the 8th, a copy of your answer to Dr Berkenhout, which is noble
and frank. These are not qualities the most cherished in England,
but it is good that they should know there, that your intentions
are not different from those of your constituents, and that they
in vain attempt your and their fidelity. Agreeable to our advices
from England, the gales of wind towards the end of last month have
much disordered the numerous convoys, that were prepared for the two
Americas. I am going to acquaint M. de Sartine of the one that is
about sailing from Cork.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 15th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Our enemies are in as much confusion and disorder as possible.
Admiral Keppel’s trial, which is considered as an assassination, has
revolted all men’s minds. Those of Sir Hugh Palliser and the Howes
are soon to follow. The demon of discord has lighted among them his
most destructive torch. They have made some attempts on the landed
property in Wales, which is likely to raise that principality against
them if they persist; and the king is not remarkable for the wisdom
of retracting from what he has once commenced. It is at present by
no means improbable, that they will have intestine commotions to
employ them in the course of this year, and their possessions are
every where so ill provided, that many of them must fall an easy
prey to our ally. The parting proclamation and manifesto of their
Commissioners has disgraced them much in Europe; and the counter
manifesto of Congress is generally approved.
A large West India fleet and transport, victuallers of two hundred
sail, with twentyfive sail of men of war to convoy them, were lately
dispersed by a terrible storm in the channel. A most valuable East
Indiaman was sunk to the bottom by the Russel, a 74 gun ship, which
was greatly damaged. Many of their transports were forced into the
harbors of France and captured. The loss, damage, and delay, are
very considerable, and the more distressing to them, as they are
with great reason under infinite apprehensions for the fate of their
Islands. It is supposed, that only five of the men of war are to
continue with them quite to the West Indies.
There are many doubts of their being able to raise the loan they
want, and it certainly will not be procured but on most ruinous
terms. In short, their distress begins to be proportioned to their
deserts, and is only exceeded by the folly of their councils.
There is not yet any appearance of a pacification in Germany;
and the city of Amsterdam is exerting its utmost to preserve the
States-General in their neutrality.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
DR PRICE TO ARTHUR LEE.
Newington-Green, January 18th, 1779.
Dear Sir,
Your most kind and excellent letter, together with the letter
conveying the resolution of Congress, has made the deepest
impression on my mind. I entreat you to accept yourself, and to
deliver to Doctor Franklin and Mr Adams, my best acknowledgments.
Though I cannot hesitate about the reply addressed to the honorable
Commissioners, and through them to Congress, which accompanies this
letter, yet so flattering a testimony of the regard of an assembly,
which I consider as the most respectable and important in the world,
cannot but give me the highest pleasure, and I shall always reckon it
among the first honors of my life.
There is an indolence growing upon me as I grow older, which will
probably prevent me forever from undertaking any public employment.
When I am in my study and among my books, and have nothing to
encumber me, I am happy; but so weak are my spirits, that the
smallest hurry and even the consciousness of having anything to
do which _must_ be done, will sometimes distress and overpower me.
What I have written on the subject of finances has been chiefly an
amusement, which I have pursued at my leisure, with some _hope_
indeed, but very little _expectation_ of its being useful. Nothing
can be more melancholy than to see so many great European States
depressed and crippled by having debts, which have been the growth
of ages, and which in the end must ruin them, but which a small
appropriation, faithfully applied, might have always kept within the
bounds of safety. This is particularly true of this country. Here our
debts must soon produce a shocking catastrophe. The new world will,
I hope, take warning, and profit by the follies, corruptions, and
miseries of the old.
My pamphlets on the principles of Government and the American war,
were extorted from me by my judgment and my feelings. They have
brought upon me a great deal of abuse; but abundant amends have
been made me by the approbation of many of the best men here and
abroad, and particularly by that vote of Congress, to which I suppose
they may have contributed. When you write to any of the members of
that assembly, be so good as to represent me as a zealous friend
to liberty, who is anxiously attentive to the great struggle in
which they are engaged, and who wishes earnestly, for the sake of
the world, that British America may preserve its liberty, set an
example of moderation and magnanimity, and establish such forms
of government, as may render it an _asylum_ for the virtuous and
oppressed in other countries.
Tell Dr Franklin that he is one of the friends in whom, while in this
country, I always delighted, and for whom I must ever retain the
greatest esteem and affection. We are now separated from one another,
never probably to meet again on this side the grave. My connexions
and state of health and spirits are such, that I must stay in this
country and wait its fate. I do this with a painful concern for the
infatuation, that has brought it into its present danger, but at the
same time, with indifference as far as my own personal interest is
concerned, and a perfect complacency in the consciousness of having
endeavored to act the part of a good citizen, and to serve the best
of all causes. Will you further mention me particularly to Mr Adams,
and inform him, that I greatly respect his character.
Some good friends of yours and mine are well, but I differ from them
at present in opinion.
Under a grateful sense of your friendship, and with regard and wishes
of all possible happiness,
I am, dear Sir, &c.
RICHARD PRICE.
JOHN ADAMS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, February 11th, 1779.
Sir,
As your Excellency reads English perfectly well, my first request is,
that you would do me the favor to read this without a translation,
after which I submit it to your Excellency to make what use of it you
shall think proper.
I have hitherto avoided in my single capacity giving your Excellency
any trouble by letter or conversation; but the present emergency
demands that I should ask the favor to explain my sentiments, either
by letter or in person. If you will permit a personal interview,
I am persuaded I can make myself understood. If you prefer a
correspondence, I will lay open my heart in writing, before your
Excellency.
It is the address to the people in America under the name of Mr
Silas Deane, that has occasioned this boldness in me. It is to me
the most unexpected and unforeseen event that has happened. I hope
your Excellency will not conclude from thence, that I despair of
the Commonwealth. Far otherwise. I know that the body of the people
in the United States stand immovable against Great Britain; and I
hope that this address of Mr Deane’s (although it will occasion much
trouble to individuals) will produce no final detriment to the common
cause; but on the contrary, that it will occasion so thorough an
investigation of several things as will correct many abuses.
It is my indispensable duty upon this occasion to inform your
Excellency, without consulting either of my colleagues, that the
honorable Arthur Lee was as long ago as 1770 appointed by the House
of Representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, of which I had then the
honor to be a member, their agent at the Court of London in case of
the death or absence of Dr Franklin. This honorable testimony was
given to Mr Lee by an assembly in which he had no natural interest,
on account of his inflexible attachment to the American cause, and of
the abilities of which he had given many proofs in its defence. From
that time to the year 1774 he held a constant correspondence with
several of those gentlemen, who stood foremost in the Massachusetts
Bay against the innovations and illegal encroachments of Great
Britain. This correspondence I had an opportunity of seeing, and I
assure your Excellency from my own knowledge, that it breathed the
most inflexible attachment, and the most ardent zeal in the cause
of his country. From September 1774 to November 1777, I had the
honor to be in Congress, and the opportunity to see his letters to
Congress, to their committees, and to several of their individual
members. Through the whole of both these periods, he communicated the
most constant and certain intelligence, which was received from any
individual within my knowledge, and since I have had the honor to be
joined with him here, I have ever found in him the same fidelity and
zeal; and have not a glimmering of suspicion, that he ever maintained
an improper correspondence in England, or held any conference or
negotiation with any body from thence, without communicating it to
your Excellency and to his colleagues. I am confident, therefore,
that every insinuation and suspicion against him of infidelity to the
United States, or to their engagements with his Majesty, is false and
groundless, and will assuredly be proved to be so.
The two honorable brothers of Mr Lee, who are members of Congress, I
have long and intimately known; and of my own knowledge I can say,
that no men have discovered more zeal in support of the sovereignty
of the United States, and in promoting from the beginning a
friendship and alliance with France, and there is nothing of which I
am more firmly persuaded, than that every insinuation that is thrown
out to the disadvantage of the two Mr Lees in Congress is groundless.
It would be too tedious to enter at present into a more particular
consideration of that address. I shall therefore conclude this
letter, already too long, by assuring your Excellency, that I am,
with the most entire consideration, your most, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, February 13th, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing
to me the 11th instant, and agreeable to your desire I have not
submitted its contents to the inspection of a translator. I am no
less concerned than yourself, Sir, at the appeal, which Mr Silas
Deane has made to the people of America. It does not belong to me
to qualify this step; your respective sovereigns must judge of the
measure, and decide the differences which have arisen between their
Commissioners. The manner in which you have been treated here,
conjointly and separately, must have convinced you, that if we had
been informed of your disputes we should have paid no regard to them,
and the personal esteem which we have endeavored to show each of the
Commissioners is a proof, that we have not adopted the prejudices
with which it seems it has been endeavored to inspire America, and
the foundation of which is unknown to us.
Although this disagreeable disunion is foreign to us, and it becomes
us by all means to refrain from taking part therein, I shall not be
the less pleased to see you, Sir, and whatever day you fix will be
agreeable to me. I only request you to acquaint me beforehand with
the time you shall choose.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.[41]
[41] When Mr Deane’s address reached Paris, Mr Lee ascertained that it
was intended to be published in the _Courier de l’Europe_, and he wrote
to Count de Vergennes requesting him to order it to be suppressed. The
following answer was returned.
Versailles, February 9th, 1779.
Sir,
I received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing to me
the 7th instant. I had no knowledge of the writing it mentioned, and
yesterday I was about taking measures that it should not be inserted in
the Courier de l’Europe, just as that paper was sent to me, wherein I
found the writing in question, so that it was out of my power to second
your wishes. Do not doubt, Sir, of the regret I experience on account
of this disappointment.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, February 15th, 1779.
The Count de Vergennes has the honor to present his compliments to Mr
Lee, and to inform him, that if he will take the trouble of coming to
Versailles on Wednesday or Thursday next, as shall be most convenient
to him, he will be very glad to converse with him.
_Note by Mr Lee._
Went next day to Count de Vergennes, showed him my books concerning
the treaties, and the French and English propositions. It was agreed,
that I should have the passages translated for him to lay before the
King and Council. He said, that Mr Deane’s charges were inapt, that
it was surprising he should bring them into his personal dispute,
that he had much wished Mr François to go as Minister to America.
Upon my saying, the cause of Mr Deane’s recall was his having sent
over so many officers, he said it was what he always disapproved
of, because he knew that multitudes of those who were applying were
neither officers nor any thing else.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, February 18th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to communicate to you herewith copies of resolutions
of Congress, of September the 11th and 14th, and October the 22d.
I shall endeavor strictly to comply on my part with the commands
of Congress contained in the latter, which are at the same time
perfectly agreeable to my inclinations.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, February 18th, 1779.
Sir,
I this moment had the honor of receiving yours of this date,
containing copies of the resolutions of Congress of September the
11th and 14th, and October the 22d. I shall do myself the honor of
paying my compliments to you on your appointment tomorrow about 12
o’clock.
Nothing can be more agreeable to me than your intention of
cultivating the harmony recommended in the last resolve, because I
always lamented the interruption of it as detrimental to the public,
and dishonorable to ourselves.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, February 18th, 1779.
Sir,
I beg you will be pleased to send me by the bearer all the public
papers in your hands belonging to this department.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, February 21st, 1779.
Sir,
Your grandson delivered to me, between 10 and 12 o’clock on the 19th,
your letter dated the 18th, in which you desire I “will send, by the
bearer all the papers belonging to this department.”
I have no papers belonging to the department of Minister
Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles. But if you mean, Sir, the
papers relating to the transactions of our late joint Commission, I
am yet to learn, and cannot conceive on what reason or authority any
one of those who were formerly in that commission can alone claim or
demand possession of all the papers evidencing their transactions, in
which, if they should appear to have been equally concerned, they are
equally responsible.
Of these papers Mr Deane, by his own account, took and secured such
as he chose. The rest, a very few excepted, you have. Many of these I
have never even seen, but have been favored with copies. Of the few
originals in my possession, there are, I know, duplicates of the most
part at Passy, because it was for that reason only that I took them.
The rest are necessary evidence to answer Mr Deane’s accusations.
If it were indeed agreed, that all the papers belonging to our late
commission should be brought together, numbered, docketed, and
deposited where the late Commissioners, and they only, might have
access to them, I would very readily contribute the few I have. But
on no other terms can I part with them, and must therefore desire you
to command me in some other service.
Still, however, I am in the judgment of Congress, and if upon our
mutual representations, should you think it worth troubling them
with, they should be of a different opinion, I shall abide by their
decision, and obey their orders.
I hope your gout is better, and have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, February 25th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I received the remarks of Mr Deane, dated the 12th of October, 1778,
on my letter of the 1st of June, 1778.[42]
Mr Deane endeavors to mislead Congress from the real point of my
information, which is, that from the papers he left, no satisfactory
account could be obtained of the millions that had been expended, to
that of the banker’s accounts, the fairness and validity of which, as
far as they go, I never questioned.
The banker’s account proves what I said, _that millions have been
expended_; but it does not prove what I wanted to be satisfied of,
that the value of this expenditure has been received by the Agents
of Congress in Europe. Neither their receipts nor the bills of
lading appeared among the papers he left at Passy. Upon a scrap of
paper Mr Deane had left notes, that such and such sums were paid in
general for such and such purposes. This was a manner of accounting
equally mercantile and satisfactory. It was not even so explicit as
the summary of the banker’s account he has subjoined to the remarks
I am answering. It never specified the quantity, and not often the
quality, of what the sums were paid for. It was not accompanied
with accounts and receipts from the persons, to whom the money was
said to have been paid; nor the receipts of our agent, to whom the
things must be supposed to have been delivered. It is manifest why
the agent, Mr Williams, did not and will not to this moment give
receipts, specifying the quantity and quality of what he received for
the public use, because such receipts would make him responsible to
the public for their contents; which now he is not.
This then is distinctly the subject of my complaint, that Mr Deane,
who assumed to himself the management of those affairs, left them
in such confusion, that neither was there any usual or satisfactory
evidence of the thing said to have been delivered, nor were there
any means left of knowing how to settle the accounts that remained
unpaid, so as to do justice to the public. There were no books of
accounts; nothing but a confused mass of motley refuse papers,
without order, reference, or effect. I do not, nor ever did say, that
Mr Deane has not these regular, responsible accounts and vouchers,
but I said, and still say, he did not leave them with us. Perhaps
they are among those he informs the public he had _placed in safety_;
that is, in fitter hands than those of the Commissioners appointed by
Congress.
Mr Deane informs us, that there are but two sides of an account; but
he ought to know, that there also ought to be to every mercantile
account, receipts, invoices, and bills of lading. Had he ever taken
the pains to procure these and left them for our satisfaction, he
would have saved himself much discredit, and me much trouble; the
public would have been secured and satisfied.
Mr Deane lumps 244,285 livres, as had and expended in common by the
Commissioners. But this is not the fact. I had nothing to do with
what the other Commissioners received. What I took for my expenses
I gave separate and distinct receipts for. By misstating what I say
of my expenses, he would induce Congress to suppose, that I had half
of that sum. This too is not a fact, as my receipts will show. When
I said, that from my experience I judged a public minister could
not live on less than three thousand a year, I did not mean that I
had actually spent that sum; but that, as the expenses of a public
Minister must be greater than those of a Commissioner, I could
judge from my experience of the expense of the latter, what would
be necessary for the former. I had not been a public Minister, and
therefore could not speak from experience in that, or from any other
judgment.[43]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
[42] See Silas Deane’s Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 139, 148.
[43] Mr Lee wrote a very long letter to the President of Congress,
dated February 10th, vindicating himself against statements of Silas
Deane. This letter, somewhat altered, was published under the title
of “_Extracts from a Letter written to the President of Congress,
by the Honorable Arthur Lee, in Answer to a Libel published in the
Pennsylvania Gazette, of the 5th of December, 1778, by Silas Deane; in
which every Charge or Insinuation against him in that Libel is fully
and clearly refuted. Philadelphia, 1780._”
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Nantes, March 7th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had not the honor of receiving yours of the 29th of October until
the 13th of February. The two pieces it enclosed from Mr Deane, I
suppose it is expected I should answer. And I shall do it probably by
the next opportunity.
I hope it will not be expected of me to continue answering the
assertions of Mr Deane. If he produces any evidence to support his
assertions, they may be worth attention, but it is an endless as well
as fruitless and unbecoming business, to be refuting all that such a
man is capable of inventing.
On the 18th of February I received from Dr Franklin a copy of the
resolution of Congress, appointing him Minister Plenipotentiary at
the Court of Versailles, accompanied with an assurance, that the
resolution of Congress recommending harmony and confidence among the
Commissioners was agreeable to him.[44] I returned an assurance of my
sentiments being the same. The next day I received a letter from him
dated also the 18th, and demanding of me the immediate delivery of
all the public papers in my possession. I replied, that as the papers
belonging to the late Commissioners were, or ought to be, vouchers
of their joint transactions, they should be equally accessible to
them all; but that Mr Deane, by his own confession, had taken and
secured to himself all that he chose, that most of what remained were
in his (Dr Franklin’s) possession, and of the very few that were in
mine most of them were duplicates, and the remainder necessary for
my defence against Mr Deane’s accusation. But, however, I was in the
judgment of Congress whether I ought to give them up, and should obey
their orders.
I think it proper to inform you, that Dr Franklin, immediately upon
the receipt of the resolution of Congress appointing him Minister
Plenipotentiary, took into his sole management what was before under
the Commissioners, without showing us any authority for so doing,
or any revocation of our joint commission. To this we submitted
without the least question, supposing it probable, that such was the
intention of Congress, and believing that any dispute about it would
destroy all possibility of harmony, and do more injury to the public
than any possible good that could be derived from the contest.
It is supposed that peace is certain in Germany, and it has been
procured chiefly by the mediation of this Court.
Our enemies have derived considerable credit from their late
success in the West Indies, and their superiority there, which
gives expectation of much greater. This has happened in a favorable
moment for effecting their loan with great facility and success. The
consequence will be their carrying on the war with new vigor; and you
must therefore prepare for another, and perhaps another campaign.
With regard to the rest of Europe, it remains as when I wrote you
last.
It is probable, that the establishment of peace in Germany will
produce some movements among them. But, at present, it is not
possible to say with precision what they will be.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
[44] In a letter to Mr Lovell, one of the Committee of Foreign Affairs,
dated June 2d, 1779, Dr Franklin writes as follows.