, Lieut. Archibald, 261.

Campbell, Capt John, 261.

Cap à l'Aigle, 2, 11, 21, 238.

Cap aux Oies, 2, 11.

Cap Rouge, 259, 264.

Cap Tourmente, 2, 87, 108, 109, 253, 255.

Cape Diamond, 73-78, 270.

Carignan Regiment, 9, 34, 243.

Carleton, Sir Guy (Lord Dorchester) 22, 59, 64, 65, 69-78, 83, 206, 276.

Carleton Island, 84-7, 148.

Cartier, Jacques, 56, 244, 250, 279.

Casgrain, Abbé H.R., 245, 281-285.

Castle Dounie, 24.

Chambly, 9.

Champlain, Samuel de, 6, 7, 243.

Chandler, General, 156.

Chaperon, M., 224, 225.

Château, Richer, 254-5.

Chateauguay, Battle of, 161.

Chaudière River, 66.

Chauncey, Commodore, 158.

Chelmsford, 134.

Cherry Valley, 86.

Chicoutimi, 15.

Chippewa, 155.

Cimon family, 219.

Clark, John, 102.

Clive, Lord, 57.

Colbert, 8.

Columbo, India, 100, 101.

Compain, Père, 287-9.

Company of New France, 7, 8.

Comporté, Philippe Gaultier, Sieur de, 9-14, 223, 243.

Comporté, La, 15, 16.

Comporté, Lac à, 12, 229.

Continental Congress, 60, 63.

Contrecoeur, 89.

Cook, Captain, 22.

Coquart, Father Claude Godefroi, 16-18.

Cornwallis, General, 91.

Cox, Major, 276.

Craig, Sir James, 135, 142, 150.

Crysler's Farm, Battle of, 162.

Culloden, Battle of, 23, 33, 48.

Dalrymple, Col., 100.

Dambourges, M., 77.

D'Avezac, Editor of Cartier's Works, 243.

Dean, Captain, 269.

De Lass, 138.

Detroit, 151, 155.

_Diana_, the, 270.

Dobie, Richard, 106.

Dorchester, Lord, (See Carleton, Sir Guy).

Doucet, Père Narcisse, 290.

Douglas, Lieut., 261.

Douglass, Commodore, 276.

Duchouquet, Père C., 289.

Dufour, Joseph, 16-18, 20, 56, 109.

Duggan, E.J., 219.

Duggan, W.E., 219.

Duguay, Père, 289.

Dundass, 118.

Durham, 127.

East India Co'y, 57, 58.

Edinburgh, 94, 95, 101, 119, 125, 127, 128, 133.

Edinburgh Castle, 26, 169, 170.

Elibank, Lord, 35.

Emerson, Parson, 67.

Emery, Christiana, (Mrs. Nairne), 56.

Enos, Colonel, 67.

_Fell_, the, 70.

Fisher, Dr., 115.

Fitzgibbon, Lieut, 156.

Forbes, Duncan, of Culloden, 23.

Fort Erie, 154.

Fort George, 154-157, 160.

Forty Mile Creek, 156, 159.

Foucault, Seigniory of, 36.

Foulon, Anse de, 256.

Fraser, Alex., Jr., 252, 261, 267.

Fraser, John Malcolm, 219, 249.

Fraser, Malcolm, Seigneur of Mount Murray, 21, 28, 30-41, 49, 54, 55,

65, 74, 75, 82, 92, 93, 95, 101, 105, 106, 108, 114, 117, 120,

127-132, 136, 142-147, 149, 152, 158, 160, 165, 171, 178, 219,

222, "Journal," 249-271, 276.

Fraser, Ensign Malcolm, killed, 267.

Fraser, Simon, Lord Lovat, 24-26, 243, 267.

Fraser, Colonel Simon, Commander of the 78th Regiment, 25, 26, 31, 32,

249, 251, 252, 261, 264-267.

Fraser, Simon, Explorer, 26.

Fraser, Simon, Captain, 261.

Fraser, William, 219.

Fraserville, Seigniory of, 39.

Frenchtown, 154.

Frontenac, 196.

Gagnon, Mgr., 245.

Gaspé, Philippe Aubert de, 109, 209-212, 245.

Gaultier, Philippe, (See Comporté).

Gérin, Léon, 244.

Gibraltar, 129, 133, 134, 135, 136.

Gilchrist, Mr., 47, 53, 55, 60, 61, 223, 225.

Glasgow, 119.

Goose, Cape, 2.

Gordon, Lieut. Cosmo, 267.

Gorham, Captain, 20, 34, 36, 251, 255.

Graeme, General, 96.

Gregorson, Ensign, 261.

Gros, Jean, 225.

"_Growler_", the, 160.

Haldimand, General, 46, 83, 85, 87, 92.

Hale, Mr. and Mrs., 149.

Halifax, 150.

Harrison, General, 155.

Hazen, Captain, 265.

Hazeur, François, 12, 13, 14.

Hazeur, J.T., 15.

Hazeur, P. de l'Orme, 15.

Henry, Dr., 201, 223-227, 245.

Hepburn, 42, 59, 114, 118, 121.

Higham, Mrs., 219.

Holmes, Admiral, 249.

Hubert, Bishop of Quebec, 46

Hudon, M., Jesuit, 198.

Hudon, Père, 290.

Hudson Bay, 14, 279.

Hull, General, 151.

India, 96, 99, 100, 172.

Isle aux Coudres, 2, 6, 46, 64, 250, 287-289.

Isle aux Noix, 82, 83, 84, 91.

Isle Verte, 289.

Jena, Battle of, 129.

Jervis, John, Lord St. Vincent, 22.

Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 35.

Johnston, Sir John, 85.

Johnston, Sir William, 138.

_Julia_, the, 160.

Kamouraska, 89, 108, 211, 212, 224, 285.

Keller, Père, 289.

Kennebec, River, 66.

Ker, Alick, 126, 127, 135, 137.

Ker, James, 98, 112, 114, 117, 118, 121, 125, 126, 133, 134, 137, 138,

144, 150, 169, 170.

Ker, Mrs., 121.

Kingston, 148, 151, 152, 153, 161.

La Fouille, 10.

La Grange, 56.

La Motte-Saint-Heray, 10.

La Potherie, 285.

La Terrière, Dr., 141.

Lake Champlain, 36, 82, 161.

Lake Ontario, 9, 84, 148, 156, 161.

Lake St. John, 15.

Langan, Mrs., 106.

Lanoraye, 10.

Lauderdale, Earl of, 133.

Lauzon, Seigniory of, 36, 210.

Laverdière, Editor of Champlain's Works, 243.

Le Courtois, Père, 143, 164, 166, 172, 193, 289.

Leclercq, Père, B.-E, 290.

Le Maistre, Major, 244.

Le Moine, Sir J.M., 243.

Les Eboulements, 2, 14, 37, 46, 64, 109, 141, 287, 289.

_Leo_, the, 159.

_Leostoff_, the, 269, 270.

Leslie, Miss C., 173, 221.

Lévêque, Père, 289.

Levis, 36.

Lévis, Marquis de, 32, 220, 264.

Longueuil, 9.

Lorette, 262.

Lotbinière, Père de, 71.

Louisbourg, 29, 42, 119, 129, 221, 250.

Lovat, Baroness, 24.

Lovat, Lord, (See Fraser, Simon).

Lyman, Mr., 171.

Mabane, Miss, 108.

McCord, Mr., 141.

McDonald, Capt. Donald, 265, 267.

McDonald, Lieut. Hector, 267.

McDonnell, Alex., 259.

MacDonnell, Capt. John, 86, 259, 261.

MacDonnell, Lieut. Ronald, 261.

McGregor, Lieut., 271.

MacKenzie, Sir Alex., 111.

MacKenzie, Alex., author, 243.

MacKenzie, Ensign, 261.

MacKinnon, Lieut., 82-4.

McLean, Col. Allan, 65, 275, 276.

McNicol, John, (See Nairne, John McNicol).

McNicol, Peter, 172, 173.

McNicol, Mrs. Peter, 93, 107, 114, 130, 169, 172, 173, 219, 221, 290.

McNicol, Thomas, 172.

McPherson, Capt., 252, 259, 261.

Madawaska, Seigniory of, 36.

Madison, President, 150.

Mailloux, Père, 289.

Maldon, 128.

Malteste, notary, 52.

Marchand, Louis, 12.

Marcheteau, Père, 289.

Marie, Catherine de St. Augustin, 198, 199.

Marlboro', India, 57.

Masson, Mr., 106.

Matthews, Captain, 85, 92, 244.

Micmac Indians, 55.

Mingan seigniory, 14.

Mississaga Indians, 85.

Mistassini, 15.

Mohawk Valley, 85.

Montcalm, Marquis de, 19, 241, 251, 252, 260.

Montgomery, General R., 69-78, 273.

Montgomery, Capt., 253, 254.

Montmorency, 251, 253, 255.

Morel, Abbé, 183.

Morgan, 76.

Morrison, Colonel, 162, 165.

Mount Hermon Cemetery, 122, 123, 220.

Mount Murray Seigniory, 21, 38.

Mount Ventoux, 236.

Mountain, Salter, 152.

Munro, W. Bennett, 245.

Murray, Alex., 35.

Murray, Admiral George, 35.

Murray, General James, 30-38, 42, 43, 51, 178, 207, 243, 254, 255, 258,

262, 272.

Nairne, Anne, 56, 94, 125.

Nairne, Baron, 27.

Nairne, Christine, 93, 94, 99, 101, 106-108, 114, 121, 130, 138, 142,

145, 146, 150, 151, 164, 169, 171, 172.

Nairne, John, First Seigneur of Murray Bay, Chap's. I-V., 178, 184, 195,

209, 219-223.

Nairne, John, Mrs., 56, 149, 161, 165, 168, 172.

Nairne, John, Captain, 93, 94, 95-101, 221, 277-279.

Nairne, John Leslie, 174, 221.

Nairne, John McNicol, 172-174, 218, 219.

Nairne, Magdalen (See McNicol, Mrs. Peter).

Nairne, Mary (Polly), 93, 101, 107, 121, 124, 126, 138, 142, 147, 160,

169, 172.

Nairne, Miss, 27, 101, 117, 273.

Nairne, Robert, 57-59.

Nairne, Captain Thomas, 93, 101, 102, 107, 121, 124-167, 220, 221, 232.

Neill, Mr., of Bana, 259.

Nelson, Lord, 114, 153, 205.

Newfoundland Regiment, 139, 147, 143.

New Orleans, Battle at, 170.

Niagara, 148, 151, 154-156.

Niagara Falls, 155.

Niagara River, 148, 154.

Noël, Jacques, 207.

Northumberland County, 115, 141.

_Oneida_, the, 153.

Orleans, Island of, 1, 253, 255.

Panet, Louis, 225.

Papineau, L.J., 205, 218.

Paquet, Père Raphael, 289.

Parker, Sir Hyde, 114, 153.

Parsons' House, 82.

Pitt, William, Earl of Chatham, 23, 26, 34.

Pitt, William, 112, 118.

Pius VIII., Pope, 172.

Plassey, Battle of, 57.

Plenderleath, Colonel, 163, 166.

Point Levi, 80, 250, 251, 253, 255, 256, 261, 263.

Pointe au Fer, 82, 83.

Pointe au Pic, 47, 104, 228, 236, 281.

Pointe aux Trembles, 15.

"Porpoise" Fishery (See Beluga).

Prés de Ville Barrier, 75.

Prescott, 152, 153.

Prevost, Sir George, 150.

Procter, General, 154, 171.

Quebec Act, 59-61.

Quebec, Protestant Bishop of, 48, 50, 165.

Quebec, Roman Catholic Bishop of, 45, 51.

Queenston Heights, 151, 153.

Reeve, Colonel, 219.

Reeve, John Fraser, 219.

Reeve, Mrs., 219.

Richelieu, Robert, 70.

Riedesel, General, 89, 91.

Riverin, 13.

Rivière du Loup, 36, 39.

Rivière Noire, 37, 226.

Rivière Ouelle, 183, 280, 281, 283, 285.

Roderick, Lieut., 259.

Ross, Mr., 43.

Ross, Captain, 254, 259.

Roy, J.E., 244.

_Royal George_, the, 148, 151.

Sackett's Harbour, 161.

Saguenay River, 5, 183, 228, 255.

Saguenay County, 172.

Saint Anne de Beaupré, 64, 254.

Saint Charles River, 257, 258, 259, 260.

Sainte Foy, 73, 259, 262, 264.

Sainte Irénée, 233.

Saint Jean Seigniory, 36.

Saint Joachim, 253.

Saint Matthew's Church, Quebec, 219.

St. Roch's, Quebec, 76, 88.

St. Roch, 88.

Sans Bruit Seigniory, 36.

Sault au Matelot, 76, 77.

Schomberg, Capt., 270.

Scott, Sir Walter, 27, 170.

Sewell, Mr., 166.

Sicily, 137, 138.

Siegfried, André, 245.

Sillery, 264.

Smith, Justin H., 244.

Sorel, 9, 90, 91.

Soumande, Pierre, 12.

Stadacona, 5.

Sterling, 56.

Stevenson, James, 119.

Stewart, Andrew, 172.

Stewart, Lieut Chas., 33.

Stewart, Mr., 107.

Stoney Creek, 156.

Stuart, Prince Charles, 22, 27.

Sulte, B., 243.

Swanton, Capt, 270.

Syracuse, 137, 138.

Taché, Madame, 211, 212.

Tadousac, 6, 7, 14, 15, 19, 88, 183, 228, 287-289.

Talon, Jean, 8, 11.

Taschereau, Hon G., 106.

Ten Mile Creek, 159.

Têtu, Mgr. H., 15, 245.

Thames River, Ontario, 155.

Thompson, James, 244.

Three Rivers, 69, 150.

Toronto, 148, 155, 159.

Trafalgar, Battle of, 129, 205.

Tremblay, 109.

Usburn, Mr., 106.

_Vanguard_, the, 270.

Vaudreuil, Marquis de, 34.

Verchères, 9, 89.

Villeneuve, Joseph, 53.

Wall, Captain, 152.

Walpole, Sir R., 23.

Warren, John, 119.

Washington, 155.

Washington, George, 65.

Waterloo, Battle of, 205.

Wauchope, Mr., 277.

Wellington, Duke of, 205.

West Indies, 95.

Wilkes, John, 35.

Wilkinson, General, 156.

Winchester, General, 154.

Winder, General, 156.

Wingfield, Major, 223.

Wolfe, General James, 19, 20, 22, 23, 28, 29, 31, 66, 241, 252, 260.

Wolfe's Cove, 29, 68, 75, 256.

Wooster, General, 81.

Würtele, F.C., 244.

Yeo, Sir James, 154, 156-159.

York, Duke of, 96.

York (Toronto), 148, 155, 156, 159, 160.

Yorktown, 91.

Yukon River, 279.