There have not been wanting reformers in Hinduism, and the ultimate

object of their preaching seems to have been the abolition of the

caste system. The totem-clans, perhaps, supposed that each species

of animals and plants which they distinguished had a different

kind of life, the qualities of each species being considered as

part of its life. This belief may have been the original basis of

the idea of difference of blood arising from nobility of lineage

or descent, and it may also have been that from which the theory of

caste distinctions was derived. Though the sacrificial food of each

caste is the same, yet its members may have held themselves to be

partaking of a different sacrificial feast and absorbing a different

life; just as the sacrificial feasts and the gods of the different

Greek and Latin city-states were held to be distinct and hostile,

and a citizen of one state could not join in the sacrificial feast

of another, though the gods and sacrificial animals might be as a

matter of fact the same. And the earth-goddess of each village was a

separate form or part of the goddess, so that her land should only be

tilled by the descendants of the cultivators who were in communion

with her. The severe caste penalties attached to getting vermin in

a wound, involving a long period of complete ostracism and the most

elaborate ceremonies of purification, may perhaps be explained by the

idea that the man so afflicted has in his body an alien and hostile

life which is incompatible with his forming part of the common life

of the caste or subcaste. The leading feature of the doctrines of

the Hindu reformers has been that there is only one kind of life,

which extends through the whole of creation and is all equally

precious. Everything that lives has a spark of the divine life and

hence should not be destroyed. The belief did not extend to vegetable

life, perhaps because the true nature of the latter was by then

partly realised, while if the consumption of vegetable life had been

prohibited the sect could not have existed. The above doctrine will

be recognised as a comparatively simple and natural expansion of the

beliefs that animals have self-conscious volitional life and that each

species of animals consists of one common life distributed through its

members. If the true nature of individual animals and plants had been

recognised from the beginning, it is difficult to see how the idea of

one universal life running through them all could have been conceived

and have obtained so large a degree of acceptance. As the effect of

such a doctrine was that all men were of the same blood and life,

its necessary consequence was the negation of caste distinctions. The

transmigration of souls followed as a moral rule apportioning reward

and punishment for the actions of men. The soul passed through a cycle

of lives, and the location or body of its next life, whether an animal

of varying importance or meanness, or a human being in different

classes of society, was determined by its good or evil actions in

previous lives. Finally, those souls which had been purified of all

the gross qualities appertaining to the body were released from the

cycle of existence and reabsorbed into the divine centre or focus of

life. In the case of the Buddhists and Jains the divine centre of life

seems to have been conceived of impersonally. The leading authorities

on Buddhism state that its founder's doctrine was pure atheism, but one

may suggest that the view seems somewhat improbable in the case of a

religion promulgated at so early a period. And on such a hypothesis it

is difficult to understand either the stress laid on the escape from

life as the highest aim or the sanctity held to attach to all kinds

of animal life. But these doctrines follow naturally on the belief

in a divine centre or focus of life from which all life emanates

for a time, to be ultimately reabsorbed. The Vaishnava reformers,

who arose subsequently, took the sun or the spirit of the sun as the

divine source of all life. They also preached the sanctity of animal

life, the transmigration of souls, and the final absorption of the

purified soul into the divine centre of life. The abolition of caste

was generally a leading feature of their doctrine and may have been

its principal social aim. The survival of the individual soul was not

a tenet of the earlier reformers, though the later ones adopted it,

perhaps in response to the growing perception of individuality. But

even now it is doubtful how far the separate existence of the

individual soul after it has finally left the world is a religious

dogma of the Hindus. The basis of Hindu asceticism is the necessity

of completely freeing the soul or spirit from all the appetites and

passions of the body before it can be reabsorbed into the god. Those

who have so mortified the body that the life merely subsists in it,

almost unwillingly as it were, and absolutely unaffected by human

desires or affections or worldly events, have rendered their individual

spark of life capable of being at once absorbed into the divine life

and equal in merit to it, while still on earth. Thus Hindu ascetics

in the last or perfect stage say, 'I am God,' or 'I am Siva,' and are

revered by their disciples and the people as divine. Both the Buddhists

and Jains lay the same stress on the value of asceticism as enabling

the soul to attain perfection through complete detachment from the

appetites and passions of the body and the cares of the world; and

the deduction therefore seems warranted that the end of the perfect

soul would be a similar reabsorption in the divine soul.

97. Decline of the caste system.

The caste system has maintained its vigour unimpaired either by

the political vicissitudes and foreign invasions of India or by

Muhammadan persecution. Except where it has been affected by European

education and inventions, Hindu society preserved until recently

a remarkably close resemblance to that of ancient Greece and Rome

in the classical period. But several signs point to the conclusion

that the decay of caste as the governing factor of Indian society is

in sight. The freedom in selection of occupation which now obtains

appears to strike at the root of the caste system, because the relative

social status and gradation of castes is based on their traditional

occupations. When in a large number of the principal castes the

majority of the members have abandoned their traditional occupation

and taken freely to others, the relative status of castes becomes a

fiction, which, though it has hitherto subsisted, cannot apparently be

indefinitely maintained. The great extension of education undertaken by

Government and warmly advocated by the best Indian opinion exercises

an analogous influence. Education is free to all, and, similarly,

in the careers which it opens to the most successful boys there is

no account of caste. Thus members of quite low castes obtain a good

social position and, as regards them personally, the prejudices and

contempt for their caste necessarily fall into abeyance. The process

must, probably, in time extend to general social toleration. The

educated classes are also coming to regard the restrictions on food

and drink, and on eating and drinking with others, as an irksome and

unnecessary bar to social intercourse, and are gradually abandoning

them. This tendency is greatly strengthened by the example and social

contact of Europeans. Finally, the facilities for travelling and the

democratic nature of modern travel have a very powerful effect. The

great majority of Hindus of all castes are obliged by their comparative

poverty to avail themselves of the cheap third-class fares, and have

to rub shoulders together in packed railway carriages. Soon they

begin to realise that this does them no harm, and get accustomed

to it, with the result that the prejudices about bodily contact

tend to disappear. The opinion has been given that the decline of

social exclusiveness in England was largely due to the introduction

of railway travelling. Taking account of all these influences, and

assuming their continuance, the inference may safely be drawn that

the life of the Indian caste system is limited, though no attempt

can be made to estimate the degree of its vitality, nor to predict

the form and constitution of the society which will arise on its decay.

ARTICLES ON RELIGIONS AND SECTS

Arya Samaj

[_Bibliography_: Sir E.D. Maclagan's _Punjab Census Report of 1891_;

Mr. R. Burn's _United Provinces Census Report of 1901_; Professor

J. C. Oman's _Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_.]

List of Paragraphs

1. _The founder of the sect, Dayanand Saraswati_.

2. _His methods and the scientific interpretation of the Vedas_.

3. _Tenets of the Samaj_.

4. _Modernising tendencies_.

5. _Aims and educational institutions_.

6. _Prospects of the sect_.

1. The founder of the sect, Dayanand Saraswati.

_Arya Samaj Religion_.--This important reforming sect of Hinduism

numbered nearly 250,000 persons in India in 1911, as against 92,000 in

1901. Its adherents belong principally to the Punjab and the United

Provinces. In the Central Provinces 974 members were returned. The

sect was founded by Pandit Dayanand Saraswati, a Gujarati Brahman,

born in 1824. According to his own narrative he had been carefully

instructed in the Vedas, which means that he had been made to commit a

great portion of them to memory, and had been initiated at an early

age into the Saiva sect to which his family belonged; but while

still a mere boy his mind had revolted against the practices of

idolatry. He could not bring himself to acknowledge that the image

of Siva seated on his bull, the helpless idol, which, as he himself

observed in the watches of the night, allowed the mice to run over it

with impunity, ought to be worshipped as the omnipotent deity. [240]

He also conceived an intense aversion to marriage, and fled from home

in order to avoid the match which had been arranged for him. He was

attracted by the practice of Yoga, or ascetic philosophy, and studied

it with great ardour, claiming to have been initiated into the highest

secrets of _Yoga Vidya_. He tells in one of his books of his many

and extensive travels, his profound researches in Sanskritic lore,

his constant meditations and his ceaseless inquirings. He tells how,

by dissecting in his own rough way a corpse which he found floating

on a river, he finally discerned the egregious errors of the Hindu

medical treatises, and, tearing up his books in disgust, flung

them into the river with the mutilated corpse. By degrees he found

reason to reject the authority of all the sacred books of the Hindus

subsequent to the Vedas. Once convinced of this, he braced himself

to a wonderful course of missionary effort, in which he formulated

his new system and attacked the existing orthodox Hinduism. [241]

He maintained that the Vedas gave no countenance to idolatry, but

inculcated monotheism, and that their contents could be reconciled

with all the results of modern science, which indeed he held to be

indicated in them. The Arya Samaj was founded in Lahore in 1877,

and during the remainder of his life Dayanand travelled over northern

India continually preaching and disputing with the advocates of other

religions, and founding branches of his sect. In 1883 he died at Ajmer,

according to the story of his followers, from the effects of poison

administered to him at the instigation of a prostitute against whose

profession he had been lecturing. [242]

2. His methods and the scientific interpretation of the Vedas.

Dayanand's attempt to found a sect which, while not going entirely

outside Hinduism, should prove acceptable to educated Hindus desiring

a purer faith, appears to have been distinctly successful. The leaders

of the Brahmo Samaj were men of higher intelligence and ability than

he, and after scrupulously fair and impartial inquiry were led to

deny the infallibility of the Vedas, while they also declined to

recognise caste. But by so doing they rendered it impossible for a

man to become a Brahmo and remain a Hindu, and their movement has

made little headway. By retaining the tenet of the divine authority

of the Vedas, Dayanand made it possible for educated Hindus to join

his sect without absolutely cutting themselves adrift from their old

faith. But Dayanand's contention that the Vedas should be figuratively

interpreted, and are so found to foreshadow the discoveries of modern

science, will naturally not bear examination. The following instances

of the method are given by Professor Oman: "At one of the anniversary

meetings of the society a member gravely stated that the Vedas

mentioned _pure_ fire, and as pure fire was nothing but electricity,

it was evident that the Indians of the Vedic period were acquainted

with electricity. A leading member of the sect, who had studied

science in the Government college, discovered in two Vedic texts,

made up of _only eighteen words in all_, that oxygen and hydrogen

with their characteristic properties were known to the writers of the

Rig Veda, who were also acquainted with the composition of water,

the constitution of the atmosphere, and had anticipated the modern

kinetic theory of gases." [243] Mr. Burn gives the following parallel

versions of a verse of the Rig Veda by Professor Max Müller and the

late Pandit Guru Datt, M.A., of the Arya Samaj:

_Professor Max Müller_.--"May Mitra, Varuna, Aryaman, Ayu, Indra,

the Lord of the Ribhus, and the Maruts not rebuke us because we shall

proclaim at the sacrifice the virtues of the swift horse sprung from

the Gods."

_Pandit Guru Datt_.--"We shall describe the power-generating virtues of

the energetic horses endowed with brilliant properties (or the virtues

of the vigorous force of heat) which learned or scientific men can

evoke to work for purposes of appliances. Let not philanthropists,

noble men, judges, learned men, rulers, wise men and practical

mechanics ever disregard these properties." In fact, the learned

Pandit has interpreted horse as horse-power.

3. Tenets of the Samaj.

Nevertheless the Arya Samaj does furnish a haven for educated Hindus

who can no longer credit Hindu mythology, but do not wish entirely

to break away from their religion; a step which, involving also the

abandonment of caste, would in their case mean the cessation to a

considerable extent of social and family intercourse. The present

tenets and position of the Arya Samaj as given to Professor Oman

by Lala Lajpat Rai [244] indicate that, while tending towards the

complete removal of the over-swollen body of Hindu ritual and the

obstacles to social progress involved in the narrow restrictions of

the caste system, the sect at present permits a compromise and does

not require of its proselytes a full abjuration. In theory members

of any religion may be admitted to the Samaj, and a few Muhammadans

have been initiated, but unless they renounce Islam do not usually

participate in social intercourse. Sikhs are freely admitted, and

converts from any religion who accept the purified Hinduism of the

Samaj are welcome. Such converts go through a simple ceremony of

purification, for which a Brahman is usually engaged, though not

required by rule. Those who, as Hindus, wore the sacred thread are

again invested with it, and it has also been conferred on converts,

but this has excited opposition. A few marriages between members of

different subcastes have been carried out, and in the case of orphan

girls adopted into the Samaj caste, rules have been set aside and they

have been married to members of other castes. Lavish expenditure on

weddings is discouraged. Vishnu and Siva are accepted as alternative

names of the one God; but their reputed consorts Kali, Durga, Devi,

and so on, are not regarded as deities. Brahmans are usually employed

for ceremonies, but these may also, especially birth and funeral

ceremonies, be performed by non-Brahmans. In the Punjab members of

the Samaj of different castes will take food together, but rarely

in the United Provinces. Dissension has arisen on the question of

the consumption of flesh, and the Samaj is split into two parties,

vegetarians and meat-eaters. In the United Provinces, Mr. Burn states,

the vegetarian party would not object to employ men of low caste as

cooks, excepting such impure castes as Chamars, Doms and sweepers,

so long as they were also vegetarians. The Aryas still hold the

doctrine of the transmigration of souls and venerate the cow, but

they do not regard the cow as divine. In this respect their position

has been somewhat modified from that of Dayanand, who was a vigorous

supporter of the Gaoraksha or cow-protection movement.

4. Modernising tendencies.

Again Dayanand enunciated a very peculiar doctrine on Niyoga or the

custom of childless women, either married or widows, resorting to men

other than their husbands for obtaining an heir. This is permitted

under certain circumstances by the Hindu lawbooks. Dayanand laid down

that a Hindu widow might resort in succession to five men until she

had borne each of them two children, and a married woman might do

the same with the consent of her husband, or without his consent if

he had been absent from home for a certain number of years, varying

according to the purpose for which he was absent. [245] Dayanand held

that this rule would have beneficial results. Those who could restrain

their impulses would still be considered as following the best way;

but for the majority who could not do so, the authorised method

and degree of intimacy laid down by him would prevent such evils as

prostitution, connubial unfaithfulness, and the secret _liaisons_

of widows, resulting in practices like abortion. The prevalence of

such a custom would, however, certainly do more to injure social

and family life than all the evils which it was designed to prevent,

and it is not surprising to find that the Samaj does not now consider

Niyoga an essential doctrine; instead of this they are trying in face

of much opposition to introduce the natural and proper custom of the

remarriage of widows. The principal rite of the Samaj is the old Hom

sacrifice of burning clarified butter, grain, and various fragrant

gums and spices on the sacred fire, with the repetition of Sanskrit

texts. They now explain this by saying that it is a sanitary measure,

designed to purify the air.

The Samaj does not believe in any literal heaven and hell, but

considers these as figurative expressions of the state of the soul,

whether in this life or the life to come. The Aryas therefore do not

perform the _shradhh_ ceremony nor offer oblations to the dead, and

in abolishing these they reduce enormously the power and influence

of the priesthood.

5. Aims and educational institutions.

The above account indicates that the Arya Samaj is tending to become

a vaguely theistic sect. Its religious observances will probably

fall more and more into the background, and its members will aspire

to observe in their conduct the code of social morality obtaining in

Europe, and to regulate their habit of life by similar considerations

of comfort and convenience. Already the principal aims of the

Samaj tend mainly to the social improvement of its members and their

fellow-Indians. It sets its face against child-marriage, and encourages

the remarriage of widows. It busies itself with female education,

with orphanages and schools, dispensaries and public libraries, and

philanthropic institutions of all sorts. [246] Its avowed aim is to

unite and regenerate the peoples of Aryavarrta or India.

As one of its own poets has said: [247]

Ah! long have ye slept, Sons of India, too long!

Your country degenerate, your morals all wrong.

Its principal educational institutions are the Dayanand Anglo-Vedic

College at Lahore and the Anglo-Vedic School at Meerut, a large

orphanage at Bareilly, smaller ones at Allahabad and Cawnpore, and a

number of primary schools. It employs a body of travelling teachers

or Upadeshaks to make converts, and in the famine of 1900 took charge

of as many famine orphans as the Local Governments would entrust

to it, in order to prevent them from being handed over to Christian

missionaries. All members of the Samaj are expected to contribute one

per cent of their incomes to the society, and a large number of them

do this. The Arya Samaj has been accused of cherishing political aims

and of anti-British propaganda, but the writers quoted in this article

unite in acquitting it of such a charge as an institution, though some

of its members have been more or less identified with the Extremist

party. From the beginning, however, and apparently up to the present

time, its religious teaching has been directed to social and not to

political reform, and so long as it adheres to this course its work

must be considered to be useful and praiseworthy. Nevertheless some

danger may perhaps exist lest the boys educated in its institutions

may with youthful intemperance read into the instruction of their

teachers more than it is meant to convey, and divert exhortations

for social improvement and progress to political ends.

6. Prospects of the sect.

The census of 1911 showed the Arya Samaj to be in a flourishing

and progressive condition. There seems good reason to suppose that

its success may continue, as it meets a distinct religious and

social requirement of educated Hindus. Narsinghpur is the principal

centre of the sect in the Central Provinces, and here an orphanage is

maintained with about thirty inmates; the local members have an _ata_

fund, to which they daily contribute a handful of flour, and this

accumulates and is periodically made over to the orphanage. There is

also a Vedic school at Narsinghpur, and a Sanskrit school has been

started at Drug. [248]

Brahmo Samaj

[_Bibliography:_ Professor J. C. Oman's _Brahmans, Theists and Muslims

of India_ (1907); _Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_ (1908);

Rev. F. Lillingston's _Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj_ (1901). The

following brief account is simply compiled from the above works and

makes no pretence to be critical.]

List of Paragraphs

1. _Ram Mohan Roy, founder of the sect_.

2. _Much esteemed by the English_.

3. _Foundation of the Brahmo Samaj_.

4. _Debendra Nath Tagore_.

5. _Keshub Chandar Sen_.

6. _The Civil Marriage Act_.

7. _Keshub Chandar's relapse into mysticism_.

8. _Recent history of the Samaj_.

9. _Character of the movement_.

1. Ram Mohan Roy, founder of the sect.

_Brahmo Samaj Religion_.--This monotheistic sect of Bengal numbered

only thirty-two adherents in the Central Provinces in 1911, of whom

all or nearly all were probably Bengalis. Nevertheless its history

is of great interest as representing an attempt at the reform and

purification of Hinduism under the influence of Christianity. The

founder of the sect, Ram Mohan Roy, a Brahman, was born in 1772

and died in England in 1833. He was sent to school at Patna, where

under the influence of Muhammadan teachers he learnt to despise

the extravagant stories of the Puranas. At the age of sixteen he

composed a tract against idolatry, which stirred up such a feeling of

animosity against him that he had to leave his home. He betook himself

first to Benares, where he received instruction in the Vedas from the

Brahmans. From there he went to Tibet, that he might learn the tenets

of Buddhism from its adherents rather than its opponents; his genuine

desire to form a fair judgment of the merits of every creed being

further evidenced by his learning the language in which each of these

finds its expression: thus he learnt Sanskrit that he might rightly

understand the Vedas, Pali that he might read the Buddhist Tripitaka,

Arabic as the key to the Koran, and Hebrew and Greek for the Old and

New Testaments. [249] In 1819, after a diligent study of the Bible,

he published a book entitled _The Precepts of Jesus, the Guide to

Peace and Happiness._ Although this work was eminently appreciative of

the character and teaching of Christ, it gave rise to an attack from

the missionaries of Serampore. Strange to say, Ram Mohan Roy so far

converted his tutor Mr. Adam (himself a missionary) to his own way

of thinking that that gentleman relinquished his spiritual office,

became editor of the _Indian Gazette,_ and was generally known in

Calcutta as 'The second fallen Adam.' [250]

2. Much esteemed by the English.

Ram Mohan Roy was held in great esteem by his English contemporaries

in India. He dispensed in charities the bulk of his private means,

living himself with the strictest economy in order that he might have

the more to give away. It was to a considerable extent due to his

efforts, and more especially to his demonstration that the practice

of Sati found no sanction in the Vedas, that this abominable rite was

declared illegal by Lord William Bentinck in 1829. The titular emperor

of Delhi conferred the title of Raja upon him in 1830 and induced

him to proceed to England on a mission to the Home Government. He

was the first Brahman who had crossed the sea, and his distinguished

appearance, agreeable manners, and undoubtedly great ability, coupled

with his sympathy for Christianity, procured him a warm welcome in

England, where he died in 1833. [251]

3. Foundation of the Brahmo Samaj.

Ram Mohan Roy, with the help of a few friends and disciples, founded,

in 1830, the Brahmo Samaj or Society of God. In the trust deed of

the meeting-house it was laid down that the society was founded for

"the worship and adoration of the eternal, unsearchable and immutable

Being who is the Author and Preserver of the Universe, but not by

any other name, designation or title peculiarly used by any men or

set of men; and that in conducting the said worship and adoration, no

object, animate or inanimate, that has been or is or shall hereafter

become ... an object of worship by any men or set of men, shall be

reviled or slightingly or contemptuously spoken of or alluded to

either in preaching, or in the hymns or other mode of worship that

may be delivered or used in the said messuage or building." [252]

This well exemplifies the broad toleration and liberality of the

sect. The service in the new theistic church consisted in the recital

of the Vedas by two Telugu Brahmans, the reading of texts from the

Upanishads, and the expounding of the same in Bengali. The Samaj, thus

constituted, based its teaching on the Vedas and was at this time,

though unorthodox, still a Hindu sect, and made no attempt at the

abolition of caste. "Indeed, in establishing this sect, Ram Mohan Roy

professed to be leading his countrymen back to the pure, uncorrupted,

monotheistic religion of their Vedic ancestors; but his monotheism,

based, as it was, essentially upon the Vedanta philosophy, was in

reality but a disguised Pantheism, enriched as regards its ethics by

ideas derived from Muslim and Christian literature and theology." [253]

4. Debendra Nath Tagore.

After the death of its founder the sect languished for a period of ten

years until it was taken in hand by Debendra Nath Tagore, whose father

Dwarka Nath had been a friend and warm admirer of Ram Mohan Roy, and

had practically maintained the society by paying its expenses during

the interval. In 1843 Debendra drew up a form of initiation which

involved the renunciation of idolatry. He established branches of

the Brahmo Samaj in many towns and villages of Bengal, and in 1845 he

sent four Pandits to Benares to copy out and make a special study of

the Vedas. On their return to Calcutta after two years Debendra Nath

devoted himself with their aid to a diligent and critical study of the

sacred books, and eventually, after much controversy and even danger

of disruption, the Samaj, under his guidance, came to the important

decision that the teaching of the Vedas could not be reconciled with

the conclusions of modern science or with the religious convictions

of the Brahmos, a result which soon led to an open and public denial

of the infallibility of the Vedas.

"There is nothing," Professor Oman remarks, "in the Brahmic movement

more creditable to the parties concerned than this honest and

careful inquiry into the nature of the doctrines and precepts of the

Vedas." [254]

5. Keshub Chandar Sen.

The tenets of the Brahmo Samaj consisted at this time of a pure theism,

without special reliance on the Hindu sacred books or recognition of

such Hindu doctrines as the transmigration of souls. But in their

ordinary lives its members still conformed generally to the caste

practices and religious usages of their neighbours. But a progressive

party now arose under the leadership of Keshub Chandar Sen, a young man

of the Vaidya caste, which desired to break altogether with Hinduism,

abolish the use of sect marks and the prohibition of intermarriage

between castes, and to welcome into the community converts from all

religions. Meanwhile Debendra Nath Tagore had spent three years in

seclusion in the Himalayas, occupied with meditation and prayer; on

his return he acceded so far to the views of Keshub Chandar Sen as to

celebrate the marriage of his daughter according to a reformed theistic

ritual; but when his friend pressed for the complete abolition of all

caste restrictions, Debendra Nath refused his consent and retired once

more to the hills. [255] The result was a schism in the community,

and in 1866 the progressive party seceded and set up a Samaj of

their own, calling themselves the Brahmo Samaj of India, while the

conservative group under Debendra Nath Tagore was named the Adi or

original Samaj. In 1905 the latter was estimated to number only about

300 persons. [256]

Keshub Chandar Sen had been educated in the Presidency College,

Calcutta, and being more familiar with English and the Bible than

with the Sanskrit language and Vedic literature, he was filled with

deep enthusiastic admiration of the beauty of Christ's character

and teaching. [257] He had shown a strong passion for the stage and

loved nothing better than the plays of Shakespeare. He was fond of

performing himself, and especially delighted in appearing in the

role of a magician or conjurer before his family and friends. The

new sect took up the position that all religions were true and

worthy of veneration. At the inaugural meeting, texts from the

sacred scriptures of the Christians, Hindus, Muhammadans, Parsis

and Chinese were publicly read, in order to mark and to proclaim to

the world the catholicity of spirit in which it was formed. [258]

Keshub by his writings and public lectures kept himself prominently

before the Indian world, enlisting the sympathies of the Viceroy

(Sir John Lawrence) by his tendencies towards Christianity.

6. The Civil Marriage Act.

By this time several marriages had been performed according to the

revised ritual of the Brahmic Church, which had given great offence

to orthodox Hindus and exposed the participators in these novel rites

to much obloquy. The legality of marriages thus contracted had even

been questioned. To avoid this difficulty Keshub induced Government

in 1872 to pass the Native Marriage Act, introducing for the first

time the institution of civil marriage into Hindu society. The Act

prescribed a form of marriage to be celebrated before the Registrar

for persons who did not profess either the Hindu, the Muhammadan,

the Parsi, the Sikh, the Jaina or the Buddhist religion, and who

were neither Christians nor Jews; and fixed the minimum age for a

bridegroom at eighteen and for a bride at fourteen. Only six years

later, however, Keshub Chandar Sen committed the fatal mistake of

ignoring the law which he had himself been instrumental in passing:

he permitted the marriage of his daughter, below the age of fourteen,

to the young Maharaja of Kuch Bihar, who was not then sixteen years

of age. [259] This event led to a public censure of Keshub Chandar

Sen by his community and the secession of a section of the members,

who formed the Sadharan or Universal Brahmo Samaj. The creed of this

body consisted in the belief in an infinite Creator, the immortality of

the soul, the duty and necessity of the spiritual worship of God, and

disbelief in any infallible book or man as a means of salvation. [260]

7. Keshub Chandar's relapse into mysticism.

From about this period, or a little before, Keshub Chandar Sen appears

to have attempted to make a wider appeal to Indians by developing the

emotional side of his religion. And he gradually relapsed from a pure

unitarian theism into what was practically Hindu pantheism and the

mysticism of the Yogis. At the same time he came to consider himself

an inspired prophet, and proclaimed himself as such. The following

instances of his extravagant conduct are given by Professor Oman. [261]

"In 1873 he brought forward the doctrine of Adesh or special

inspiration, declaring emphatically that inspiration is not only

possible, but a veritable fact in the lives of many devout souls

in this age. The following years witnessed a marked development of

that essentially Asiatic and perhaps more especially Indian form of

religious feeling, which finds its natural satisfaction in solitary

ecstatic contemplation. As a necessary consequence an order of devotees

was established in 1876, divided into three main classes, which in

ascending gradation were designated Shabaks, Bhaktas and Yogis. The

lowest class, divided into two sections, is devoted to religious study

and the practical performance of religious duties, including doing good

to others. The aspiration of the Bhakta is ... 'Inebriation in God. He

is most passionately fond of God and delights in loving Him and all

that pertains to Him.... The very utterance of the divine name causes

his heart to overflow and brings tears of joy to his eyes.' As for the

highest order of devotees, the Yogis, 'They live in the spirit-world

and readily commune with spiritual realities. They welcome whatever is

a help to the entire subjugation of the soul, and are always employed

in conquering selfishness, carnality and worldliness. They are happy

in prayer and meditation and in the study of nature.'

"The new dispensation having come into the world to harmonise

conflicting creeds and regenerate mankind, must have its outward

symbol, its triumphal banner floating proudly on the joyful air

of highly-favoured India. A flag was therefore made and formally

consecrated as 'The Banner of the New Dispensation.' This emblem of

'Regenerated and saving theism' the new prophet himself formed with

a yak's tail and kissed with his own inspired lips. In orthodox Hindu

fashion his missionaries--apostles of the new Dispensation--went round

it with lights in their hands, while his less privileged followers

respectfully touched the sacred pole and humbly bowed down to it. In

a word, the banner was worshipped as Hindu idols are worshipped any

day in India. Carried away by a spirit of innovation, anxious to keep

himself prominently before the world, and realising no doubt that

since churches and sects do not flourish on intellectual pabulum only,

certain mystic rites and gorgeous ceremonials were necessary to the

success of the new Dispensation, Keshub introduced into his Church

various observances which attracted a good deal of attention and did

not escape criticism. On one occasion he went with his disciples

in procession, singing hymns, to a stagnant tank in Calcutta,

and made believe that they were in Palestine and on the side of

the Jordan. Standing near the tank Keshub said, 'Beloved brethren,

we have come into the land of the Jews, and we are seated on the

bank of the Jordan. Let them that have eyes see. Verily, verily,

here was the Lord Jesus baptised eighteen hundred years ago. Behold

the holy waters wherein was the Son of God immersed.' We learn also

that Keshub and his disciples attempted to hold communication with

saints and prophets of the olden time, upon whose works and teaching

they had been pondering in retirement and solitude. On this subject

the following notice appeared in the _Sunday Mirror_:

"'It is proposed to promote communion with departed saints among

the more advanced Brahmos. With a view to achieve this object

successfully ancient prophets and saints will be taken one after

another on special occasions and made the subject of close study,

meditation and prayer. Particular places will also be assigned to

which the devotees will resort as pilgrims. There for hours together

they will try to draw inspiration from particular saints. We believe

a spiritual pilgrimage to Moses will be shortly undertaken. Only

earnest devotees ought to join.'"

8. Recent history of the Samaj.

Keshub Chandar Sen died in 1884, and the Brahmo Samaj seems

subsequently to have returned more or less to its first position of

pure theism coupled with Hindu social reform. His successor in the

leadership of the sect was Babu P.C. Mazumdar, who visited America

and created a favourable impression at the Parliament of Religions

at Chicago. Under his guidance the Samaj seems to have gradually

drifted towards American Unitarianism, and to have been supported in

no slight degree by funds from the United States of America. [262] He

died in 1905, and left no one of prominent character and attainments

to succeed to the leadership. In 1911 the adherents of the different

branches of the Samaj numbered at the census only 5500 persons.

9. Character of the movement.

The history of the Brahmo Samaj is of great interest, because it was

the first attempt at the reform and purification of Hinduism made under

the influence of Christianity, the long line of Vaishnavite reformers

who strove to abrogate Hindu polytheism and the deadening restrictions

of caste, having probably been inspired by the contemplation of

Islam. The Samaj is further distinguished by the admirable toleration

and broadness of view of its religious position, and by having had for

its leaders three men of exceptional character and attainments, two

of whom, and especially Keshub Chandar Sen, made a profound impression

in England among all classes of society. But the failure of the Samaj

to attract any large number of converts from among the Hindus was

only what might have been expected. For it requires its followers

practically to cut themselves adrift from family and caste ties and

offers nothing in return but an undefined theism, not calculated

to excite any enthusiasm or strong feeling in ordinary minds. Its

efforts at social reform have probably, however, been of substantial

value in weakening the rigidity of Hindu rules on caste and marriage.

Dadupanthi Sect. [263]

_Dadupanthi Sect._--One of the sects founded by Vaishnava reformers

of the school of Kabir; a few of its members are found in the

western Districts of the Central Provinces. Dadu was a Pinjara or

cotton-cleaner by caste. He was born at Ahmadabad in the sixteenth

century, and died at Narayana in the Jaipur State shortly after

A.D. 1600. He is said to have been the fifth successor in spiritual

inspiration from Kabir, or the sixth from Ramanand. Dadu preached

the unity of God and protested against the animistic abuses which

had grown up in Hinduism. "To this day," writes Mr. Coldstream,

"the Dadupanthis use the words Sat Ram, the True God, as a current

phrase expressive of their creed. Dadu forbade the worship of idols,

and did not build temples; now temples are built by his followers, who

say they worship in them the Dadubani or Sacred Book." This is what has

been done by other sects such as the Sikhs and Dhamis, whose founders

eschewed the veneration of idols; but their uneducated followers could

not dispense with some visible symbol for their adoration, and hence

the sacred script has been enthroned in a temple. The worship of the

Dadupanthis, Professor Wilson says, is addressed to Rama, but it is

restricted to the Japa or repetition of his name, and the Rama intended

is the deity negatively described in the Vedanta theology. The chief

place of worship of the sect is Narayana, where Dadu died. A small

building on a hill marks the place of his disappearance, and his bed

and the sacred books are kept there as objects of veneration.

Like other sects, the Dadupanthis are divided into celibate or

priestly and lay or householder branches. But they have also a third

offshoot, consisting in the Naga Gosains of Jaipur, nearly naked

ascetics, who constituted a valuable part of the troops of Jaipur

and other States. It is said that the Nagas always formed the van

of the army of Jaipur. The sect have white caps with four corners

and a flap hanging down at the back, which each follower has to make

for himself. To prevent the destruction of animal life entailed by

cremation, the tenets of the sect enjoin that corpses should be laid

in the forests to be devoured by birds and beasts. This rule, however,

is not observed, and their dead are burnt at early dawn.

Dhami, Prannathi Sect.

_Dhami, Prannathi Sect._--A small religious sect or order, having

its headquarters in the Panna State of Bundelkhand. A few members of

the sect are found in the Saugor and Damoh Districts of the Central

Provinces. The name Dhami is simply a derivative from _dham_, a

monastery, and in northern India they are called Prannathi after their

founder. They are also known as Sathi Bhai, brothers in religion,

or simply as Bhai or brothers. The sect takes its origin from one

Prannath, a Rajput who lived in the latter part of Aurangzeb's reign

towards the end of the seventeenth century. He is said to have acquired

great influence with Chatra Sal, Raja of Panna, by the discovery of a

diamond mine there, and on this account Panna was made the home of the

sect. Prannath was well acquainted with the sacred books of Islam, and,

like other Hindu reformers, he attempted to propagate a faith which

should combine the two religions. To this end he composed a work in

Gujarati called the Kulzam Sarup, in which texts from the Koran and

the Vedas are brought together and shown not to be incompatible. His

creed also proclaimed the abolition of the worship of idols, and

apparently of caste restrictions and the supremacy of Brahmans. As

a test of a disciple's assent to the real identity of the Hindu and

Muhammadan creeds, the ceremony of initiation consists in eating in

the society of the followers of both religions; but the amalgamation

appears to be carried no further, and members of the sect continue

to follow generally their own religious practices. Theoretically they

should worship no material objects except the Founder's Book of Faith,

which lies on a table covered with gold cloth in the principal temple

at Panna. But in fact they adore the boy Krishna as he was at Mathura,

and in some temples there are images of Radha and Krishna, while in

others the decorations are so arranged as to look like an idol from

a distance. All temples, however, contain a copy of the sacred book,

round which a lighted lamp is waved in the morning and evening. The

Dhamis now say also that their founder Prannath was an incarnation

of Krishna, and they observe the Janam-Ashtami or Krishna's birthday

as their principal festival. They wear the Radha Vallabhi _tilak_

or sect-mark, consisting of two white lines drawn down the forehead

from the roots of the hair, and curving to meet at the top of the nose,

with a small red dot between them. On the cheeks and temples they make

rosette-like marks by bunching up the five fingers, dipping them in

a solution of sandalwood and then applying them to the face. [264]

They regard the Jumna as a sacred river and its water as holy, no

doubt because Mathura is on its banks, but pay no reverence to the

Ganges. Their priests observe celibacy, but do not practise asceticism,

and all the Dhamis are strict vegetarians.

There is also a branch of the sect in Gujarat, where the founder

is known as Meheraj Thakur. He appears to have been identical with

Prannath, and instituted a local headquarters at Surat. [265] It is

related by Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam that Meheraj Thakur was himself the

disciple of one Deo Chand, a native of Amarkot in Sind. The latter

was devoted to the study of the Bhagwat Puran, and came to Jamnagar in

Kathiawar, where he founded a temple to Radha and Krishna. As there is

a temple at Panna consecrated to Deo Chand as the Guru or preceptor

of Prannath, and as the book of the faith is written in Gujarati,

the above account would appear to be correct, and it follows that

the sect originated in the worship of Krishna, and was refined by

Prannath into a purer form of faith. A number of Cutchis in Surat

are adherents of the sect, and usually visit the temple at Panna on

the full-moon day of Kartik (October). Curiously enough the sect has

also found a home in Nepal, having been preached there, it is said,

by missionary Dhamis in the time of Raja Ram Bahadur Shah of Nepal,

about 150 years ago. Its members there are known as Pranami or Parnami,

a corruption of Prannathi and they often come to Panna to study the

sacred book. It is reported that there are usually about forty Nepalis

lodging in the premises of the great temple at Panna. [266]

Jain Religion

[_Bibliography: The Jainas_, by Dr. J.G. Bühler and J. Burgess,

London, 1903; _The Religions of India_, Professor E.W. Hopkins; _The

Religions of India_, Professor A. Barth; _Punjab Census Report_

(1891), Sir E.D. Maclagan; article on Jainism in Dr. Hastings'

_Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_.]

List of Paragraphs

1. _Numbers and distribution_.

2. _The Jain religion. Its connection with Buddhism_.

3. _The Jain tenets. The Tirthakars_.

4. _The transmigration of souls_.

5. _Strict rules against taking life_.

6. _Jain sects_.

7. _Jain ascetics_.

8. _Jain subcastes of Banias_.

9. _Rules and customs of the laity_.

10. _Connection with Hinduism_.

11. _Temples and car festival_.

12. _Images of the Tirthakars_.

13. _Religious observances_.

14. _Tenderness for animal life_.

15. _Social condition of the Jains_.

1. Numbers and distribution.

_Jain_.--The total number of Jains in the Central Provinces in 1911

was 71,000 persons. They nearly all belong to the Bania caste, and

are engaged in moneylending and trade like other Banias. They reside

principally in the Vindhyan Districts, Saugor, Damoh and Jubbulpore,

and in the principal towns of the Nagpur country and Berar.

2. The Jain religion. Its connection with Buddhism.

The Jain tenets present marked features of resemblance to Buddhism,

and it was for some time held that Jainism was merely a later offshoot

from that religion. The more generally accepted view now, however, is

that the Jina or prophet of the Jains was a real historical personage,

who lived in the sixth century B.C., being a contemporary of Gautama,

the Buddha. Vardhamana, as he was commonly called, is said to have

been the younger son of a small chieftain in the province of Videha or

Tirhut. Like Sakya-Muni the Buddha or enlightened, Vardhamana became

an ascetic, and after twelve years of a wandering life he appeared

as a prophet, proclaiming a modification of the doctrine of his own

teacher Parsva or Parasnath. From this time he was known as Mahavira,

the great hero, the same name which in its familiar form of Mahabir

is applied to the god Hanuman. The title of Jina or victorious,

from which the Jains take their name, was subsequently conferred

on him, his sect at its first institution being called Nirgrantha or

ascetic. There are very close resemblances in the traditions concerning

the lives of Vardhamana and Gautama or Buddha. Both were of royal

birth; the same names recur among their relatives and disciples;

and they lived and preached in the same part of the country, Bihar

and Tirhut. [267] Vardhamana is said to have died during Buddha's

lifetime, the date of the latter's death being about 480 B.C. [268]

Their doctrines also, with some important differences, present,

on the whole, a close resemblance. Like the Buddhists, the Jains

claim to have been patronised by the Maurya princes. While Asoka

was mainly instrumental in the propagation of Buddhism over India,

his grandfather Chandragupta is stated to have been a Jain, and his

grandson Sampadi also figures in Jain tradition. A district which is

a holy land for one is almost always a holy land for the other, and

their sacred places adjoin each other in Bihar, in the peninsula of

Gujarat, on Mount Abu in Rajputana and elsewhere. [269] The earliest

of the Jain books belongs to the sixth century A.D., the existence of

the Nirgrantha sect in Buddha's lifetime being proved by the Cingalese

books of the Buddhists, and by references to it in the inscriptions

of Asoka and others. [270] While then M. Barth's theory that Jainism

was simply a later sect of Buddhism has been discarded by subsequent

scholars, it seems likely that several of the details of Vardhamana's

life now recorded in the Jain books are not really authentic, but

were taken from that of Buddha with necessary alterations, when the

true facts about their own prophet had been irrevocably lost.

3. The Jain tenets. The Tirthakars.

Like the Buddhists, the Jains recognise no creator of the world,

and suppose it to have existed from eternity. Similarly, they had

originally no real god, but the Jina or victor, like the Buddha or

Enlightened One, was held to have been an ordinary mortal man, who

by his own power had attained to omniscience and freedom, and out of

pity for suffering mankind preached and declared the way of salvation

which he had found. [271] This doctrine, however, was too abstruse

for the people, and in both cases the prophet himself gradually

came to be deified. Further, in order perhaps to furnish objects of

worship less distinctively human and to whom a larger share of the

attributes of deity could be imputed, in both religions a succession

of mythical predecessors of the prophet was gradually brought into

existence. The Buddhists recognise twenty-five Buddhas or divine

prophets, who appeared at long epochs of time and taught the same

system one after another; and the Jains have twenty-four Tirthakars

or Tirthankars, who similarly taught their religion. Of these only

Vardhamana, its real founder, who was the twenty-fourth, and possibly

Parsva or Parasnath, the twenty-third and the founder's preceptor,

are or may be historical. The other twenty-two Tirthakars are purely

mythical. The first, Rishaba, was born more than 100 billion years ago,

as the son of a king of Ajodhya; he lived more than 8 million years,

and was 500 bow-lengths in height. He therefore is as superhuman

as any god, and his date takes us back almost to eternity. The

others succeeded each other at shorter intervals of time, and show

a progressive decline in stature and length of life. The images of

the Tirthakars are worshipped in the Jain temples like those of the

Buddhas in Buddhist temples. As with Buddhism also, the main feature

of Jain belief is the transmigration of souls, and each successive

incarnation depends on the sum of good and bad actions or _karman_

in the previous life. They hold also the primitive animistic doctrine

that souls exist not only in animals and plants but in stones, lumps

of earth, drops of water, fire and wind, and the human soul may pass

even into these if its sins condemn it to such a fate. [272]

4. The transmigration of souls.

The aim which Jainism, like Buddhism, sets before its disciples

is the escape from the endless round of successive existences,

known as Samsara, through the extinction of the _karman_ or sum of

actions. This is attained by complete subjection of the passions and

destruction of all desires and appetites of the body and mind, that

is, by the most rigid asceticism, as well as by observing all the

moral rules prescribed by the religion. It was the Jina or prophet

who showed this way of escape, and hence he is called Tirthakar or

'The Finder of the Ford,' through the ocean of existence. [273]

But Jainism differs from Buddhism in that it holds that the soul,

when finally emancipated, reaches a heaven and there continues for

ever a separate intellectual existence, and is not absorbed into

Nirvana or a state of blessed nothingness.

5. Strict rules against taking life.

The moral precepts of the Jains are of the same type as those of

Buddhism and Vaishnavite Hinduism, but of an excessive rigidity,

at any rate in the case of the Yatis or Jatis, the ascetics. They

promise not to hurt, not to speak untruths, to appropriate nothing to

themselves without permission, to preserve chastity and to practise

self-sacrifice. But these simple rules are extraordinarily expanded

on the part of the Jains. Thus, concerning the oath not to hurt,

on which the Jains lay most emphasis: it prohibits not only the

intentional killing or injuring of living beings, plants or the souls

existing in dead matter, but requires also the utmost carefulness in

the whole manner of life, and a watchfulness also over all movements

and functions of the body by which anything living might be hurt. It

demands, finally, strict watch over the heart and tongue, and the

avoidance of all thoughts and words which might lead to disputes

and quarrels, and thereby do harm. In like manner the rule of

sacrifice requires not only that the ascetic should have no houses or

possessions, but he must also acquire a complete unconcern towards

agreeable or disagreeable impressions, and destroy all feelings

of attachment to anything living or dead. [274] Similarly, death by

voluntary starvation is prescribed for those ascetics who have reached

the Kewalin or brightest stage of knowledge, as the means of entering

their heaven. Owing to the late date of the Jain scriptures, any or

all of its doctrines may have been adopted from Buddhism between

the commencement of the two religions and the time when they were

compiled. The Jains did not definitely abolish caste, and hence escaped

the persecution to which Buddhism was subjected during the period of

its decline from the fifth or sixth century A.D. On account of this

trouble many Buddhists became Jains, and hence a further fusion of

the doctrines of the rival sects may have ensued. The Digambara sect

of Jains agree with the Buddhists in holding that women cannot attain

Nirvana or heaven, while the Swetambara sect say that they can, and

also admit women as nuns into the ascetic order. The Jain scripture,

the Yogashastra, speaks of women as the lamps that burn on the road

that leads to the gates of hell.

6. Jain sects.

The Jains are divided into the above two principal sects, the

Digambara and the Swetambara. The Digambara are the more numerous

and the stricter sect. According to their tenets death by voluntary

starvation is necessary for ascetics who would attain heaven, though

of course the rule is not now observed. The name Digambara signifies

sky-clad, and Swetambara white-clad. Formerly the Digambara ascetics

went naked, and were the gymnosophists of the Greek writers, but now

they take off their clothes, if at all, only at meals. The theory

of the origin of the two sects is that Parasnath, the twenty-third

Tirthakar, wore clothes, while Mahavira the twenty-fourth did not,

and the two sects follow their respective examples. The Digambaras now

wear ochre-coloured cloth, and the Swetambaras white. The principal

difference at present is that the images in Digambara temples are naked

and bare, while those of the Swetambaras are clothed, presumably in

white, and also decorated with jewellery and ornaments. The Digambara

ascetics may not use vessels for cooking or holding their food, but

must take it in their hands from their disciples and eat it thus;

while the Swetambara ascetics may use vessels. The Digambara, however,

do not consider the straining-cloth, brush, and gauze before the

mouth essential to the character of an ascetic, while the Swetambara

insist on them. There is in the Central Provinces another small sect

called Channagri or Samaiya, and known elsewhere as Dhundia. These do

not put images in their temples at all, but only copies of the Jain

sacred books, and pay reverence to them. They will, however, worship

in regular Jain temples at places where there are none of their own.

7. Jain ascetics.

The initiation of a Yati or Jati, a Jain ascetic, is thus described:

It is frequent for Banias who have no children to vow that their

first-born shall be a Yati. Such a boy serves a novitiate with a _guru_

or preceptor, and performs for him domestic offices; and when he is

old enough and has made progress in his studies he is initiated. For

this purpose the novice is carried out of the tower with music and

rejoicing in procession, followed by a crowd of Sravakas or Jain

laymen, and taken underneath the banyan, or any other tree the juice of

which is milky. His hair is pulled out at the roots with five pulls;

camphor, musk, sandal, saffron and sugar are applied to the scalp;

and he is then placed before his _guru,_ stripped of his clothes and

with his hands joined. A text is whispered in his ear by the _guru_,

and he is invested with the clothes peculiar to Yatis; two cloths, a

blanket and a staff; a plate for his victuals and a cloth to tie them

up in; a piece of gauze to tie over his mouth to prevent the entry

of insects; a cloth through which to strain his drinking-water to

the same end; and a broom made of cotton threads or peacock feathers

to sweep the ground before him as he walks, so that his foot may not

crush any living thing. The duty of the Yati is to read and explain

the sacred books to the Sravakas morning and evening, such functions

being known as Sandhya. His food consists of all kinds of grain,

vegetables and fruit produced above the earth; but no roots such as

yams or onions. Milk and _ghi_ are permitted, but butter and honey

are prohibited. Some strict Yatis drink no water but what has been

first boiled, lest they should inadvertently destroy any insect,

it being less criminal to boil them than to destroy them in the

drinker's stomach. A Yati having renounced the world and all civil

duties can have no family, nor does he perform any office of mourning

or rejoicing. [275] A Yati was directed to travel about begging and

preaching for eight months in the year, and during the four rainy

months to reside in some village or town and observe a fast. The

rules of conduct to be observed by him were extremely strict, as has

already been seen. Those who observed them successfully were believed

to acquire miraculous powers. He who was a Siddh or victor, and had

overcome his Karma or the sum of his human actions and affections,

could read the thoughts of others and foretell the future. He who had

attained Kewalgyan, or the state of perfect knowledge which preceded

the emancipation of the soul and its absorption into paradise, was

a god on earth, and even the gods worshipped him. Wherever he went

all plants burst into flower and brought forth fruit, whether it was

their season or not. In his presence no animal bore enmity to another

or tried to kill it, but all animals lived peaceably together. This

was the state attained to by each Tirthakar during his last sojourn

on earth. The number of Jain ascetics seems now to be less than

formerly and they are not often met with, at least in the Central

Provinces. They do not usually perform the function of temple priest.

8. Jain subcastes of Banias.

Practically all the Jains in the Central Provinces are of the Bania

caste. There is a small subcaste of Jain Kalars, but these are

said to have gone back to Hinduism. [276] Of the Bania subcastes

who are Jains the principal are the Parwar, Golapurab, Oswal and

Saitwal. Saraogi, the name for a Jain layman, and Charnagar, a

sect of Jains, are also returned as subcastes of Jain Banias. Other

important subcastes of Banias, as the Agarwal and Maheshri, have a

Jain section. Nearly all Banias belong to the Digambara sect, but the

Oswal are Swetambaras. They are said to have been originally Rajputs

of Os or Osnagar in Rajputana, and while they were yet Rajputs a

Swetambara ascetic sucked the poison from the wound of an Oswal boy

whom a snake had bitten, and this induced the community to join the

Swetambara sect of the Jains. [277]

9. Rules and customs of the laity.

The Jain laity are known as Shrawak or Saraogi, learners. There

is comparatively little to distinguish them from their Hindu

brethren. Their principal tenet is to avoid the destruction of all

animal, including insect life, but the Hindu Banias are practically

all Vaishnavas, and observe almost the same tenderness for animal life

as the Jains. The Jains are distinguished by their separate temples

and method of worship, and they do not recognise the authority of

the Vedas nor revere the _lingam_ of Siva. Consequently they do not

use the Hindu sacred texts at their weddings, but repeat some verses

from their own scriptures. These weddings are said to be more in the

nature of a civil contract than of a religious ceremony. The bride and

bridegroom walk seven times round the sacred post and are then seated

on a platform and promise to observe certain rules of conduct towards

each other and avoid offences. It is said that formerly a Jain bride

was locked up in a temple for the first night and considered to be

the bride of the god. But as scandals arose from this custom, she is

now only locked up for a minute or two and then let out again. Jain

boys are invested with the sacred thread on the occasion of their

weddings or at twenty-one or twenty-two if they are still unmarried

at that age. The thread is renewed annually on the day before the

full moon of Bhadon (August), after a ten days' fast in honour of

Anant Nath Tirthakar. The thread is made by the Jain priests of

tree cotton and has three knots. At their funerals the Jains do not

shave the moustaches off as a rule, and they never shave the _choti_

or scalp-lock, which they wear like Hindus. They give a feast to the

caste-fellows and distribute money in charity, but do not perform the

Hindu _shraddh_ or offering of sacrificial cakes to the dead. The

Agarwal and Khandelwal Jains, however, invoke the spirits of their

ancestors at weddings. Traces of an old hostility between Jains and

Hindus survive in the Hindu saying that one should not take refuge in a

Jain temple, even to escape from a mad elephant; and in the rule that

a Jain beggar will not take alms from a Hindu unless he can perform

some service in return, though it may not equal the value of the alms.

10. Connection with Hinduism.

In other respects the Jains closely resemble the Hindus. Brahmans

are often employed at their weddings, they reverence the cow,

worship sometimes in Hindu temples, go on pilgrimages to the Hindu

sacred places, and follow the Hindu law of inheritance. The Agarwal

Bania Jains and Hindus will take food cooked with water together and

intermarry in Bundelkhand, although it is doubtful whether they do

this in the Central Provinces. In such a case each party pays a fine

to the Jain temple fund. In respect of caste distinctions the Jains

are now scarcely less strict than the Hindus. The different Jain

subcastes of Banias coming from Bundelkhand will take food together

as a rule, and those from Marwar will do the same. The Khandelwal

and Oswal Jain Banias will take food cooked with water together when

it has been cooked by an old woman past the age of child-bearing,

but not that cooked by a young woman. The spread of education has

awakened an increased interest among the Jains in their scriptures

and the tenets of their religion, and it is quite likely that the

tendency to conform to Hinduism in caste matters and ceremonies may

receive a check on this account. [278]

11. Temple and car festival.

The Jains display great zeal in the construction of temples in which

the images of the Tirthakars are enshrined. The temples are commonly of

the same fashion as those of the Hindus, with a short, roughly conical

spire tapering to a point at the apex, but they are frequently adorned

with rich carved stone and woodwork. There are fine collections of

temples at Muktagiri in Betul, Kundalpur in Damoh, and at Mount Abu,

Girnar, the hill of Parasnath in Chota Nagpur, and other places in

India. The best Jain temples are often found in very remote spots,

and it is suggested that they were built at times when the Jains

had to hide in such places to avoid Hindu persecution. And wherever

a community of Jain merchants of any size has been settled for a

generation or more several fine temples will probably be found. A

Jain Bania who has grown rich considers the building of one or more

temples to be the best method of expending his money and acquiring

religious merit, and some of them spend all their fortune in this

manner before their death. At the opening of a new temple the _rath_

or chariot festival should be held. Wooden cars are made, sometimes

as much as five stories high, and furnished with chambers for the

images of the Tirthakars. In these the idols of the hosts and all

the guests are placed. Each car should be drawn by two elephants, and

the procession of cars moves seven times round the temple or pavilion

erected for the ceremony. For building a temple and performing this

ceremony honorary and hereditary titles are conferred. Those who do

it once receive the designation of Singhai; for carrying it out twice

they become Sawai Singhai; and on a third occasion Seth. In such a

ceremony performed at Khurai in Saugor one of the participators was

already a Seth, and in recognition of his great liberality a new

title was devised and he became Srimant Seth. It is said, however,

that if the car breaks and the elephants refuse to move, the title

becomes derisive and is either 'Lule Singhai,' the lame one, or

'Arku Singhai,' the stumbler. If no elephants are available and the

car has to be dragged by men, the title given is Kadhore Singhai.

12. Images of the Tirthakars.

In the temples are placed the images of Tirthakars, either of brass,

marble, silver or gold. The images may be small or life-size or larger,

and the deities are represented in a sitting posture with their legs

crossed and their hands lying upturned in front, the right over the

left, in the final attitude of contemplation prior to escape from

the body and attainment of paradise. There may be several images

in one temple, but usually there is only one, though a number of

temples are built adjoining each other or round a courtyard. The

favourite Tirthakars found in temples are Rishab Deva, the first;

Anantnath, the fourteenth; Santnath, the sixteenth; Nemnath,

the twenty-second; Parasnath, the twenty-third; and Vardhamana or

Mahavira, the twenty-fourth. [279] As already stated only Mahavira

and perhaps Parasnath, his preceptor, were real historical personages,

and the remainder are mythical. It is noticeable that to each of the

Tirthakars is attached a symbol, usually in the shape of an animal,

and also a tree, apparently that tree under which the Tirthakar is

held to have been seated at the time that he obtained release from

the body. And these animals and trees are in most cases those which

are also revered and held sacred by the Hindus. Thus the sacred

animal of Rishab Deva is the bull, and his tree the banyan; that of

Anantnath is the falcon or bear, and his tree the holy Asoka; [280]

that of Santnath is the black-buck or Indian antelope, and his tree

the _tun_ or cedar; [281] the symbol of Nemnath is the conch shell

(sacred to Vishnu), but his tree, the _vetasa_, is not known; the

animal of Parasnath is the serpent or cobra and his tree the _dhataki_;

[282] and the animal of Mahavira is the lion or tiger and his tree

the teak tree. Among the symbols of the other Tirthakars are the

elephant, horse, rhinoceros, boar, ape, the Brahmani duck, the moon,

the pipal tree, the lotus and the _swastik_ figure; and among their

trees the mango, the _jamun_ [283] and the _champak_. [284] Most of

these animals and trees are sacred to the Hindus, and the elephant,

boar, ape, cobra and tiger were formerly worshipped themselves, and

are now attached to the principal Hindu gods. Similarly the asoka,

pipal, banyan and mango trees are sacred, and also the Brahmani duck

and the _swastik_ sign. It cannot be supposed that the Tirthakars

simply represent the deified anthropomorphic emanations from these

animals, because the object of Vardhamana's preaching was perhaps

like that of Buddha to do away with the promiscuous polytheism of

the Hindu religion. But nevertheless the association of the sacred

animals and trees with the Tirthakars furnished a strong connecting

link between them and the Hindu gods, and considerably lessens the

opposition between the two systems of worship. The god Indra is also

frequently found sculptured as an attendant guardian in the Jain

temples. The fourteenth Tirthakar, Anantnath, is especially revered

by the people because he is identified with Gautama Buddha.

13. Religious observances.

The priest of a Jain temple is not usually a Yati or ascetic, but

an ordinary member of the community. He receives no remuneration

and carries on his business at the same time. He must know the Jain

scriptures, and makes recitations from them when the worshippers

are assembled. The Jain will ordinarily visit a temple and see

the god every morning before taking his food, and his wife often

goes with him. If there is no temple in their own town or village

they will go to another, provided that it is within a practicable

distance. The offerings made at the temple consist of rice, almonds,

cocoanuts, betel-leaves, areca, dates, cardamoms, cloves and similar

articles. These are appropriated by the Hindu Mali or gardener, who

is the menial servant employed to keep the temple and enclosures

clean. The Jain will not take back or consume himself anything

which has been offered to the god. Offerings of money are also

made, and these go into the _bhandar_ or fund for maintenance of

the temple. The Jains observe fasts for the last week before the

new moon in the months of Phagun (February), Asarh (June) and Kartik

(October). They also fast on the second, fifth, eighth, eleventh and

fourteenth days in each fortnight of the four months of the rains

from Asarh to Kartik, this being in lieu of the more rigorous fast

of the ascetics during the rains. On these days they eat only once,

and do not eat any green vegetables. After the week's fast at the

end of Kartik, at the commencement of the month of Aghan, the Jains

begin to eat all green vegetables.

14. Tenderness for animal life.

The great regard for animal life is the most marked feature of the

Jain religion among the laity as well as the clergy. The former do

not go to such extremes as the latter, but make it a practice not

to eat food after sunset or before sunrise, owing to the danger of

swallowing insects. Now that their beliefs are becoming more rational,

however, and the irksome nature of this rule is felt, they sometimes

place a lamp with a sieve over it to produce rays of light, and

consider that this serves as a substitute for the sun. Formerly they

maintained animal hospitals in which all kinds of animals and reptiles,

including monkeys, poultry and other birds were kept and fed, and any

which had broken a limb or sustained other injuries were admitted and

treated. These were known as _pinjrapol_ or places of protection. [285]

A similar institution was named _jivuti_, and consisted of a small

domed building with a hole at the top large enough for a man to creep

in, and here weevils and other insects which the Jains might find

in their food were kept and provided with grain. [286] In Rajputana,

where rich Jains probably had much influence, considerable deference

was paid to their objections to the death of any living thing. Thus

a Mewar edict of A.D. 1693 directed that no one might carry animals

for slaughter past their temples or houses. Any man or animal led

past a Jain house for the purpose of being killed was thereby saved

and set at liberty. Traitors, robbers or escaped prisoners who fled

for sanctuary to the dwelling of a Jain Yati or ascetic could not be

seized there by the officers of the court. And during the four rainy

months, when insects were most common, the potter's wheel and Teli's

oil-press might not be worked on account of the number of insects

which would be destroyed by them. [287]

15. Social condition of the Jains.

As they are nearly all of the Bania caste the Jains are usually

prosperous, and considering its small size, the standard of wealth in

the community is probably very high for India, the total number of

Jains in the country being about half a million. Beggars are rare,

and, like the Parsis and Europeans, the Jains feeling themselves a

small isolated body in the midst of a large alien population, have

a special tenderness for their poorer members, and help them in more

than the ordinary degree. Most of the Jain Banias are grain-dealers

and moneylenders like other Banias. Cultivation is prohibited by their

religion, owing to the destruction of animal life which it involves,

but in Saugor, and also in the north of India, many of them have

now taken to it, and some plough with their own hands. Mr. Marten

notes [288] that the Jains are beginning to put their wealth to a

more practical purpose than the lavish erection and adornment of

temples. Schools and boarding-houses for boys and girls of their

religion are being opened, and they subscribe liberally for the

building of medical institutions. It may be hoped that this movement

will continue and gather strength, both for the advantage of the

Jains themselves and the country generally.

Kabirpanthi

[_Bibliography_: Right Reverend G. H. Westcott, _Kabir and the

Kabirpanth_, Cawnpore, 1907; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xvi. pp. 53-75

(Wilson's _Hindu Sects_); Mr. Crooke's _Tribes and Castes_,

article Kabirpanthi; _Central Provinces Census Report_ (1891), Sir

B. Robertson.]

List of Paragraphs

1. _Life of Kabir_.

2. _Kabir's teachings_.

3. _His sayings_.

4. _The Kabirpanthi sect in the Central Provinces_.

5. _The religious service_.

6. _Initiation_.

7. _Funeral rites_.

8. _Idol worship_.

9. _Statistics of the sect_.

1. Life of Kabir.

_Kabirpanthi Sect_.--A well-known religious sect founded by the

reformer Kabir, who flourished in the fifteenth century, and is called

by Dr. Hunter the Luther of India. The sect has now split into two

branches, the headquarters of one of these being at Benares, and of

the other at Kawardha, or Damakheda in Raipur. Bishop Westcott gives

the date of Kabir's life as A.D. 1440--1518, while Mr. Crooke states

that he flourished between 1488 and 1512. Numerous legends are now

told about him; thus, according to one of these, he was the son of a

virgin Brahman widow, who had been taken at her request to see the

great reformer Ramanand. He, unaware of her condition, saluted her

with the benediction which he thought acceptable to all women, and

wished her the conception of a son. His words could not be recalled,

and the widow conceived, but, in order to escape the disgrace which

would attach to her, exposed the child, who was Kabir. He was found

by a Julaha or Muhammadan weaver and his wife, and brought up by

them. The object of this story is probably to connect Kabir with

Ramanand as his successor in reformation and spiritual heir; because

the Ramanandis are an orthodox Vaishnava sect, while the Kabirpanthis,

if they adhered to all Kabir's preaching, must be considered as quite

outside the pale of Hinduism. To make out that Kabir came into the

world by Ramanand's act provides him at any rate with an orthodox

spiritual lineage. For the same reason [289] the date of Kabir's birth

is sometimes advanced as early as 1398 in order to bring it within

the period of Ramanand's lifetime (_circa_ 1300-1400). Another story

is that the deity took mortal shape as a child without birth, and was

found by a newly-married weaver's wife lying in a lotus flower on a

tank, like Moses in the bulrushes. Bishop Westcott thus describes the

event: "A feeling of thirst overcame Nima, the newly-wedded wife of

Niru, the weaver, as after the marriage ceremony she was making her

way to her husband's house. She approached the tank, but was much

afraid when she there beheld the child. She thought in her heart,

'This is probably the living evidence of the shame of some virgin

widow.' Niru suggested that they might take the child to their house,

but Nima at first demurred, thinking that such action might give

rise to scandal. Women would ask, 'Who is the mother of a child so

beautiful that its eyes are like the lotus?' However, laying aside

all fears, they took pity on the child. On approaching the house

they were welcomed with the songs of women, but when the women saw

the child dark thoughts arose in their heads, and they began to ask,

'How has she got this child?' Nima replied that she had got the child

without giving birth to it, and the women then refrained from asking

further questions." It is at any rate a point generally agreed on that

Kabir was brought up in the house of a Muhammadan weaver. It is said

that he became the _chela_ or disciple of Ramanand, but this cannot be

true, as Ramanand was dead before his birth. It seems probable that

he was married, and had two children named Kamal and Kamali. Bishop

Westcott states [290] that the _Kabir Kasauti_ explains the story

of his supposed marriage by the fact that he had a girl disciple

named Loi, a foundling brought up by a holy man; she followed his

precepts, and coming to Benares, passed her time in the service of

the saints. Afterwards Kabir raised two children from the dead and

gave them to Loi to bring up, and the ignorant suppose that these were

his wife and children. Such a statement would appear to indicate that

Kabir was really married, but after his sect had become important,

this fact was felt to be a blot on his claim to be a divine prophet,

and so was explained away in the above fashion.

The plain speaking of Kabir and his general disregard for religious

conventions excited the enmity of both Hindus and Muhammadans, and he

was accused before the Emperor Sikandar Lodi, by whose orders various

attempts were made to kill him; but he was miraculously preserved in

each case, until at last the Emperor acknowledged his divine character,

asked his forgiveness, and expressed his willingness to undergo

any punishment that he might name. To this Kabir replied that a man

should sow flowers for those who had sown him thorns. Bishop Westcott

continues:--"All accounts agree that the earthly life of Kabir came

to a close at Maghar, in the District of Gorakhpur. Tradition relates

that Kabir died in extreme old age, when his body had become infirm

and his hands were no longer able to produce the music with which he

had in younger days celebrated the praises of Rama.

"A difficulty arose with regard to the disposal of his body after

death. The Muhammadans desired to bury it and the Hindus to cremate

it. As the rival parties discussed the question with growing warmth

Kabir himself appeared and bade them raise the cloth in which the

body lay enshrouded. They did as he commanded, and lo! beneath the

cloth there lay but a heap of flowers. Of these flowers the Hindus

removed half and burnt them at Benares, while what remained were

buried at Maghar by the Muhammadans."

2. Kabir's teachings.

The religion preached by Kabir was of a lofty character. He rejected

the divine inspiration of the Vedas and the whole Hindu mythology. He

taught that there was no virtue in outward observances such as

shaving the head, ceremonial purity and impurity, and circumcision

among Muhammadans. He condemned the worship of idols and the use

of sect-marks and religious amulets, but in all ordinary matters

allowed his followers to conform to usage in order to avoid giving

offence. He abolished distinctions of caste. He enjoined a virtuous

life, just conduct and kindly behaviour and much meditation on the

virtues of God. He also condemned the love of money and gain. In fact,

in many respects his creed resembles Christianity, just as the life

of Kabir contains one or two episodes parallel to that of Christ. He

prescribed obedience to the Guru or spiritual preceptor in all matters

of faith and morals. His religion appears to have been somewhat of a

pantheistic character and his idea of the deity rather vague. But he

considered that the divine essence was present in all human beings, and

apparently that those who freed themselves from sin and the trammels

of worldly desires would ultimately be absorbed into the godhead. It

does not seem that Kabir made any exact pronouncement on the doctrine

of the transmigration of souls and re-birth, but as he laid great

stress on avoiding the destruction of any animal life, a precept

which is to some extent the outcome of the belief in transmigration,

he may have concurred in this tenet. Some Kabirpanthis, however,

have discarded transmigration. Bishop Westcott states that they do

believe in the re-birth of the soul after an intervening period of

reward or punishment, but always apparently in a human body.

3. His sayings

He would seem never to have promulgated any definite account of his

own religion, nor did he write anything himself. He uttered a large

number of Sakhis or apothegms which were recorded by his disciples

in the Bijak, Sukhanidhan and other works, and are very well known

and often quoted by Kabirpanthis and others. The influence of Kabir

extended beyond his own sect. Nanak, the founder of the Nanakpanthis

and Sikhs, was indebted to Kabir for most of his doctrine, and the

Adi-Granth or first sacred book of the Sikhs is largely compiled from

his sayings. Other sects such as the Dadupanthis also owe much to

him. A small selection of his sayings from those recorded by Bishop

Westcott may be given in illustration of their character:

1. Adding cowrie to cowrie he brings together lakhs and crores.

At the time of his departure he gets nothing at all, even his

loin-cloth is plucked away.

2. Fire does not burn it, the wind does not carry it away, no thief

comes near it; collect the wealth of the name of Rama, that wealth

is never lost.

3. By force and love circumcision is made, I shall not agree to it,

O brother. If God will make me a Turk by Him will I be circumcised;

if a man becomes a Turk by being circumcised what shall be done with

a woman? She must remain a Hindu.

4. The rosaries are of wood, the gods are of stone, the Ganges

and Jumna are water. Rama and Krishna are dead. The four Vedas are

fictitious stories.

5. If by worshipping stones one can find God, I shall worship a

mountain; better than these stones (idols) are the stones of the

flour-mill with which men grind their corn.

6. If by immersion in the water salvation be obtained, the frogs

bathe continually. As the frogs so are these men, again and again

they fall into the womb.

7. As long as the sun does not rise the stars sparkle; so long as

perfect knowledge of God is not obtained, men practise rites and

ceremonies.

8. Brahma is dead with Siva who lived in Kashi; the immortals are

dead. In Mathura, Krishna, the cowherd, died. The ten incarnations

(of Vishnu) are dead. Machhandranath, Gorakhnath, Dattatreya and Vyas

are no longer living. Kabir cries with a loud voice, All these have

fallen into the slip-knot of death.

9. While dwelling in the womb there is no clan nor caste; from the

seed of Brahm the whole of creation is made.

Whose art thou the Brahman? Whose am I the Sudra? Whose blood am

I? Whose milk art thou?

Kabir says, 'Who reflects on Brahm, he by me is made a Brahman.'

10. To be truthful is best of all if the heart be truthful. A man

may speak as much as he likes; but there is no pleasure apart from

truthfulness.

11. If by wandering about naked union with Hari be obtained; then

every deer of the forest will attain to God. If by shaving the head

perfection is achieved, the sheep is saved, no one is lost.

If salvation is got by celibacy, a eunuch should be the first

saved. Kabir says, 'Hear, O Man and Brother; without the name of Rama

no one has obtained salvation.'

The resemblance of some of the above ideas to the teaching of the

Gospels is striking, and, as has been seen, the story of Kabir's

birth might have been borrowed from the Bible, while the Kabirpanthi

Chauka or religious service has one or two features in common

with Christianity. These facts raise a probability, at any rate,

that Kabir or his disciples had some acquaintance with the Bible or

with the teaching of Christian missionaries. If such a supposition

were correct, it would follow that Christianity had influenced the

religious thought of India to a greater extent than is generally

supposed. Because, as has been seen, the Nanakpanthi and Sikh sects

are mainly based on the teaching of Kabir. Another interesting though

accidental resemblance is that the religion of Kabir was handed down

in the form of isolated texts and sayings like the Logia of Jesus, and

was first reduced to writing in a connected form by his disciples. The

fact that Kabir called the deity by the name of Rama apparently does

not imply that he ascribed a unique and sole divinity to the hero king

of Ajodhia. He had to have some name which might convey a definite

image or conception to his uneducated followers, and may have simply

adopted that which was best known and most revered by them.

4. The Kabirpanthi Sect in the Central Provinces.

The two principal headquarters of the Kabirpanthi sect are at Benaires

and at Kawardha, the capital of the State of that name, or Damakheda

in the Raipur District. These appear to be practically independent

of each other, the head Mahants exercising separate jurisdiction over

members of the sect who acknowledge their authority. The Benares branch

of the sect is known as Bap (father) and the Kawardha branch as Mai

(mother). In 1901 out of 850,000 Kabirpanthis in India 500,000 belonged

to the Central Provinces. The following account of the practices of

the sect in the Province is partly compiled from local information,

and it differs in some minor, though not in essential, points from

that given by Bishop Westcott. The Benares church is called the

Kabirchaura Math and the Kawardha one the Dharam Das Math.

One of the converts to Kabir's teaching was Dharam Das, a Kasaundhan

Bania, who distributed the whole of his wealth, eighteen lakhs of

rupees, in charity at his master's bidding and became a mendicant. In

reward for this Kabir promised him that his family should endure

for forty-two generations. The Mahants of Kawardha claim to be the

direct descendants of Dharam Das. They marry among Kasaundhan Banias,

and their sons are initiated and succeed them. The present Mahants

Dayaram and Ugranam are twelfth and thirteenth in descent from Dharam

Das. Kabir not only promised that there should be forty-two Mahants,

but gave the names of each of them, so that the names of all future

Mahants are known. [291] Ugranam was born of a Marar woman, and,

though acclaimed as the successor of his father, was challenged by

Dhirajnam, whose parentage was legitimate. Their dispute led to a case

in the Bombay High Court, which was decided in favour of Dhirajnam,

and he accordingly occupied the seat at Kawardha. Dayaram is his

successor. But Dhirajnam was unpopular, and little attention was paid

to him. Ugranam lives at Damakheda, near Simga, [292] and enjoys the

real homage of the followers of the sect, who say that Dhiraj was

the official Mahant but Ugra the people's Mahant. Of the previous

Mahants, four are buried at Kawardha, two at Kudarmal in Bilaspur,

the site of a Kabirpanthi fair, and two at Mandla. Under the head

Mahant are a number of subordinate Mahants or Gurus, each of whom has

jurisdiction over the members of the sect in a certain area. The Guru

pays so much a year to the head Mahant for his letter of jurisdiction

and takes all the offerings himself. These subordinate Mahants may

be celibate or married, and about two-thirds of them are married. A

dissenting branch called Nadiapanthi has now arisen in Raipur, all of

whom are celibate. The Mahants have a high peaked cap somewhat of the

shape of a mitre, a long sleeveless white robe, a _chauri_ or whisk,

_chauba_ or silver stick, and a staff called _kuari_ or _aska_. It

is said that on one occasion there was a very high flood at Puri and

the sea threatened to submerge Jagannath's temple, but Kabir planted

a stick in the sand and said, 'Come thus far and no further,' and the

flood was stayed. In memory of this the Mahants carry the crutched

staff, which also serves as a means of support. When officiating they

wear a small embroidered cap. Each Mahant has a Diwan or assistant,

and he travels about his charge during the open season, visiting the

members of the sect. A Mahant should not annoy any one by begging,

but rather than do so should remain hungry. He must not touch any

flesh, fish or liquor. And if any living thing is hungry he should

give it of his own food.

5. The religious service.

A Kabirpanthi religious service is called Chauka, the name given to the

space marked out for it with lines of wheat-flour, 5 or 7 1/2 yards

square. [293] In the centre is made a pattern of nine lotus flowers

to represent the sun, moon and seven planets, and over this a bunch of

real flowers is laid. At one corner is a small hollow pillar of dough

serving as a candle-stick, in which a stick covered with cotton-wool

burns as a lamp, being fed with butter. The Mahant sits at one end and

the worshippers sit round. _Bhajans_ or religious songs are sung to the

music of cymbals by one or two, and the others repeat the name of Kabir

counting on their _kanthi_ or necklace of beads. The Mahant lights a

piece of camphor and waves it backwards and forwards in a dish. This

is called Arti, a Hindu rite. He then breaks a cocoanut on a stone,

a thing which only a Mahant may do. The flesh of the cocoanut is cut

up and distributed to the worshippers with betel-leaf and sugar. Each

receives it on his knees, taking the greatest care that none fall

on the ground. If any of the cocoanut remain, it is kept by the

Mahant for another service. The Hindus think that the cocoanut is a

substitute for a human head. It is supposed to have been created by

Viswamitra and the _buch_ or tuft of fibre at the end represents the

hair. The Kabirpanthis will not eat any part of a cocoanut from other

Hindus from which this tuft has been removed, as they fear that it

may have been broken off in the name of some god or spirit. Once the

_buch_ is removed the cocoanut is not an acceptable offering, as its

likeness to a human head is considered to be destroyed. After this

the Mahant gives an address and an interval occurs. Some little time

afterwards the worshippers reassemble. Meanwhile, a servant has taken

the dough candle-stick and broken it up, mixing it with fragments of

the cocoanut, butter and more flour. It is then brought to the Mahant,

who makes it into little _puris_ or wafers. The Mahant has also a

number of betel-leaves known as _parwana_ or message, which have been

blessed by the head _guru_ at Kawardha or Damakheda. These are cut up

into small pieces for delivery to each disciple and are supposed to

represent the body of Kabir. He has also brought _Charan Amrita_ or

Nectar of the Feet, consisting of water in which the feet of the head

_guru_ have been washed. This is mixed with fine earth and made up into

pills. The worshippers reassemble, any who may feel unworthy absenting

themselves, and each receives from the Mahant, with one hand folded

beneath the other, a wafer of the dough, a piece of the _parwana_

or betel-leaf, and a pill of the foot-nectar. After partaking of the

sacred food they cleanse their hands, and the proceedings conclude with

a substantial meal defrayed either by subscription or by a well-to-do

member. Bishop Westcott states that the _parwana_ or betel-leaf is

held to represent Kabir's body, and the Kabirpanthis say that the

flame of the candle is the life or spirit of Kabir, so that the dough

of the candle-stick might also be taken to symbolise his body. The

cocoanut eaten at the preliminary service is undoubtedly offered by

Hindus as a substitute for a human body, though the Kabirpanthis may

now disclaim this idea. And the foot-nectar of the _guru_ might be

looked upon as a substitute for the blood of Kabir.

6. Initiation.

The initiation of a proselyte is conducted at a similar service,

and he is given cocoanut and betel-leaf. He solemnly vows to observe

the rules of the sect, and the Mahant whispers a text into his ear

and hangs a necklace of wooden beads of the wood of the _tulsi_ or

basil round his neck. This _kanthi_ or necklace is the mark of the

Kabirpanthi, but if lost, it can be replaced by any other necklace,

not necessarily of _tulsi_. One man was observed with a necklace of

pink beads bought at Allahabad. Sometimes only a single _tulsi_ bead

is worn on a string. The convert is also warned against eating the

fruit of the _gular_ [294] fig-tree, as these small figs are always

full of insects. Kabir condemned sect-marks, but many Kabirpanthis

now have them, the mark usually being a single broad streak of white

sandalwood from the top of the forehead to the nose.

7. Funeral rites.

The Kabirpanthis are usually buried. Formerly, the bodies of married

people both male and female were buried inside the compound of

the house, but this is now prohibited on sanitary grounds. A cloth

is placed in the grave and the corpse laid on it and another cloth

placed over it covering the face. Over the grave a little platform is

made on which the Mahant and two or three other persons can sit. On

the twenty-first day after the death, if possible, the Mahant should

hold a service for the dead. The form of the service is that already

described, the Mahant sitting on the grave and the _chauka_ being

made in front of it. He lays a cocoanut and flowers on the grave and

lights the lamp, afterwards distributing the cocoanut. The Kabirpanthis

think that the soul of the dead person remains in the grave up to this

time, but when the lamp is burnt the soul mingles with the flame,

which is the soul of Kabir, and is absorbed into the deity. When

breaking a cocoanut over the grave of the dead the Kabirpanthis say,

'I am breaking the skull of Yama,' because they think that the soul of

a Kabirpanthi is absorbed into the deity and therefore is not liable

to be taken down to hell and judged by Chitragupta and punished by

Yama. From this it would appear that some of them do not believe in

the transmigration of souls.

8. Idol worship.

Ordinarily the Kabirpanthis have no regular worship except on the

occasion of a visit of the _guru_. But sometimes in the morning they

fold their hands and say '_Sat Sahib_,' or the 'True God,' two or three

times. They also clean a space with cowdung and place a lighted lamp

on it and say '_Jai Kabir Ki_,' or 'Victory to Kabir.' They conceive

of the deity as consisting of light, and therefore it seems probable

that, like the other Vaishnava sects, they really take him to be the

Sun. Kabir prohibited the worship of all idols and visible symbols,

but as might be expected the illiterate Kabirpanthis cannot adhere

strictly to this. Some of them worship the Bijak, the principal sacred

book of their sect. At Rudri near Dhamtari on the Mahanadi one of

the Gurus is buried, and a religious fair is held there. Recently

a platform has been made with a footprint of Kabir marked on it,

and this is venerated by the pilgrims. Similarly, Kudarmal is held

to contain the grave of Churaman, the first _guru_ after Dharam Das,

and a religious fair is held here at which the Kabirpanthis attend and

venerate the grave. Dharam Das himself is said to be buried at Puri,

the site of Jagannath's temple, but it seems doubtful whether this

story may not have been devised in order to give the Kabirpanthis a

valid reason for going on pilgrimage to Puri. Similarly, an arch and

platform in the court of the temple of Rama at Ramtek is considered

to belong to the Kabirpanthis, though the Brahmans of the temple say

that the arch was really made by the daughter of a Surajvansi king

of the locality in order to fasten her swing to it. Once in three

years the Mahar Kabirpanthis of Mandla make a sacrificial offering

of a goat to Dulha Deo, the bridegroom god, and eat the flesh,

burying the remains beneath the floor. On this occasion they also

drink liquor. Other Kabirpanthis venerate Brahma, Vishnu and Siva,

and light a lamp and burn camphor in their names, but do not make

idols of them. They will accept the cooked food offered to Vishnu as

Satnarayan and a piece of the cocoanut kernel offered to Devi, but not

the offerings to any other deities. And a number even of illiterate

Kabirpanthis appear to abstain from any kind of idol-worship.

9. Statistics of the sect.

About 600,000 Kabirpanthis were returned in the Central Provinces

in 1911, this being equivalent to an increase of 19 per cent since

the previous census. As this was less than the increase in the

total population the sect appears to be stationary or declining in

numbers. The weaving castes are usually Kabirpanthis, because Kabir was

a weaver. The Brahmans call it 'The weaver's religion.' Of the Panka

caste 84 per cent were returned as members of the sect, and this caste

appears to be of sectarian formation, consisting of Pans or Gandas

who have become Kabirpanthis. Other weaving castes such as Balahis,

Koris, Koshtis and Mahars belong to the sect in considerable numbers,

and it is also largely professed by other low castes as the Telis or

oilmen, of whom 16 per cent adhere to it, and by Dhobis and Chamars;

and by some castes from whom a Brahman will take water, as the Ahirs,

Kurmis, Lodhis and Kachhis. Though there seems little doubt that one

of the principal aims of Kabir's preaching was the abolition of the

social tyranny of the caste system, which is the most real and to the

lower classes the most hateful and burdensome feature of Hinduism,

yet as in the case of so many other reformers his crusade has failed,

and a man who becomes a Kabirpanthi does not cease to be a member of

his caste or to conform to its observances. And a few Brahmans who

have been converted, though renounced by their own caste, have, it

is said, been compensated by receiving high posts in the hierarchy of

the sect. Formerly all members of the sect took food together at the

conclusion of each Chauka or service conducted by a Mahant. But this

is no longer the case, and presumably different Chaukas are now held

for communities of different castes. Only on the 13th day of Bhadon

(August), which was the birthday of Kabir, as many Kabirpanthis as

can meet at the headquarters of the Guru take food together without

distinction of caste in memory of their Founder's doctrine. Otherwise

the Kabirpanthis of each caste make a separate group within it, but

among the lower castes they take food and marry with members of the

caste who are not Kabirpanthis. These latter are commonly known as

Saktaha, a term which in Chhattisgarh signifies an eater of meat as

opposed to a Kabirpanthi who refrains from it. The Mahars and Pankas

permit intermarriage between Kabirpanthi and Saktaha families,

the wife in each case adopting the customs and beliefs of her

husband. Kabirpanthis also wear the _choti_ or scalp-lock and shave

the head for the death of a relative, in spite of Kabir's contempt of

the custom. Still, the sect has in the past afforded to the uneducated

classes a somewhat higher ideal of spiritual life than the chaotic

medley of primitive superstitions and beliefs in witchcraft and devil

worship, from which the Brahmans, caring only for the recognition of

their social supremacy, made no attempt to raise them.

Lingayat Sect