But to approach the people in their present state of excitement,

and to make those concessions without too far compromising the

dignity and permanent authority of the Crown, was a delicate

matter, for the success of which they must rely wholly on the

character of the agent. After much deliberation, a competent

person, as it was thought, was found in an ecclesiastic, by the

name of Pedro de la Gasca, - a name which, brighter by contrast

with the gloomy times in which it first appeared, still shines

with undiminished splendor after the lapse of ages.

Pedro de la Gasca was born, probably, towards the close of the

fifteenth century, in a small village in Castile, named Barco de

Avila. He came, both by father and mother's side, from an ancient

and noble lineage; ancient indeed, if, as his biographers

contend, he derived his descent from Casca, one of the

conspirators against Julius Caesar! *4 Having the misfortune to

lose his father early in life, he was placed by his uncle in the

famous seminary of Alcala de Henares, founded by the great

Ximenes. Here he made rapid proficiency in liberal studies,

especially in those connected with his profession, and at length

received the degree of Master of Theology.

[Footnote 4: "Pasando a Espana vinieron a tierra de Avila y quedo

del nombre dellos el lugar y familia de Gasca; mudandose por la

afinidad de la pronunciacion, que hay entre las dos letras

consonantes c. y. g. el nombre de Casca en Gasca." Hist. de Don

Pedro Gasca, Ms.

Similarity of name is a peg quite strong enough to hang a

pedigree upon in Castile.]

The young man, however, discovered other talents than those

demanded by his sacred calling. The war of the comunidades was

then raging in the country; and the authorities of his college

showed a disposition to take the popular side. But Gasca,

putting himself at the head of an armed force, seized one of the

gates of the city, and, with assistance from the royal troops,

secured the place to the interests of the Crown. This early

display of loyalty was probably not lost on his vigilant

sovereign *5

[Footnote 5: This account of the early history of Gasca I have

derived chiefly from a manuscript biographical notice written in

1465, during the prelate's life. The name of the author, who

speaks apparently from personal knowledge, is not given: but it

seems to be the work of a scholar, and is written with a certain

pretension to elegance. The original Ms. forms part of the

valuable collection of Don Pascual de Gayangos of Madrid. It is

of much value for the light it throws on the early career of

Gasca, which has been passed over in profound silence by

Castilian historians. It is to be regretted that the author did

not continue his labors beyond the period when the subject of

them received his appointment to the Peruvian mission.]

From Alcala, Gasca was afterwards removed to Salamanca; where he

distinguished himself by his skill in scholastic disputation, and

obtained the highest academic honors in that ancient university,

the fruitful nursery of scholarship and genius. He was

subsequently intrusted with the management of some important

affairs of an ecclesiastical nature, and made a member of the

Council of the Inquisition.

In this latter capacity he was sent to Valencia, about 1540, to

examine into certain alleged cases of heresy in that quarter of

the country. These were involved in great obscurity; and,

although Gasca had the assistance of several eminent jurists in

the investigation, it occupied him nearly two years. In the

conduct of this difficult matter, he showed so much penetration,

and such perfect impartiality, that he was appointed by the

Cortes of Valencia to the office of visitador of that kingdom; a

highly responsible post, requiring great discretion in the person

who filled it, since it was his province to inspect the condition

of the courts of justice and of finance, throughout the land,

with authority to reform abuses. It was proof of extraordinary

consideration, that it should have been bestowed on Gasca; since

it was a departure from the established usage - and that in a

nation most wedded to usage - to confer the office on any but a

subject of the Aragonese crown. *6

[Footnote 6: "Era tanta la opinion que en Valencia tenian de la

integridad y prudencia de Gasca, que en las Cortes de Monzon los

Estados de aquel Reyno le pidieron por Visitador contra la

costumbre y fuero de aquel Reyno, que no puede serlo sino fuere

natural de la Corona de Araugon, y consintiendo que aquel fuero

se derogase el Emperador lo concedio a instancia y peticion

dellos." Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca Ms.]

Gasca executed the task assigned to him with independence and

ability. While he was thus occupied, the people of Valencia were

thrown into consternation by a meditated invasion of the French

and the Turks, who, under the redoubtable Barbarossa, menaced the

coast and the neighbouring Balearic isles. Fears were generally

entertained of a rising of the Morisco population; and the

Spanish officers who had command in that quarter, being left

without the protection of a navy, despaired of making head

against the enemy. In this season of general panic, Gasca alone

appeared calm and self-possessed. He remonstrated with the

Spanish commanders on their unsoldierlike despondency; encouraged

them to confide in the loyalty of the Moriscos; and advised the

immediate erection of fortifications along the shores for their

protection. He was, in consequence, named one of a commission to

superintend these works, and to raise levies for defending the

sea-coast; and so faithfully was the task performed, that

Barbarossa, after some ineffectual attempts to make good his

landing, was baffled at all points, and compelled to abandon the

enterprise as hopeless. The chief credit of this resistance must

be assigned to Gasca, who superintended the construction of the

defences, and who was enabled to contribute a large part of the

requisite funds by the economical reforms he had introduced into

the administration of Valencia. *7

[Footnote 7: "Que parece cierto," says his enthusiastic

biographer, "que por disposicion Divina vino a hallarse Gasca

entonces en la Ciudad de Valencia, para remedio de aquel Reyno y

Islas de Mallorca y Menorca e lviza, segun la orden, prevencion y

diligencia que en la defensa contra las armadas del Turco y

Francia tuvo, y las provisiones que para ello hizo." Hist. de Don

Pedro Gasca, Ms.]

It was at this time, the latter part of the year 1545, that the

council of Philip selected Gasca as the person most competent to

undertake the perilous mission to Peru. *8 His character, indeed,

seemed especially suited to it. His loyalty had been shown

through his whole life. With great suavity of manners he

combined the most intrepid resolution. Though his demeanour was

humble, as beseemed his calling, it was far from abject; for he

was sustained by a conscious rectitude of purpose, that impressed

respect on all with whom he had intercourse. He was acute in his

perceptions, had a shrewd knowledge of character, and, though

bred to the cloister, possessed an acquaintance with affairs, and

even with military science, such as was to have been expected

only from one reared in courts and camps.

[Footnote 8: "Finding a lion would not answer, they sent a lamb,"

says Gomara; - "Finalmente, quiso embiar una Oveja, pues un Leon

no aprovecho; y asi escogio al Licenciado Pedro Gasca." Hist. de

las Ind., cap. 174.]

Without hesitation, therefore, the council unanimously

recommended him to the emperor, and requested his approbation of

their proceedings. Charles had not been an inattentive observer

of Gasca's course. His attention had been particularly called to

the able manner in which he had conducted the judicial process

against the heretics of Valencia. *9 The monarch saw, at once,

that he was the man for the present emergency; and he immediately

wrote to him, with his own hand, expressing his entire

satisfaction at the appointment, and intimating his purpose to

testify his sense of his worth by preferring him to one of the

principal sees then vacant.

[Footnote 9: Gasca made what the author calls una breve y copyosa

relacion of the proceedings to the emperor in Valencia; and the

monarch was so intent on the inquiry, that he devoted the whole

afternoon to it, notwithstanding his son Philip was waiting for

him to attend a fiesta! irrefragable proof, as the writer

conceives, of his zeal for the faith. -"Queriendo entender muy de

raizo todo lo que pasaba, como Principe tan zeloso que era de las

cosas de la religion." Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.]

Gasca accepted the important mission now tendered to him without

hesitation; and, repairing to Madrid, received the instructions

of the government as to the course to be pursued. They were

expressed in the most benign and conciliatory tone, perfectly in

accordance with the suggestions of his own benevolent temper. *10

But, while he commended the tone of the instructions, he

considered the powers with which he was to be intrusted as wholly

incompetent to their object. They were conceived in the jealous

spirit with which the Spanish government usually limited the

authority of its great colonial officers, whose distance from

home gave peculiar cause for distrust. On every strange and

unexpected emergency, Gasca saw that he should be obliged to send

back for instructions. This must cause delay, where promptitude

was essential to success. The Court, moreover, as he represented

to the council, was, from its remoteness from the scene of

action, utterly incompetent to pronounce as to the expediency of

the measures to be pursued. Some one should be sent out in whom

the king could implicitly confide, and who should be invested

with powers competent to every emergency; powers not merely to

decide on what was best, but to carry that decision into

execution; and he boldly demanded that he should go not only as

the representative of the sovereign, but clothed with all the

authority of the sovereign himself. Less than this would defeat

the very object for which he was to be sent. "For myself," he

concluded, "I ask neither salary nor compensation of any kind. I

covet no display of state or military array. With my stole and

breviary I trust to do the work that is committed to me. *11

Infirm as I am in body, the repose of my own home would have been

more grateful to me than this dangerous mission; but I will not

shrink from it at the bidding of my sovereign, and if, as is very

probable, I may not be permitted again to see my native land, I

shall, at least, be cheered by the consciousness of having done

my best to serve its interests." *12

[Footnote 10: These instructions, the patriarchal tone of which

is highly creditable to the government, are given in extenso in

the Ms. of Caravantes, and in no other work which I have

consulted.]

[Footnote 11: "De suerte que juzgassen que la mas fuerca que

lleuaua, era su abito de clerigo y breuiario." Fernandez, Hist.

del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 16.]

[Footnote 12: Ms. de Caravantes. - Hist. del Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.

- Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 16, 17.

Though not for himself, Gasca did solicit one favor of the

emperor, - the appointment of his brother, an eminent jurist, to

a vacant place on the bench of one of the Castilian tribunals]

The members of the council, while they listened with admiration

to the disinterested avowal of Gasca, were astounded by the

boldness of his demands. Not that they distrusted the purity of

his motives, for these were above suspicion. But the powers for

which he stipulated were so far beyond those hitherto delegated

to a colonial viceroy, that they felt they had no warrant to

grant them. They even shrank from soliciting them from the

emperor, and required that Gasca himself should address the

monarch, and state precisely the grounds on which demands so

extraordinary were founded.

Gasca readily adopted the suggestion, and wrote in the most full

and explicit manner to his sovereign, who had then transferred

his residence to Flanders. But Charles was not so tenacious, or,

at least, so jealous, of authority, as his ministers. He had

been too long in possession of it to feel that jealousy; and,

indeed, many years were not to elapse, before, oppressed by its

weight, he was to resign it altogether into the hands of his son.

His sagacious mind, moreover, readily comprehended the

difficulties of Gasca's position. He felt that the present

extraordinary crisis was to be met only by extraordinary

measures. He assented to the force of his vassal's arguments,

and, on the sixteenth of February, 1546, wrote him another letter

expressive of his approbation, and intimated his willingness to

grant him powers as absolute as those he had requested.

Gasca was to be styled President of the Royal Audience. But,

under this simple title, he was placed at the head of every

department in the colony, civil, military, and judicial. He was

empowered to make new repartimientos, and to confirm those

already made. He might declare war, levy troops, appoint to all

offices, or remove from them, at pleasure. He might exercise the

royal prerogative of pardoning offences, and was especially

authorized to grant an amnesty to all, without exception,

implicated in the present rebellion. He was, moreover, to

proclaim at once the revocation of the odious ordinances. These

two last provisions might be said to form the basis of all his

operations.

Since ecclesiastics were not to be reached by the secular arm,

and yet were often found fomenting troubles in the colonies,

Gasca was permitted to banish from Peru such as he thought fit.

He might even send home the viceroy, if the good of the country

required it. Agreeably to his own suggestion, he was to receive

no specified stipend; but he had unlimited orders on the

treasuries both of Panama and Peru. He was furnished with

letters from the emperor to the principal authorities, not only

in Peru, but in Mexico and the neighbouring colonies, requiring

their countenance and support; and, lastly, blank letters,

bearing the royal signature, were delivered to him, which he was

to fill up at his pleasure. *13

[Footnote 13: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 6. - Herrera,

Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 6. - Ms. de Caravantes. -

Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 17, 18. -

Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 174. - Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca,

Ms.]

While the grant of such unbounded powers excited the warmest

sentiments of gratitude in Gasca towards the sovereign who could

repose in him so much confidence, it seems - which is more

extra-ordinary - not to have raised corresponding feelings of

envy in the courtiers. They knew well that it was not for

himself that the good ecclesiastic had solicited them. On the

contrary, some of the council were desirous that he should be

preferred to the bishopric, as already promised him, before his

departure; conceiving that he would thus go with greater

authority than as an humble ecclesiastic, and fearing, moreover,

that Gasca himself, were it omitted, might feel some natural

disappointment. But the president hastened to remove these

impressions. "The honor would avail me little," he said, "where

I am going; and it would be manifestly wrong to appoint me to an

office in the Church, while I remain at such a distance that I

cannot discharge the duties of it. The consciousness of my

insufficiency," he continued, "should I never return, would lie

heavy on my soul in my last moments." *14 The politic reluctance

to accept the mitre has passed into a proverb. But there was no

affectation here; and Gasca's friends, yielding to his arguments,

forbore to urge the matter further.

[Footnote 14: "Especialmente, si alla muriesse o le matassen: que

entoces de nada le podria ser buena, sino para partir desta vida,

con mas congoxa y pena de la poca cuenta que daua de la prouision

que auia aceptado." Fernandez, Hist. de Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2,

cap. 18.]

The new president now went forward with his preparations. They

were few and simple; for he was to be accompanied by a slender

train of followers, among whom the most conspicuous was Alonso de

Alvarado, the gallant officer who, as the reader may remember,

long commanded under Francisco Pizarro. He had resided of late

years at court; and now at Gasca's request accompanied him to

Peru, where his presence might facilitate negotiations with the

insurgents, while his military experience would prove no less

valuable in case of an appeal to arms. *15 Some delay necessarily

occurred in getting ready his little squadron, and it was not

till the 26th of May, 1546, that the president and his suite

embarked at San Lucar for the New World.

[Footnote 15: From this cavalier descended the noble house of the

counts of Villamor in Spain. Ms. de Caravantes.]

After a prosperous voyage, and not a long one for that day, he

landed, about the middle of July, at the port of Santa Martha.

Here he received the astounding intelligence of the battle of

Anaquito, of the defeat and death of the viceroy, and of the

manner in which Gonzalo Pizarro had since established his

absolute rule over the land. Although these events had occurred

several months before Gasca's departure from Spain, yet, so

imperfect was the intercourse, no tidings of them had then

reached that country.

They now filled the president with great anxiety as he reflected

that the insurgents, after so atrocious an act as the slaughter

of the viceroy, might well despair of grace, and become reckless

of consequences. He was careful, therefore, to have it

understood, that the date of his commission was subsequent to

that of the fatal battle, and that it authorized an entire

amnesty of all offences hitherto committed against the

government. *16

[Footnote 16: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap.

21]

Yet, in some points of view, the death of Blasco Nunez might be

regarded as an auspicious circumstance for the settlement of the

country. Had he lived till Gasca's arrival, the latter would have

been greatly embarrassed by the necessity of acting in concert

with a person so generally detested in the colony, or by the

unwelcome alternative of sending him back to Castile. The

insurgents, moreover, would, in all probability, be now more

amenable to reason, since all personal animosity might naturally

be buried in the grave of their enemy.

The president was much embarrassed by deciding in what quarter he

should attempt to enter Peru. Every port was in the hands of

Pizarro, and was placed under the care of his officers, with

strict charge to intercept any communications from Spain, and to

detain such persons as bore a commission from that country until

his pleasure could be known respecting them. Gasca, at length,

decided on crossing over to Nombre de Dios, then held with a

strong force by Hernan Mexia, an officer to whose charge Gonzalo

had committed this strong gate to his dominions, as to a person

on whose attachment to his cause he could confidently rely.

Had Gasca appeared off this place in a menacing attitude, with a

military array, or, indeed, with any display of official pomp

that might have awakened distrust in the commander, he would

doubtless have found it no easy matter to effect a landing. But

Mexia saw nothing to apprehend in the approach of a poor

ecclesiastic, without an armed force, with hardly even a retinue

to support him, coming solely, as it seemed, on an errand of

mercy. No sooner, therefore, was he acquainted with the

character of the envoy and his mission, than he prepared to

receive him with the honors due to his rank, and marched out at

the head of his soldiers, together with a considerable body of

ecclesiastics resident in the place. There was nothing in the

person of Gasca, still less in his humble clerical attire and

modest retinue, to impress the vulgar spectator with feelings of

awe or reverence. Indeed, the poverty-stricken aspect, as it

seemed, of himself and his followers, so different from the usual

state affected by the Indian viceroys, excited some merriment

among the rude soldiery, who did not scruple to break their

coarse jests on his appearance, in hearing of the president

himself. *17 "If this is the sort of governor his Majesty sends

over to us," they exclaimed, "Pizarro need not trouble his head

much about it."

[Footnote 17: "Especialmente muchos de los soldados, que estauan

desacatados, y decian palabras feas, y desuergocadas. A lo qual

el Presidente (viendo que era necessario) hazia las orejas

sordas." Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 23.]

Yet the president, far from being ruffled by this ribaldry, or

from showing resentment to its authors, submitted to it with the

utmost humility, and only seemed the more grateful to his own

brethren, who, by their respectful demeanour, appeared anxious to

do him honor.

But, however plain and unpretending the manners of Gasca, Mexia,

on his first interview with him, soon discovered that he had no

common man to deal with. The president, after briefly explaining

the nature of his commission, told him that he had come as a

messenger of peace; and that it was on peaceful measures he

relied for his success. He then stated the general scope of his

commission, his authority to grant a free pardon to all, without

exception, who at once submitted to government, and, finally, his

purpose to proclaim the revocation of the ordinances. The

objects of the revolution were thus attained. To contend longer

would be manifest rebellion, and that without a motive; and he

urged the commander by every principle of loyalty and patriotism

to support him in settling the distractions of the country, and

bringing it back to its allegiance.

The candid and conciliatory language of the president, so

different from the arrogance of Blasco Nunez, and the austere

demeanour of Vaca de Castro, made a sensible impression on Mexia.

He admitted the force of Gasca's reasoning, and flattered himself

that Gonzalo Pizarro would not be insensible to it. Though

attached to the fortunes of that leader, he was loyal in heart,

and, like most of the party, had been led by accident, rather

than by design, into rebellion; and now that so good an

opportunity occurred to do it with safety, he was not unwilling

to retrace his steps, and secure the royal favor by thus early

returning to his allegiance. This he signified to the president,

assuring him of his hearty cooperation in the good work of

reform. *18

[Footnote 18: Ibid., ubi supra. - Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a

Valdivia, Ms. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546. - Zarate,

Conq. del Peru lib. 6, cap. 6. - Herrera, Hist General, dec. 8,

lib. 2, cap. 5]

This was an important step for Gasca. It was yet more important

for him to secure the obedience of Hinojosa, the governor of

Panama, in the harbour of which city lay Pizarro's navy,

consisting of two-and-twenty vessels. But it was not easy to

approach this officer. He was a person of much higher character

than was usually found among the reckless adventurers in the New

World. He was attached to the interests of Pizarro, and the

latter had requited him by placing him in command of his armada

and of Panama, the key to his territories on the Pacific.

The president first sent Mexia and Alonso de Alvarado to prepare

the way for his own coming, by advising Hinojosa of the purport

of his mission. He soon after followed, and was received by that

commander with every show of outward respect. But while the

latter listened with deference to the representations of Gasca,

they failed to work the change in him which they had wrought in

Mexia; and he concluded by asking the president to show him his

powers, and by inquiring whether they gave him authority to

confirm Pizarro in his present post, to which he was entitled no

less by his own services than by the general voice of the people.

This was an embarrassing question. Such a concession would have

been altogether too humiliating to the Crown; but to have openly

avowed this at the present juncture to so stanch an adherent of

Pizarro might have precluded all further negotiation. The

president evaded the question, therefore, by simply stating, that

the time had not yet come for him to produce his powers, but that

Hinojosa might be assured they were such as to secure an ample

recompense to every loyal servant of his country. *19

[Footnote 19: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap.

25. - Zarate Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 7. - Ms. de

Caravantes.]

Hinojosa was not satisfied; and he immediately wrote to Pizarro,

acquainting him with Gasca's arrival and with the object of his

mission, at the same time plainly intimating his own conviction

that the president had no authority to confirm him in the

government. But before the departure of the ship, Gasca secured

the services of a Dominican friar, who had taken his passage on

board for one of the towns on the coast. This man he intrusted

with manifestoes, setting forth the purport of his visit, and

proclaiming the abolition of the ordinances, with a free pardon

to all who returned to their obedience. He wrote, also, to the

prelates and to the corporations of the different cities. The

former he requested to cooperate with him in introducing a spirit

of loyalty and subordination among the people, while he intimated

to the towns his purpose to confer with them hereafter, in order

to devise some effectual measures for the welfare of the country.

These papers the Dominican engaged to distribute, himself, among

the principal cities of the colony and he faithfully kept his

word, though, as it proved, at no little hazard of his life. The

seeds thus scattered might many of them fall on barren ground.

But the greater part, the president trusted, would take root in

the hearts of the people; and he patiently waited for the

harvest.

Meanwhile, though he failed to remove the scruples of Hinojosa,

the courteous manners of Gasca, and his mild, persuasive

discourse, had a visible effect on other individuals with whom he

had daily intercourse. Several of these, and among them some of

the principal cavaliers in Panama, as well as in the squadron,

expressed their willingness to join the royal cause, and aid the

president in maintaining it. Gasca profited by their assistance

to open a communication with the authorities of Guatemala and

Mexico, whom he advised of his mission, while he admonished them

to allow no intercourse to be carried on with the insurgents on

the coast of Peru. He, at length, also prevailed on the governor

of Panama to furnish him with the means of entering into

communication with Gonzalo Pizarro himself; and a ship was

despatched to Lima, bearing a letter from Charles the Fifth,

addressed to that chief, with an epistle also from Gasca.

The emperor's communication was couched in the most condescending

and even conciliatory terms. Far from taxing Gonzalo with

rebellion, his royal master affected to regard his conduct as in

a manner imposed on him by circumstances, especially by the

obduracy of the viceroy Nunez in denying the colonists the

inalienable right of petition. He gave no intimation of an

intent to confirm Pizarro in the government, or, indeed, to

remove him from it; but simply referred him to Gasca as one who

would acquaint him with the royal pleasure, and with whom he was

to cooperate in restoring tranquillity to the country.

Gasca's own letter was pitched on the same politic key. He

remarked, however, that the exigencies which had hitherto

determined Gonzalo's line of conduct existed no longer. All that

had been asked was conceded. There was nothing now to contend

for; and it only remained for Pizarro and his followers to show

their loyalty and the sincerity of their principles by obedience

to the Crown. Hitherto, the president said, Pizarro had been in

arms against the viceroy; and the people had supported him as

against a common enemy. If he prolonged the contest, that enemy

must be his sovereign. In such a struggle, the people would be

sure to desert him; and Gasca conjured him, by his honor as a

cavalier, and his duty as a loyal vassal, to respect the royal

authority, and not rashly provoke a contest which must prove to

the world that his conduct hitherto had been dictated less by

patriotic motives than by selfish ambition.

This letter, which was conveyed in language the most courteous

and complimentary to the subject of it, was of great length. It

was accompanied by another much more concise, to Cepeda, the

intriguing lawyer, who, as Gasca knew, had the greatest influence

over Pizarro, in the absence of Carbajal, then employed in

reaping the silver harvest from the newly discovered mines of

Potosi. *20 In this epistle, Gasca affected to defer to the

cunning politician as a member of the Royal Audience, and he

conferred with him on the best manner of supplying a vacancy in

that body. These several despatches were committed to a

cavalier, named Paniagua, a faithful adherent of the president,

and one of those who had accompanied him from Castile. To this

same emissary he also gave manifestoes and letters, like those

intrusted to the Dominican, with orders secretly to distribute

them in Lima, before he quitted that capital. *21

[Footnote 20: "El Licenciado Cepeda que tengo yo agora por

teniente, de quien yo hago mucho caso i le quiero mucho." Carta

de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]

[Footnote 21: The letters noticed in the text may be found in

Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 7, and Fernandez, Hist. del

Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 29, 30. The president's letter

covers several pages. Much of it is taken up with historic

precedents and illustrations, to show the folly, as well as

wickedness, of a collision with the imperial authority. The

benignant tone of this homily may be inferred from its concluding

sentence; "Nuestro senor por su infinita bodad alumbre a vuestra

merced, y a todos los demas para que acierten a hazer en este

negocio lo que couiene a sus almas, honras, vidas y haziendas: y

guarde en su sancto servicio la Illustre persona de vuestra

merced."]

Weeks and months rolled away, while the president still remained

at Panama, where, indeed, as his communications were jealously

cut off with Peru, he might be said to be detained as a sort of

prisoner of state. Meanwhile, both he and Hinojosa were looking

with anxiety for the arrival of some messenger from Pizarro, who

should indicate the manner in which the president's mission was

to be received by that chief. The governor of Panama was not

blind to the perilous position in which he was himself placed,

nor to the madness of provoking a contest with the Court of

Castile. But he had a reluctance - not too often shared by the

cavaliers of Peru - to abandon the fortunes of the commander who

had reposed in him so great confidence. Yet he trusted that this

commander would embrace the opportunity now offered, of placing

himself and the country in a state of permanent security.

Several of the cavaliers who had given in their adhesion to

Gasca, displeased by this obstinacy, as they termed it, of

Hinojosa, proposed to seize his person and then get possession of

the armada. But the president at once rejected this offer. His

mission, he said, was one of peace, and he would not stain it at

the outset by an act of violence. He even respected the scruples

of Hinojosa; and a cavalier of so honorable a nature, he

conceived, if once he could be gained by fair means, would be

much more likely to be true to his interests, than if overcome

either by force or fraud. Gasca thought he might safely abide

his time. There was policy, as well as honesty, in this; indeed,

they always go together.

Meantime, persons were occasionally arriving from Lima and the

neighbouring places, who gave accounts of Pizarro, varying

according to the character and situation of the parties. Some

represented him as winning all hearts by his open temper and the

politic profusion with which, though covetous of wealth, he

distributed repartimientos and favors among his followers.

Others spoke of him as carrying matters with a high hand, while

the greatest timidity and distrust prevailed among the citizens

of Lima. All agreed that his power rested on too secure a basis

to be shaken; and that, if the president should go to Lima, he

must either consent to be come Pizarro's instrument and confirm

him in the government, or forfeit his own life. *22

[Footnote 22: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap.

27. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 7. - Ms. de

Caravantes.]

It was undoubtedly true, that Gonzalo, while he gave attention,

as his friends say, to the public business, found time for free

indulgence in those pleasures which wait on the soldier of

fortune in his hour of triumph. He was the object of flattery

and homage; courted even by those who hated him. For such as did

not love the successful chieftain had good cause to fear him; and

his exploits were commemorated in romances or ballads, as

rivalling - it was not far from truth - those of the most doughty

paladins of chivalry. *23

[Footnote 23: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap.

32.]

Amidst this burst of adulation, the cup of joy commended to

Pizarro's lips had one drop of bitterness in it that gave its

flavor to all the rest; for, notwithstanding his show of

confidence, he looked with unceasing anxiety to the arrival of

tidings that might assure him in what light his conduct was

regarded by the government at home. This was proved by his

jealous precautions to guard the approaches to the coast, and to

detain the persons of the royal emissaries. He learned,

therefore, with no little uneasiness, from Hinojosa, the landing

of President Gasca, and the purport of his mission. But his

discontent was mitigated, when he understood that the new envoy

had come without military array, without any of the ostentatious

trappings of office to impose on the minds of the vulgar, but

alone, as it were, in the plain garb of an humble missionary. *24

Pizarro could not discern, that under this modest exterior lay a

moral power, stronger than his own steel-clad battalions, which,

operating silently on public opinion, - the more sure that it was

silent, - was even now undermining his strength, like a

subterraneous channel eating away the foundations of some stately

edifice, that stands secure in its pride of place!

[Footnote 24: Gonzalo, in his letter to Valdivia, speaks of Gasca

as a clergyman of a godly reputation, who, without recompense, in

the true spirit of a missionary, had come over to settle the

affairs of the country. "Dicen ques mui buen christiano i hombre

de buena vida i clerigo, i dicen que viene a estas partes con

buena intencion i no quiso salario ninguno del Rey sino venir

para poner paz en estos reynos con sus cristiandades." Carta de

Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]

But, although Gonzalo Pizarro could not foresee this result, he

saw enough to satisfy him that it would be safest to exclude the

president from Peru. The tidings of his arrival, moreover,

quickened his former purpose of sending an embassy to Spain to

vindicate his late proceedings, and request the royal

confirmation of his authority. The person placed at the head of

this mission was Lorenzo de Aldana, a cavalier of discretion as

well as courage, and high in the confidence of Pizarro, as one of

his most devoted partisans. He had occupied some important posts

under that chief, one secret of whose successes was the sagacity

he showed in the selection of his agents.

Besides Aldana and one or two cavaliers, the bishop of Lima was

joined in the commission, as likely, from his position, to have a

favorable influence on Gonzalo's fortunes at court. Together

with the despatches for the government, the envoys were intrusted

with a letter to Gasca from the inhabitants of Lima; in which,

after civilly congratulating the president on his arrival, they

announce their regret that he had come too late. The troubles of

the country were now settled by the overthrow of the viceroy, and

the nation was reposing in quiet under the rule of Pizarro. An

embassy, they stated, was on its way to Castile, not to solicit

pardon, for they had committed no crime, *25 but to petition the

emperor to confirm their leader in the government, as the man in

Peru best entitled to it by his virtues. *26 They expressed the

conviction that Gasca's presence would only serve to renew the

distractions of the country, and they darkly intimated that his

attempt to land would probably cost him his life. - The language

of this singular document was more respectful than might be

inferred from its import. It was dated the 14th of October,

1546, and was subscribed by seventy of the principal cavaliers in

the city. It was not improbably dictated by Cepeda, whose hand

is visible in most of the intrigues of Pizarro's little court.

It is also said, - the authority is somewhat questionable, - that

Aldana received instructions from Gonzalo secretly to offer a

bribe of fifty thousand pesos de oro to the president, to prevail

on him to return to Castile; and in case of his refusal, some

darker and more effectual way was to be devised to rid the

country of his presence. *27

[Footnote 25: "Porque perdo ninguno de nosotros le pide, porque

no entendemos que emos errado, sino seruido a su Magestad:

conseruado nuestro derecho; que por sus leyes Reales a sus

vasallos es permitido." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib.

2, cap. 33.]

[Footnote 26: "Porque el por sus virtudes es muy amado de todos:

y tenido por padre del Peru." Ibid., ubi supra.]

[Footnote 27: Ibid., loc. cit. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8,

lib. 2, cap. 10. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 8. -

Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 177. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms.,

ano 1546.

Pizarro, in his letter to Valdivia, notices this remonstrance to

Gasca, who, with all his reputation as a saint, was as deep as

any man in Spain, and had now come to send him home, as a reward,

no doubt, of his faithful services. "But I and the rest of the

cavaliers," he concludes, "have warned him not to set foot here."

"Y agora que yo tenia puesta esta tierra en sosiego embiava su

parte al de la Gasca que aunque arriba digo que dicen ques un

santo, es un hombre mas manoso que havia en toda Espana e mas

sabio; e asi venia por presidente e Governador, e todo quanto el

quiera; e para poderme embiar a mi a Espana, i a cabo de dos anos

que andavamos fuera de nuestras casas queria el Rey darme este

pago, mas yo con todos los cavalleros deste Reyno le embiavamos a

decir que se vaya, sino que haremos con el como con Blasco

Nunez." Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]

Aldana, fortified with his despatches, sped swiftly on his voyage

to Panama. Through him the governor learned the actual state of

feeling in the councils of Pizarro; and he listened with regret

to the envoy's conviction, that no terms would be admitted by

that chief or his companions, that did not confirm him in the

possession of Peru. *28

[Footnote 28: With Aldana's mission to Castile Gonzalo Pizarro

closes the important letter, so often cited in these pages, and

which may be supposed to furnish the best arguments for his own

conduct. It is a curious fact, that Valdivia, the conqueror of

Chili, to whom the epistle is addressed, soon after this openly

espoused the cause of Gasca, and his troops formed part of the

forces who contended with Pizarro, not long afterwards, at

Huarina. Such was the friend on whom Gonzalo relied!]

Aldana was soon admitted to an audience by the president. It was

attended with very different results from what had followed from

the conferences with Hinojosa; for Pizarro's envoy was not armed

by nature with that stubborn panoply which had hitherto made the

other proof against all argument. He now learned with surprise

the nature of Gasca's powers, and the extent of the royal

concessions to the insurgents. He had embarked with Gonzalo

Pizarro on a desperate venture, and he found that it had proved

successful. The colony had nothing more, in reason, to demand;

and, though devoted in heart to his leader, he did not feel bound

by any principle of honor to take part with him, solely to

gratify his ambition, in a wild contest with the Crown that must

end in inevitable ruin. He consequently abandoned his mission to

Castile, probably never very palatable to him, and announced his

purpose to accept the pardon proffered by government, and support

the president in settling the affairs of Peru. He subsequently

wrote, it should be added, to his former commander in Lima,

stating the course he had taken, and earnestly recommending the

latter to follow his example.

The influence of this precedent in so important a person as

Aldana, aided, doubtless, by the conviction that no change was

now to be expected in Pizarro, while delay would be fatal to

himself, at length prevailed over Hinojosa's scruples, and he

intimated to Gasca his willingness to place the fleet under his

command. The act was performed with great pomp and ceremony.

Some of Pizarro's stanchest partisans were previously removed

from the vessels; and on the nineteenth of November, 1546,

Hinojosa and his captains resigned their commissions into the

hands of the president. They next took the oaths of allegiance

to Castile; a free pardon for all past offences was proclaimed by

the herald from a scaffold erected in the great square of the

city; and the president, greeting them as true and loyal vassals

of the Crown, restored their several commissions to the

cavaliers. The royal standard of Spain was then unfurled on

board the squadron, and proclaimed that this strong-hold of

Pizarro's power had passed away from him for ever. *29

[Footnote 29: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq.

del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 9. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1,

lib. 2, cap. 38, 42. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 178. -

Ms. de Caravantes.

Garcilasso de la Vega, - whose partiality for Gonzalo Pizarro

forms a wholesome counterpoise to the unfavorable views taken of

his conduct by most other writers, - in his notice of this

transaction, seems disposed to allow little credit to that

loyalty which is shown by the sacrifice of a benefactor. Com.

Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 4.]

The return of their commissions to the insurgent captains was a

politic act in Gasca. It secured the services of the ablest

officers in the country, and turned against Pizarro the very arm

on which he had most leaned for support. Thus was this great

step achieved, without force or fraud, by Gasca's patience and

judicious forecast. He was content to bide his time; and he now

might rely with well-grounded confidence on the ultimate success

of his mission.

Chapter II

Gasca Assembles His Forces. - Defection Of Pizarro's Followers. -

He Musters His Levies. - Agitation In Lima. - He Abandons The

City. - Gasca Sails From Panama. - Bloody Battle Of Huarina.

1547.

No sooner was Gasca placed in possession of Panama and the fleet,

than he entered on a more decisive course of policy than he had

been hitherto allowed to pursue. He made levies of men, and drew

together supplies from all quarters. He took care to discharge

the arrears already due to the soldiers, and promised liberal pay

for the future; for, though mindful that his personal charges

should cost little to the Crown, he did not stint his expenditure

when the public good required it. As the funds in the treasury

were exhausted, he obtained loans on the credit of the government

from the wealthy citizens of Panama, who, relying on his good

faith, readily made the necessary advances. He next sent letters

to the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico, requiring their

assistance in carrying on hostilities, if necessary, against the

insurgents; and he despatched a summons, in like manner, to

Benalcazar, in the provinces north of Peru, to meet him, on his

landing in that country, with his whole available force.

The greatest enthusiasm was shown by the people of Panama in

getting the little navy in order for his intended voyage; and

prelates and commanders did not disdain to prove their loyalty by

taking part in the good work, along with the soldiers and

sailors. *1 Before his own departure, however, Gasca proposed to

send a small squadron of four ships under Aldana, to cruise off

the port of Lima, with instructions to give protection to those

well affected to the royal cause, and receive them, if need be,

on board his vessels. He was also in trusted with authenticated

copies of the president's commission, to be delivered to Gonzalo

Pizarro, that the chief might feel, there was yet time to return

before the gates of mercy were closed against him. *2

[Footnote 1: "Y ponia sus fuercas con tanta llaneza y obediencia,

que los Obispos y clerigos y los capitanes y mas principales

personas eran los que primero echauan mano, y tirauan de las

gumenas y cables de los nauios, para los sacar a la costa."

Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 70.]

[Footnote 2: Ibid., ubi supra. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano

1546. - Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 178. - Zarate, Conq. del

Peru, lib. 6, cap. 9. - Herrera, Hist General, dec. 8, lib. 3,

cap. 3.]

While these events were going on, Gasca's proclamations and

letters were doing their work in Peru. It required but little

sagacity to perceive that the nation at large, secured in the

protection of person and property, had nothing to gain by

revolution. Interest and duty, fortunately, now lay on the same

side; and the ancient sentiment of loyalty, smothered for a time,

but not extinguished, revived in the breasts of the people.

Still this was not manifested, at once, by any overt act; for,

under a strong military rule, men dared hardly think for

themselves, much less communicate their thoughts to one another.

But changes of public opinion, like changes in the atmosphere

that come on slowly and imperceptibly, make themselves more and

more widely felt, till, by a sort of silent sympathy, they spread

to the remotest corners of the land. Some intimations of such a

change of sentiment at length found their way to Lima, although

all accounts of the president's mission had been jealously

excluded from that capital. Gonzalo Pizarro himself became

sensible of these symptoms of disaffection, though almost too

faint and feeble, as yet, for the most experienced eye to descry

in them the coming tempest.

Several of the president's proclamations had been forwarded to

Gonzalo by his faithful partisans; and Carbajal, who had been

summoned from Potosi, declared they were "more to be dreaded than

the lances of Castile." *3 Yet Pizarro did not, for a moment,

lose his confidence in his own strength; and with a navy like

that now in Panama at his command, he felt he might bid defiance

to any enemy on his coasts. He had implicit confidence in the

fidelity of Hinojosa.

[Footnote 3: "Que eran mas de temer aquellas cartas que a las

lacas del Rey de Castilla." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru Parte 1,

lib. 2, cap. 45.]

It was at this period that Paniagua arrived off the port with

Gasca's despatches to Pizarro, consisting of the emperor's letter

and his own. They were instantly submitted by that chieftain to

his trusty counsellors, Carbajal and Cepeda, and their opinions

asked as to the course to be pursued. It was the crisis of

Pizarro's fate.

Carbajal, whose sagacious eye fully comprehended the position in

which they stood, was in favor of accepting the royal grace on

the terms proposed; and he intimated his sense of their

importance by declaring, that "he would pave the way for the

bearer of them into the capital with ingots of gold and silver."

*4 Cepeda was of a different way of thinking. He was a judge of

the Royal Audience; and had been sent to Peru as the immediate

counsellor of Blasco Nunez. But he had turned against the

viceroy, had encountered him in battle, and his garments might be

said to be yet wet with his blood! What grace was there, then,

for him? Whatever respect might be shown to the letter of the

royal provisions, in point of fact, he must ever live under the

Castilian rule a ruined man. He accordingly strongly urged the

rejection of Gasca's offers. "They will cost you your

government," he said to Pizarro; "the smooth-tongued priest is

not so simple a person as you take him to be. He is deep and

politic. *5 He knows well what promises to make; and, once master

of the country, he will know, too, how to keep them."

[Footnote 4: "Y le enladrillen los caminos por do viniere con

barras de plata, y tejos de Oro." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte

2, lib. 5, cap. 5.]

[Footnote 5: "Que no lo embiauan por hombre sencillo y llano,

sino de grandes cautelas, astucias, falsedades y enganos." Ibid.,

loc. cit.]

Carbajal was not shaken by the arguments or the sneers of his

companions; and as the discussion waxed warm, Cepeda taxed his

opponent with giving counsel suggested by fears for his own

safety - a foolish taunt, sufficiently disproved by the whole

life of the doughty old warrior. Carbajal did not insist further

on his own views, however, as he found them unwelcome to Pizarro,

and contented himself with coolly remarking, that "he had,

indeed, no relish for rebellion; but he had as long a neck for a

halter, he believed, as any of his companions; and as he could

hardly expect to live much longer, at any rate, it was, after

all, of little moment to him." *6

[Footnote 6: "Por lo demas, quado acaezca otra cosa, ya yo he

viuido muchos anos, y tengo tan bue palmo de pescueco para la

soga, como cada uno de vuesas mercedes." Ibid., loc. cit.]

Pizarro, spurred on by a fiery ambition that overleaped every

obstacle, *7 did not condescend to count the desperate chances of

a contest with the Crown. He threw his own weight into the scale

with Cepeda. The offer of grace was rejected; and he thus cast

away the last tie which held him to his country, and, by the act,

proclaimed himself a rebel. *8

[Footnote 7: "Loca y luciferina soberuia," as Fernandez

characterizes the aspiring temper of Gonzalo. Hist. del Peru,

Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 15.]

[Footnote 8: Ms. de Caravantes.

According to Garcilasso, Paniagua was furnished with secret

instructions by the president, empowering him, in case he judged

it necessary to the preservation of the royal authority, to

confirm Pizarro in the government, "it being little matter if the

Devil ruled there, provided the country remained to the Crown!"

The fact was so reported by Paniagua, who continued in Peru after

these events. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 5.) This is

possible. But it is more probable that a credulous gossip, like

Garcilasso, should be in error, than that Charles the Fifth

should have been prepared to make such an acknowledgment of his

imbecility, or that the man selected for Gasca's confidence

should have so indiscreetly betrayed his trust.]

It was not long after the departure of Paniagua, that Pizarro

received tidings of the defection of Aldana and Hinojosa, and of

the surrender of the fleet, on which he had expended an immense

sum, as the chief bulwark of his power. This unwelcome

intelligence was followed by accounts of the further defection of

some of the principal towns in the north, and of the

assassination of Puelles, the faithful lieutenant to whom he had

confided the government of Quito. It was not very long, also,

before he found his authority assailed in the opposite quarter at

Cuzco; for Centeno, the loyal chieftain who, as the reader may

remember, had been driven by Carbajal to take refuge in a cave

near Arequipa, had issued from his concealment after remaining

there a year, and, on learning the arrival of Gasca, had again

raised the royal standard. Then collecting a small body of

followers, and falling on Cuzco by night, he made himself master

of that capital, defeated the garrison who held it, and secured

it for the Crown. Marching soon after into the province of

Charcas, the bold chief allied himself with the officer who

commanded for Pizarro in La Plata; and their combined forces, to

the number of a thousand, took up a position on the borders of

Lake Titicaca, where the two cavaliers coolly waited an

opportunity to take the field against their ancient commander.

Gonzalo Pizarro, touched to the heart by the desertion of those

in whom he most confided, was stunned by the dismal tidings of

his losses coming so thick upon him. Yet he did not waste his

time in idle crimination or complaint; but immediately set about

making preparations to meet the storm with all his characteristic

energy. He wrote, at once, to such of his captains as he

believed still faithful, commanding them to be ready with their

troops to march to his assistance at the shortest notice. He

reminded them of their obligations to him, and that their

interests were identical with his own. The president's

commission, he added, had been made out before the news had

reached Spain of the battle of Anaquito, and could never cover a

pardon to those concerned in the death of the viceroy. *9

[Footnote 9: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq.

del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11, 13. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte

1, lib. 2, cap. 45, 59. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547.]

Pizarro was equally active in enforcing his levies in the

capital, and in putting them in the best fighting order. He soon

saw himself at the head of a thousand men, beautifully equipped,

and complete in all their appointments; "as gallant an array,"

says an old writer, "though so small in number, as ever trod the

plains of Italy," - displaying in the excellence of their arms,

their gorgeous uniforms, and the caparisons of their horses, a

magnificence that could be furnished only by the silver of Peru.

*10 Each company was provided with a new stand of colors,

emblazoned with its peculiar device. Some bore the initials and

arms of Pizarro, and one or two of these were audaciously

surmounted by a crown, as if to intimate the rank to which their

commander might aspire. *11

[Footnote 10: "Mil Hombres tan bien armados i aderecados, como se

han visto en Italia, en la maior prosperidad, porque ninguno

havia, demas de las Armas, que no llevase Calcas, i Jubon de

Seda, i muchos de Tela de Oro, i de Brocado, i otros bordados, i

recamados de Oro, i Plata, con mucha Chaperia de Oro por los

Sombreros, i especialmente por Frascos, i Caxas de Arcubuces."

Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11.]

[Footnote 11: Ibid., ubi supra.

Some writers even assert that Pizarro was preparing for his

coronation at this time, and that he had actually despatched his

summons to the different towns to send their deputies to assist

at it. "Queria spresurar su coronacion, y para ello despacho

cartas a todas las ciudades del Peru." (Montesinos, Annales, Ms.,

ano 1547.) But it is hardly probable he could have placed so

blind a confidence in the colonists at this crisis, as to have

meditated so rash a step. The loyal Castilian historians are not

slow to receive reports to the discredit of the rebel.]

Among the leaders most conspicuous on this occasion was Cepeda,

"who," in the words of a writer of his time, "had exchanged the

robe of the licentiate for the plumed casque and mailed harness

of the warrior." *12 But the cavalier to whom Pizarro confided

the chief care of organizing his battalions was the veteran

Carbajal, who had studied the art of war under the best captains

of Europe, and whose life of adventure had been a practical

commentary on their early lessons. It was on his arm that

Gonzalo most leaned in the hour of danger; and well had it been

for him, if he had profited by his counsels at an earlier period.

[Footnote 12: "El qual en este tiempo, oluidado de lo que

conuenia a sus letras, y profession, y officio de Oydor; salio en

calcas jubon, y cuera, de muchos recamados: y gorra con plumas."

Fernandez Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2 cap. 62.]

It gives one some idea of the luxurious accommodations of

Pizarro's forces, that he endeavoured to provide each of his

musketeers with a horse. The expenses incurred by him were

enormous. The immediate cost of his preparations, we are told,

was not less than half a million of pesos de oro; and his pay to

the cavaliers, and, indeed, to the common soldiers, in his little

army, was on an extravagant scale, nowhere to be met with but on

the silver soil of Peru. *13

[Footnote 13: Ibid., ubi supra. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6,

cap. 11. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 5. -

Montesinos, Annales, ano 1547.]

When his own funds were exhausted, he supplied the deficiency by

fines imposed on the rich citizens of Lima as the price of

exemption from service, by forced loans, and various other

schemes of military exaction. *14 From this time, it is said, the

chieftain's temper underwent a visible change. *15 He became more

violent in his passions, more impatient of control, and indulged

more freely in acts of cruelty and license. The desperate cause

in which he was involved made him reckless of consequences.

Though naturally frank and confiding, the frequent defection of

his followers filled him with suspicion. He knew not in whom to

confide. Every one who showed himself indifferent to his cause,

or was suspected of being so, was dealt with as an open enemy.

The greatest distrust prevailed in Lima. No man dared confide in

his neighbour. Some concealed their effects; others contrived to

elude the vigilance of the sentinels, and hid themselves in the

neighbouring woods and mountains. *16 No one was allowed to enter

or leave the city without a license. All commerce, all

intercourse, with other places was cut off. It was long since

the fifths belonging to the Crown had been remitted to Castile;

as Pizarro had appropriated them to his own use. He now took

possession of the mints, broke up the royal stamps, and issued a

debased coin, emblazoned with his own cipher. *17 It was the most

decisive act of sovereignty.

[Footnote 14: Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2 cap. 62. - Montesinos,

Annales Ms., ano 1547.]

[Footnote 15: Gomara, Hist. de las Ind. cap. 172.]

[Footnote 16: "Andaba la Gente tan asombrada con el temor de la

muerte, que no se podian entender, ni tenian animo para huir, i

algunos, que hallaron mejor aparejo, se escondieron por los

Canaverales, i Cuevas, enterrando sus Haciendas." Zarate, Conq.

del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 15.]

[Footnote 17: Rel. Anonima, Ms. - Montesinos Annales, Ms., ano

1547. "Assi mismo echo Gozalo Picarro a toda la plata que gastaua

y destribuya su marca, que era una G. rebuelta en una P. y

pregono que so pena de muerte, todos recibiessen por plata fina

la que tuuiesse aquella marca: sin ensayo, ni otra diligencia

alguna. Y desta suerte hizo passar mucha plata de ley baja por

fina." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 62.]

At this gloomy period, the lawyer Cepeda contrived a solemn

farce, the intent of which was to give a sort of legal sanction

to the rebel cause in the eyes of the populace. He caused a

process to be prepared against Gasca, Hinojosa, and Aldana, in

which they were accused of treason against the existing

government of Peru, were convicted, and condemned to death. This

instrument he submitted to a number of jurists in the capital,

requiring their signatures. But they had no mind thus inevitably

to implicate themselves, by affixing their names to such a paper;

and they evaded it by representing, that it would only serve to

cut off all chance, should any of the accused be so disposed, of

their again embracing the cause they had deserted. Cepeda was

the only man who signed the document. Carbajal treated the whole

thing with ridicule. "What is the object of your process?" said

he to Cepeda. "Its object," replied the latter, "is to prevent

delay, that, if taken at any time, the guilty party may be at

once led to execution." "I cry you mercy," retorted Carbajal; "I

thought there must be some virtue in the instrument, that would

have killed them outright. Let but one of these same traitors

fall into my hands, and I will march him off to execution,

without waiting for the sentence of a court, I promise you!" *18

[Footnote 18: "Riose mucho entonces Caruajal y dixo; que segu

auia hecho la instancia, que auia entendido, que la justicia como

rayo, auia de yr luego a justiciarlos. Y dezia que si el los

tuuiesse presos, no se le daria vn clauo por su sentecia, ni

firmas." (Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 55.) Among the jurists in

Lima who thus independently resisted Cepeda's requisition to sign

the paper was the Licentiate Polo Ondegardo, a man of much

discretion, and one of the best authorities for the ancient

institutions of the Incas.]

While this paper war was going on, news was brought that Aldana's

squadron was off the port of Callao. That commander had sailed

from Panama, the middle of February, 1547. On his passage down

the coast he had landed at Truxillo, where the citizens welcomed

him with enthusiasm, and eagerly proclaimed their submission to

the royal authority. He received, at the same time, messages

from several of Pizarro's officers in the interior, intimating

their return to their duty, and their readiness to support the

president. Aldana named Caxamalca as a place of rendezvous,

where they should concentrate their forces, and wait the landing

of Gasca. He then continued his voyage towards Lima.

No sooner was Pizarro informed of his approach, than, fearful

lest it might have a disastrous effect in seducing his followers

from their fidelity, he marched them about a league out of the

city, and there encamped. He was two leagues from the coast, and

he posted a guard on the shore, to intercept all communication

with the vessels. Before leaving the capital, Cepeda resorted to

an expedient for securing the inhabitants more firmly, as he

conceived, in Pizarro's interests. He caused the citizens to be

assembled, and made them a studied harangue, in which he

expatiated on the services of their governor, and the security

which the country had enjoyed under his rule. He then told them

that every man was at liberty to choose for himself; to remain

under the protection of their present ruler, or, if they

preferred, to transfer their allegiance to his enemy. He invited

them to speak their minds, but required every one who would still

continue under Pizarro to take an oath of fidelity to his cause,

with the assurance, that, if any should be so false hereafter as

to violate this pledge, he should pay for it with his life. *19

There was no one found bold enough - with his head thus in the

lion's mouth - to swerve from his obedience to Pizarro; and every

man took the oath prescribed, which was administered in the most

solemn and imposing form by the licentiate. Carbajal, as usual,

made a jest of the whole proceeding. "How long," he asked his

companion, "do you think these same oaths will stand? The first

wind that blows off the coast after we are gone will scatter them

in air!" His prediction was soon verified.

[Footnote 19: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Fernandez,

Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 61. - Montesinos, Annales,

Ms., ano 1547. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11, 14.]

Meantime, Aldana anchored off the port, where there was no vessel

of the insurgents to molest him. By Cepeda's advice, some four

or five had been burnt a short time before, during the absence of

Carbajal, in order to cut off all means by which the inhabitants

could leave the place. This was deeply deplored by the veteran

soldier on his return. "It was destroying," he said, "the

guardian angels of Lima." *20 And certainly, under such a

commander, they might now have stood Pizarro in good stead but

his star was on the wane.

[Footnote 20: "Entre otras cosas dixo a Goncalo Picarro vuesa

Senoria mando quemar cinco angeles que tenia en su puerto para

guarda y defensa de la costa del Peru." Garcilasso, Parte 2, lit.

5, cap. 6.]

The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy of Gasca's powers,

with which he had been intrusted, to be conveyed to his ancient

commander, by whom it was indignantly torn in pieces. Aldana

next contrived, by means of his agents, to circulate among the

citizens, and even the soldiers of the camp, the president's

manifestoes. They were not long in producing their effect. Few

had been at all aware of the real purport of Gasca's mission, of

the extent of his powers, or of the generous terms offered by

government. They shrunk from the desperate course into which

they had been thus unwarily seduced, and they sought only in what

way they could, with least danger, extricate themselves from

their present position, and return to their allegiance. Some

escaped by night from the camp, eluded the vigilance of the

sentinels, and effected their retreat on board the vessels. Some

were taken, and found no quarter at the hands of Carbajal and his

merciless ministers. But, where the spirit of disaffection was

abroad, means of escape were not wanting.

As the fugitives were cut off from Lima and the neighbouring

coast, they secreted themselves in the forests and mountains, and

watched their opportunity for making their way to Truxillo and

other ports at a distance; and so contagious was the example,

that it not unfrequently happened that the very soldiers sent in

pursuit of the deserters joined with them. Among those that fled

was the Licentiate Carbajal, who must not be confounded with his

military namesake. He was the same cavalier whose brother had

been put to death in Lima by Blasco Nunez, and who revenged

himself, as we have seen, by imbruing his own hands in the blood

of the viceroy. That a person thus implicated should trust to

the royal pardon showed that no one need despair of it; and the

example proved most disastrous to Pizarro. *21

[Footnote 21: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Gomara,

Hist. de las Ind., cap. 180. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte

1, lib. 2, cap. 63, 65. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap.

15, 16.]

Carbajal, who made a jest of every thing, even of the misfortunes

which pinched him the sharpest, when told of the desertion of his

comrades, amused himself by humming the words of a popular ditty:

-

"The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother:

Two at a time, it blows them away!" *22

[Footnote 22: "Estos mis Cabellicos, Madre,

Dos a dos me los lleva el Aire."

Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap 180.]

But the defection of his followers made a deeper impression on

Pizarro, and he was sorely distressed as he beheld the gallant

array, to which he had so confidently looked for gaining his

battles, thus melting away like a morning mist. Bewildered by

the treachery of those in whom he had most trusted, he knew not

where to turn, nor what course to take. It was evident that he

must leave his present dangerous quarters without loss of time.

But whither should he direct his steps? In the north, the great

towns had abandoned his cause, and the president was already

marching against him; while Centeno held the passes of the south,

with a force double his own. In this emergency, he at length

resolved to occupy Arequipa, a seaport still true to him, where

he might remain till he had decided on some future course of

operations.

After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arrived at this place,

where he was speedily joined by a reinforcement that he had

detached for the recovery of Cuzco. But so frequent had been the

desertions from both companies, - though in Pizarro's corps these

had greatly lessened since the departure from the neighbourhood

of Lima, - that his whole number did not exceed five hundred men,

less than half of the force which he had so recently mustered in

the capital. To such humble circumstances was the man now

reduced, who had so lately lorded it over the land with unlimited

sway! Still the chief did not despond. He had gathered new

spirit from the excitement of his march and his distance from

Lima; and he seemed to recover his former confidence, as he

exclaimed, - "It is misfortune that teaches us who are our

friends. If but ten only remain true to me, fear not but I will

again be master of Peru!" *23

[Footnote 23: "Aunque siempre dijo: que con diez Amigos que le

quedasen, havia de conservarse, i conquistar de nuevo el Peru:

tanta era su sana,sana o su sobervia." Ibid., loc cit.]

No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn from the neighbourhood

of Lima, than the inhabitants of that city, little troubled, as

Carbajal had predicted, by their compulsory oaths of allegiance

to Pizarro, threw open their gates to Aldana, who took possession

of this important place in the name of the president. That

commander, meanwhile, had sailed with his whole fleet from

Panama, on the tenth of April, 1547. The first part of his

voyage was prosperous; but he was soon perplexed by contrary

currents, and the weather became rough and tempestuous. The

violence of the storm continuing day after day, the sea was

lashed into fury, and the fleet was tossed about on the billows,

which ran mountain high, as if emulating the wild character of

the region they bounded. The rain descended in torrents, and the

lightning was so incessant, that the vessels, to quote the lively

language of the chronicler, "seemed to be driving through seas of

flame!" *24 The hearts of the stoutest mariners were filled with

dismay. They considered it hopeless to struggle against the

elements, and they loudly demanded to return to the continent,

and postpone the voyage till a more favorable season of the year.

[Footnote 24: "Y los truenos y relapagos eran tantos y tales; que

siempre parecia que estauan en llamas, y que sobre ellos venian

Rayos (que en todas aquellas partes caen muchos)." (Fernandez,

Hist del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.) The vivid coloring of

the old chronicler shows that he had himself been familiar with

these tropics tempests on the Pacific.]

But the president saw in this the ruin of his cause, as well as

of the loyal vassals who had engaged, on his landing, to support

it. "I am willing to die," he said, "but not to return"; and,

regardless of the remonstrances of his more timid followers he

insisted on carrying as much sail as the ships could possibly

bear, at every interval of the storm. *25 Meanwhile, to divert

the minds of the seamen from their present danger, Gasca amused

them by explaining some of the strange phenomena exhibited by the

ocean in the tempest, which had filled their superstitious minds

with mysterious dread. *26

[Footnote 25: "Y con lo poco que en aquella sazon, el Presidente

estimaua la vida si no auia de hazer la jornada: y el gran desseo

que tenia de hazeria se puso cotra ellos diziendo, que qual

quiera que le tocasse en abaxar vela, le costaria la vida."

Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.]

[Footnote 26: The phosphoric lights, sometimes seen in a storm at

sea, were observed to hover round the masts and rigging of the

president's vessel; and he amused the seamen, according to

Fernandez, by explaining the phenomenon, and telling the fables

to which they had given rise in ancient mythology. - This little

anecdote affords a key to Gasca's popularity with even the

humblest classes.]

Signals had been given for the ships to make the best of their

way, each for itself, to the island of Gorgona. Here they

arrived, one after another, with but a single exception, though

all more or less shattered by the weather. The president waited

only for the fury of the elements to spend itself when he again

embarked, and, on smoother waters, crossed over to Manta. From

this place he soon after continued his voyage to Tumbez, and

landed at that port on the thirteenth of June. He was everywhere

received with enthusiasm, and all seemed anxious to efface the

remembrance of the past by professions of future fidelity to the

Crown. Gasca received, also, numerous letters of congratulation

from cavaliers in the interior, most of whom had formerly taken

service under Pizarro. He made courteous acknowledgments for

their offers of assistance, and commanded them to repair to

Caxamalca, the general place of rendezvous.

To this same spot he sent Hinojosa, so soon as that officer had

disembarked with the land forces from the fleet, ordering him to

take command of the levies assembled there, and then join him at

Xauxa. Here he determined to establish his head-quarters. It

lay in a rich and abundant territory, and by its central position

afforded a point for acting with greatest advantage against the

enemy.

He then moved forward, at the head of a small detachment of

cavalry, along the level road on the coast. After halting for a

short time in that loyal city, he traversed the mountain range on

the southeast, and soon entered the fruitful valley of Xauxa.

There he was presently joined by reinforcements from the north,

as well as from the principal places on the coast; and, not long

after his arrival, received a message from Centeno, informing him

that he held the passes by which Gonzalo Pizarro was preparing to

make his escape from the country, and that the insurgent chief

must soon fall into his hands.

The royal camp was greatly elated by these tidings. The war,

then, was at length terminated, and that without the president

having been called upon so much as to lift his sword against a

Spaniard. Several of his counsellors now advised him to disband

the greater part of his forces, as burdensome and no longer

necessary. But the president was too wise to weaken his strength

before he had secured the victory. He consented, however, to

countermand the requisition for levies from Mexico and the

adjoining colonies, as now feeling sufficiently strong in the

general loyalty of the country. But, concentrating his forces at

Xauxa, he established his quarters in that town, as he had first

intended, resolved to await there tidings of the operations in

the south. The result was different from what he had expected.

*27

[Footnote 27: For the preceding pages, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub.

y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 1. - Herrera,

Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 14, et seq. - Fernandez,

Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71-77. - Ms. de Caravantes.

This last writer, who held an important post in the department of

colonial finance, had opportunities of information which have

enabled him to furnish several particulars not to be met with

elsewhere, respecting the principal actors in these turbulent

times. His work, still in manuscript, which formerly existed in

the archives of the University of Salamanca, has been transferred

to the King's library at Madrid.]

Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, had decided, after

much deliberation, to evacuate Peru, and pass into Chili. In

this territory, beyond the president's jurisdiction, he might

find a safe retreat. The fickle people, he thought, would soon

weary of their new ruler; and he would then rally in sufficient

strength to resume active operations for the recovery of his

domain. Such were the calculations of the rebel chieftain. But

how was he to effect his object, while the passes among the

mountains, where his route lay, were held by Centeno with a force

more than double his own? He resolved to try negotiation; for

that captain had once served under him, and had, indeed, been

most active in persuading Pizarro to take on himself the office

of procurator. Advancing, accordingly, in the direction of Lake

Titicaca, in the neighbourhood of which Centeno had pitched his

camp, Gonzalo despatched an emissary to his quarters to open a

negotiation. He called to his adversary's recollection the

friendly relations that had once subsisted between them; and

reminded him of one occasion in particular, in which he had

spared his life, when convicted of a conspiracy against himself.

He harboured no sentiments of unkindness, he said, for Centeno's

recent conduct, and had not now come to seek a quarrel with him.

His purpose was to abandon Peru; and the only favor he had to

request of his former associate was to leave him a free passage

across the mountains.

To this communication Centeno made answer in terms as courtly as

those of Pizarro himself, that he was not unmindful of their

ancient friendship. He was now ready to serve his former

commander in any way not inconsistent with honor, or obedience to

his sovereign. But he was there in arms for the royal cause, and

he could not swerve from his duty. If Pizarro would but rely on

his faith, and surrender himself up, he pledged his knightly word

to use all his interest with the government, to secure as

favorable terms for him and his followers as had been granted to

the rest of their countrymen - Gonzalo listened to the smooth

promises of his ancient comrade with bitter scorn depicted in his

countenance, and, snatching the letter from his secretary, cast

it away from him with indignation. There was nothing left but an

appeal to arms. *28

[Footnote 28: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Garcilasso,

Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 16. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru,

lib. 7.]

He at once broke up his encampment, and directed his march on the

borders of Lake Titicaca, near which lay his rival. He resorted,

however, to stratagem, that he might still, if possible, avoid an

encounter. He sent forward his scouts in a different direction

from that which he intended to take, and then quickened his march

on Huarina. This was a small town situated on the southeastern

extremity of Lake Titicaca, the shores of which, the seat of the

primitive civilization of the Incas, were soon to resound with

the murderous strife of their more civilized conquerors!

But Pizarro's movements had been secretly communicated to

Centeno, and that commander, accordingly, changing his ground,

took up a position not far from Huarina, on the same day on which

Gonzalo reached this place. The videttes of the two camps came in

sight of each other that evening, and the rival forces, lying on

their arms, prepared for action on the following morning.

It was the twenty-sixth of October, 1547, when the two

commanders, having formed their troops in order of battle,

advanced to the encounter on the plains of Huarina. The ground,

defended on one side by a bold spur of the Andes, and not far

removed on the other from the waters of Titicaca, was an open and

level plain, well suited to military manoeuvres. It seemed as if

prepared by Nature as the lists for an encounter.

Centeno's army amounted to about a thousand men. His cavalry

consisted of near two hundred and fifty, well equipped and

mounted. Among them were several gentlemen of family, some of

whom had once followed the banners of Pizarro, the whole forming

an efficient corps, in which rode some of the best lances of

Peru. His arquebusiers were less numerous, not exceeding a

hundred and fifty, indifferently provided with ammunition. The

remainder, and much the larger part of Centeno's army, consisted

of spearmen, irregular levies hastily drawn together, and

possessed of little discipline. *29

[Footnote 29: In the estimate of Centeno's forces, - which

ranges, in the different accounts, from seven hundred to twelve

hundred, - I have taken the intermediate number of a thousand

adopted by Zarate, as, on the whole, more probable than either

extreme.]

This corps of infantry formed the centre of his line, flanked by

the arquebusiers in two nearly equal divisions, while his cavalry

were also disposed in two bodies on the right and left wings.

Unfortunately, Centeno had been for the past week ill of a

pleurisy, - so ill, indeed, that on the preceding day he had been

bled several times. He was now too feeble to keep his saddle,

but was carried in a litter, and when he had seen his men formed

in order, he withdrew to a distance from the field, unable to

take part in the action. But Solano, the militant bishop of

Cuzco, who, with several of his followers, took part in the

engagement, - a circumstance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, -

rode along the ranks with the crucifix in his hand, bestowing his

benediction on the soldiers, and exhorting each man to do his

duty.

Pizarro's forces were less than half of his rival's, not

amounting to more than four hundred and eighty men. The horse

did not muster above eighty-five in all, and he posted them in a

single body on the right of his battalion. The strength of his

army lay in his arquebusiers, about three hundred and fifty in

number. It was an admirable corps, commanded by Carbajal, by

whom it had been carefully drilled. Considering the excellence

of its arms, and its thorough discipline, this little body of

infantry might be considered as the flower of the Peruvian

soldiery, and on it Pizarro mainly relied for the success of the

day. *30 The remainder of his force, consisting of pikemen, not

formidable for their numbers, though, like the rest of the

infantry, under excellent discipline, he distributed on the left

of his musketeers, so as to repel the enemy's horse.

[Footnote 30: Flor de la milicia del Peru, says Garcilasso de la

Vega, who compares Carbajal to an expert chess-player, disposing

his pieces in such a manner as must infallibly secure him the

victory. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 18.]

Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking his place, as

usual, in the foremost rank. He was superbly accoutred. Over

his shining mail he wore a sobre-vest of slashed velvet of a rich

crimson color, and he rode a high-mettled charger, whose gaudy

caparisons, with the showy livery of his rider, made the fearless

commander the most conspicuous object in the field.

His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very different style.

He wore armour of proof of the most homely appearance, but strong

and serviceable; and his steel bonnet, with its closely barred

visor of the same material, protected his head from more than one

desperate blow on that day. Over his arms he wore a surcoat of a

greenish color, and he rode an active, strong-boned jennet,

which, though capable of enduring fatigue, possessed neither

grace nor beauty. It would not have been easy to distinguish the

veteran from the most ordinary cavalier.

The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces of each other,

when they both halted. Carbajal preferred to receive the attack

of the enemy, rather than advance further; for the ground he now

occupied afforded a free range for his musketry, unobstructed by

the trees or bushes that were sprinkled over some other parts of

the field. There was a singular motive, in addition, for

retaining his present position. The soldiers were encumbered,

some with two, some with three, arquebuses each, being the arms

left by those who, from time to time, had deserted the camp. This

uncommon supply of muskets, however serious an impediment on a

march, might afford great advantage to troops waiting an assault;

since, from the imperfect knowledge as well as construction of

fire-arms at that day, much time was wasted in loading them. *31

[Footnote 31: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.

The historian's father - of the same name with himself - was one

of the few noble cavaliers who remained faithful to Gonzalo

Pizarro, in the wane of his fortunes. He was present at the

battle of Huarina; and the particulars which he gave his son

enabled the latter to supply many deficiencies in the reports of

historians.]

Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin the attack,

Carbajal came to a halt, while the opposite squadron, after a

short respite, continued their advance a hundred paces farther.

Seeing that they then remained immovable, Carbajal detached a

small party of skirmishers to the front, in order to provoke

them; but it was soon encountered by a similar party of the

enemy, and some shots were exchanged, though with little damage

to either side. Finding this manoeuvre fail, the veteran ordered

his men to advance a few paces, still hoping to provoke his

antagonist to the charge. This succeeded. "We lose honor,"

exclaimed Centeno's soldiers; who, with a bastard sort of

chivalry, belonging to undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace

to await an assault. In vain their officers called out to them

to remain at their post. Their commander was absent, and they

were urged on by the cries of a frantic friar, named Domingo

Ruiz, who, believing the Philistines were delivered into their

hands, called out, - "Now is the time! Onward, onward, fall on

the enemy!" *32 There needed nothing further and the men rushed

forward in tumultuous haste, the pikemen carrying their levelled

weapons so heedlessly as to interfere with one another, and in

some instances to wound their comrades. The musketeers, at the

same time, kept up a disorderly fire as they advanced, which,

from their rapid motion and the distance, did no execution.

[Footnote 32: "A las manos, a las manos; a ellos, a ellos."

Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.]

Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus wasting their

ammunition. Though he allowed a few muskets to be discharged, in

order to stimulate his opponents the more, he commanded the great

body of his infantry to reserve their fire till every shot could

take effect. As he knew the tendency of marksmen to shoot above

the mark, he directed his men to aim at the girdle, or even a

little below it; adding, that a shot that fell short might still

do damage, while one that passed a hair's breadth above the head

was wasted. *33

[Footnote 33: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]

The veteran's company stood calm and unmoved, as Centeno's

rapidly advanced; but when the latter had arrived within a

hundred paces of their antagonists, Carbajal gave the word to

fire. An instantaneous volley ran along the line, and a tempest

of balls was poured into the ranks of the assailants, with such

unerring aim, that more than a hundred fell dead on the field,

while a still greater number were wounded. Before they could

recover from their disorder, Carbajal's men, snatching up their

remaining pieces, discharged them with the like dreadful effect

into the thick of the enemy. The confusion of the latter was now

complete. Unable to sustain the incessant shower of balls which

fell on them from the scattering fire kept up by the

arquebusiers, they were seized with a panic, and fled, scarcely

making a show of further fight, from the field.

But very different was the fortune of the day in the cavalry

combat. Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn up his troop somewhat in the

rear of Carbajal's right, in order to give the latter a freer

range for the play of his musketry. When the enemy's horse on

the left galloped briskly against him, Pizarro, still favoring

Carbajal, - whose fire, moreover, inflicted some loss on the

assailants, - advanced but a few rods to receive the charge.

Centeno's squadron, accordingly, came thundering on in full

career, and, notwithstanding the mischief sustained from their

enemy's musketry, fell with such fury on their adversaries as to

overturn them, man and horse, in the dust; "riding over their

prostrate bodies," says the historian, "as if they had been a

flock of sheep!" *34 The latter, with great difficulty recovering

from the first shock, attempted to rally and sustain the fight on

more equal terms.

[Footnote 34: "Los de Diego Centeno, como yuan con la pujanca de

vna zariera larga, lleuaron a los de Goncalo Picarro de

encuentro, y los tropellaron como si fueran ouejas, y cayeron

cauallos y caualleros." Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 19]

Yet the chief could not regain the ground he had lost. His men

were driven back at all points. Many were slain, many more

wounded, on both sides, and the ground was covered with the dead

bodies of men and horses. But the loss fell much the most heavily

on Pizarro's troop; and the greater part of those who escaped

with life were obliged to surrender as prisoners. Cepeda, who

fought with the fury of despair, received a severe cut from a

sabre across the face, which disabled him and forced him to

yield. *35 Pizarro, after seeing his best and bravest fall around

him, was set upon by three or four cavaliers at once.

Disentangling himself from the melee, he put spurs to his horse,

and the noble animal, bleeding from a severe wound across the

back, outstripped all his pursuers except one, who stayed him by

seizing the bridle. It would have gone hard with Gonzalo, but,

grasping a light battle-axe, which hung by his side, he dealt

such a blow on the head of his enemy's horse that he plunged

violently, and compelled his rider to release his hold. A number

of arquebusiers, in the mean time, seeing Pizarro's distress,

sprang forward to his rescue, slew two of his assailants who had

now come up with him, and forced the others to fly in their turn.

*36

[Footnote 35: Cepeda's wound laid open his nose, leaving so

hideous a scar that he was obliged afterwards to cover it with a

patch, as Garcilasso tells us, who frequently saw him in Cuzco.]

[Footnote 36: According to most authorities, Pizarro's horse was

not only wounded but slain in the fight, and the loss was

supplied by his friend Garcilasso de la Vega, who mounted him on

his own. This timely aid to the rebel did no service to the

generous cavalier in after times, but was urged against him by

his enemies as a crime. The fact is stoutly denied by his son,

the historian, who seems anxious to relieve his father from this

honorable imputation, which threw a cloud over both their

fortunes Ibid. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 23]

The rout of the cavalry was complete, and Pizarro considered the

day as lost, as he heard the enemy's trumpet sending forth the

note of victory. But the sounds had scarcely died away, when

they were taken up by the opposite side. Centeno's infantry had

been discomfited, as we have seen, and driven off the ground.

But his cavalry on the right had charged Carbajal's left,

consisting of spearmen mingled with arquebusiers. The horse rode

straight against this formidable phalanx. But they were unable

to break through the dense array of pikes, held by the steady

hands of troops who stood firm and fearless on their post; while,

at the same time, the assailants were greatly annoyed by the

galling fire of the arquebusiers in the rear of the spearmen.

Finding it impracticable to make a breach, the horsemen rode

round the flanks in much disorder, and finally joined themselves

with the victorious squadron of Centeno's cavalry in the rear.

Both parties now attempted another charge on Carbajal's

battalion. But his men facing about with the promptness and

discipline of well-trained soldiers, the rear was converted into

the front. The same forest of spears was presented to the

attack; while an incessant discharge of balls punished the

audacity of the cavaliers, who, broken and completely dispirited

by their ineffectual attempt, at length imitated the example of

the panic-struck foot, and abandoned the field.

Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for action followed

up the pursuit for a short distance only, as, indeed, they were

in no condition themselves, nor sufficiently strong in numbers,

long to continue it. The victory was complete, and the insurgent

chief took possession of the deserted tents of the enemy, where

an immense booty was obtained in silver; *37 and where he also

found the tables spread for the refreshment of Centeno's soldiers

after their return from the field. So confident were they of

success! The repast now served the necessities of their

conquerors. Such is the fortune of war! It was, indeed, a most

decisive action; and Gonzalo Pizarro, as he rode over the field

strewed with the corpses of his enemies, was observed several

times to cross himself and exclaim, - "Jesu! what a victory!"

[Footnote 37: The booty amounted to no less than one million four

hundred thousand pesos, according to Fernandez. 'El saco que vuo

fue grande: que se dixo ser de mas de vn millon y quatrocietos

mil pesos." (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.) The

amount is, doubtless, grossly exaggerated. But we get to be so

familiar with the golden wonders of Peru, that, like the reader

of the "Arabian Nights," we become of too easy faith to resort to

the vulgar standard of probability]

No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno's followers were

killed, and the number of wounded was even greater. More than a

hundred of these are computed to have perished from exposure

during the following night; for, although the climate in this

elevated region is temperate, yet the night winds blowing over

the mountains are sharp and piercing, and many a wounded wretch,

who might have been restored by careful treatment, was chilled by

the damps, and found a stiffened corpse at sunrise. The victory

was not purchased without a heavy loss on the part of the

conquerors, a hundred or more of whom were left on the field.

Their bodies lay thick on that part of the ground occupied by

Pizarro's cavalry, where the fight raged hottest. In this narrow

space were found, also, the bodies of more than a hundred horses,

the greater part of which, as well as those of their riders,

usually slain with them, belonged to the victorious army. It was

the most fatal battle that had yet been fought on the

blood-stained soil of Peru. *38

[Footnote 38: "La mas sangrienta batalla que vuo en el Peru."

Ibid., loc. cit.

In the accounts of this battle there are discrepancies, as usual,

which the historian must reconcile as he can. But on the whole,

there is a general conformity in the outline and in the prominent

points. All concur in representing it as the bloodiest fight

that had yet occurred between the Spaniards in Peru, and all

assign to Carbajal the credit of the victory. - For authorities,

besides Garcilasso and Fernandez, repeatedly quoted, see Pedro

Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. (He was present in the action.) -

Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap 3. - Herrera, Hist. General,

dec 8, lib. 4, cap. 2. - Gomara, Hist de las Indias, cap. 181. -

Montesi nos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547]

The glory of the day - the melancholy glory - must be referred

almost wholly to Carbajal and his valiant squadron. The

judicious arrangements of the old warrior, with the thorough

discipline and unflinching courage of his followers, retrieved

the fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly lost by the

cavalry, and secured the victory.

Carbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the pursuit with

those of his men that were in condition to join him. Such of the

unhappy fugitives as fell into his hands - most of whom had been

traitors to the cause of Pizarro - were sent to instant

execution. The laurels he had won in the field against brave men

in arms, like himself, were tarnished by cruelty towards his

defenceless captives. Their commander, Centeno, more fortunate,

made his escape. Finding the battle lost, he quitted his litter,

threw himself upon his horse, and, notwithstanding his illness,

urged on by the dreadful doom that awaited him, if taken, he

succeeded in making his way into the neighbouring sierra. Here

he vanished from his pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with the

chase close upon his track, he still contrived to elude it, by

plunging into the depths of the forests, till, by a circuitous

route, he miraculously succeeded in effecting his escape to Lima.

The bishop of Cuzco, who went off in a different direction, was

no less fortunate. Happy for him that he did not fall into the

hands of the ruthless Carbajal, who, as the bishop had once been

a partisan of Pizarro, would, to judge from the little respect he

usually showed those of his cloth, have felt as little

compunction in sentencing him to the gibbet as if he had been the

meanest of the common file. *39

[Footnote 39: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Fernandez,

Hist.del Peru, ubi supra. - Zarate, lib. 7, cap. 3. -

Garcilasso, Com Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 21, 22]

On the day following the action, Gonzalo Pizarro caused the

bodies of the soldiers, still lying side by side on the field

where they had been so lately engaged together in mortal strife,

to be deposited in a common sepulchre. Those of higher rank -

for distinctions of rank were not to be forgotten in the grave -

were removed to the church of the village of Huarina, which gave

its name to the battle. There they were interred with all

fitting solemnity. But in later times they were transported to

the cathedral church of La Paz, "The City of Peace," and laid

under a mausoleum erected by general subscription in that

quarter. For few there were who had not to mourn the loss of

some friend or relative on that fatal day.

The victor now profited by his success to send detachments to

Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities in that part of the country,

to raise funds and reinforcements for the war. His own losses

were more than compensated by the number of the vanquished party

who were content to take service under his banner. Mustering his

forces, he directed his march to Cuzco, which capital, though

occasionally seduced into a display of loyalty to the Crown, had

early manifested an attachment to his cause.

Here the inhabitants were prepared to receive him in triumph,

under arches thrown across the streets, with bands of music, and

minstrelsy commemorating his successes. But Pizarro, with more

discretion, declined the honors of an ovation while the country

remained in the hands of his enemies. Sending forward the main

body of his troops, he followed on foot, attended by a slender

retinue of friends and citizens, and proceeded at once to the

cathedral, where thanksgivings were offered up, and Te Deum was

chanted in honor of his victory. He then withdrew to his

residence, announcing his purpose to establish his quarters, for

the present, in the venerable capital of the Incas. *40

[Footnote 40: Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. - Pedro Pizarro,

Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 3.

Garcilasso de la Vega, who was a boy at the time, witnessed

Pizarro's entry into Cuzco. He writes, therefore, from memory;

though after an interval of many years. In consequence of his

father's rank, he had easy access to the palace of Pizarro; and

this portion of his narrative may claim the consideration due not

merely to a contemporary, but to an eyewitness.]

All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were abandoned; for his

recent success had kindled new hopes in his bosom, and revived

his ancient confidence. He trusted that it would have a similar

effect on the vacillating temper of those whose fidelity had been

shaken by fears for their own safety, and their distrust of his

ability to cope with the president. They would now see that his

star was still in the ascendant. Without further apprehensions

for the event, he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and there quietly

await the hour when a last appeal to arms should decide which of

the two was to remain master of Peru.

Chapter III

Dismay In Gasca's Camp. - His Winter Quarters. - Resumes His

March. - Crosses The Apurimac. - Pizarro's Conduct In Cuzco. - He

Encamps Near The City. - Rout Of Xaquixa Guana.

1547-1548.

While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were passing,

President Gasca had remained at Xauxa, awaiting further tidings

from Centeno, little doubting that they would inform him of the

total discomfiture of the rebels. Great was his dismay,

therefore, on learning the issue of the fatal conflict at

Huarina, - that the royalists had been scattered far and wide

before the sword of Pizarro, while their commander had vanished

like an apparition, *1 leaving the greatest uncertainty as to his

fate.

[Footnote 1: "Y salio a la Ciudad de los Reyes, sin que Carbajal,

ni alguno de los suyos supiesse por donde fue, sino que parecio

encantamiento." Garcilasso, Com. Real. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 22.]

The intelligence spread general consternation among the soldiers,

proportioned to their former confidence; and they felt it was

almost hopeless to contend with a man who seemed protected by a

charm that made him invincible against the greatest odds. The

president, however sore his disappointment, was careful to

conceal it, while he endeavoured to restore the spirits of his

followers. "They had been too sanguine," he said, "and it was in

this way that Heaven rebuked their presumption. Yet it was but

in the usual course of events, that Providence, when it designed

to humble the guilty, should allow him to reach as high an

elevation as possible, that his fall might be the greater!"

But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the superstitious and the

timid, he bent his mind, with his usual energy, to repair the

injury which the cause had sustained by the defeat at Huarina.

He sent a detachment under Alvarado to Lima, to collect such of

the royalists as had fled thither from the field of battle, and

to dismantle the ships of their cannon, and bring them to the

camp. Another body was sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues

from Cuzco, for the similar purpose of protecting the fugitives,

and also of preventing the Indian caciques from forwarding

supplies to the insurgent army in Cuzco. As his own forces now

amounted to considerably more than any his opponent could bring

against him, Gasca determined to break up his camp without

further delay, and march on the Inca capital *2

[Footnote 2: Gasca, according to Ondegardo, supported his army,

during his stay at Xauxa, from the Peruvian granaries in the

valley, as he found a quantity of maize still remaining in them

sufficient for several years' consumption. It is passing strange

that these depositaries should have been so long respected by the

hungry Conquerors. - "Cuando el Senor Presidente Gasca passo con

la gente de castigo de Gonzalo Pizarro por el Valle de Jauja,

estuvo alli siete semanas a lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en

deposito maiz de cuatro y de tres y de dos anos mas de 15,000

hanegas junto al camino, e alli comio la gente." Ondegardo, Rel.

Seg., Ms.]

Quitting Xauxa, December 29, 1547, he passed through Guamanga,

and after a severe march, rendered particularly fatiguing by the

inclement state of the weather and the badness of the roads, he

entered the province of Andaguaylas. It was a fair and fruitful

country, and since the road beyond would take him into the depths

of a gloomy sierra, scarcely passable in the winter snows, Gasca

resolved to remain in his present quarters until the severity of

the season was mitigated. As many of the troops had already

contracted diseases from exposure to the incessant rains, he

established a camp hospital; and the good president personally

visited the quarters of the sick, ministering to their wants, and

winning their hearts by his sympathy. *3

[Footnote 3: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 4. - Fernandez,

Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 82-85. - Pedro Pizarro,

Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Cieza de Leon, cap. 90]

Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by the continual

arrival of reinforcements; for notwithstanding the shock that was

caused throughout the country by the first tidings of Pizarro's

victory, a little reflection convinced the people that the right

was the strongest, and must eventually prevail. There came,

also, with these levies, several of the most distinguished

captains in the country. Centeno, burning to retrieve his late

disgrace, after recovering from his illness, joined the camp with

his followers from Lima. Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito,

who, as the reader will remember, had shared in the defeat of

Blasco Nunez in the north, came with another detachment; and was

soon after followed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili,

who, having returned to Peru to gather recruits for his

expedition, had learned the state of the country, and had thrown

himself, without hesitation, into the same scale with the

president, though it brought him into collision with his old

friend and comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this last

ally was greeted with general rejoicing by the camp; for

Valdivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed the most

accomplished soldier in Peru; and Gasca complimented him by

declaring "he would rather see him than a reinforcement of eight

hundred men!" *4

[Footnote 4: At least, so says Valdivia in his letter to the

emperor. "I dixo publico que estimara mas mi persona que a los

mejores ochocientos hombres de guerra que l pudieran venir

aquella hora." Carta de Valdivia, Ms.]

Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president was attended by

a train of ecclesiastics and civilians, such as was rarely found

in the martial fields of Peru. Among them were the bishops of

Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four judges of the new Audience, and

a considerable number of churchmen and monkish missionaries. *5

However little they might serve to strengthen his arm in battle,

their presence gave authority and something of a sacred character

to the cause, which had their effect on the minds of the

soldiers.

[Footnote 5: Zarate, Ms.]

The wintry season now began to give way before the mild influence

of spring, which makes itself early felt in these tropical, but

from their elevation temperate, regions; and Gasca, after nearly

three months' detention in Andaguaylas, mustered his levies for

the final march upon Cuzco. *6 Their whole number fell little

short of two thousand, - the largest European force yet assembled

in Peru. Nearly half were provided with fire-arms; and infantry

was more available than horse in the mountain countries which

they were to traverse. But his cavalry was also numerous, and he

carried with him a train of eleven heavy guns. The equipment and

discipline of the troops were good; they were well provided with

ammunition and military stores; and were led by officers whose

names were associated with the most memorable achievements in the

New World. All who had any real interest in the weal of the

country were to be found, in short, under the president's banner,

making a striking contrast to the wild and reckless adventurers

who now swelled the ranks of Pizarro.

[Footnote 6: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 90.

The old chronicler, or rather geographer, Cieza de Leon, was

present in the campaign, he tells us; so that his testimony,

always good, becomes for the remaining events of more than usual

value]

Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge of military affairs

than he really possessed, had given the charge of his forces to

Hinojosa, naming the Marshal Alvarado as second in command.

Valdivia, who came after these dispositions had been made,

accepted a colonel's commission, with the understanding that he

was to be consulted and employed in all matters of moment. *7 -

Having completed his arrangements, the president broke up his

camp in March, 1548, and moved upon Cuzco.

[Footnote 7: Valdivia, indeed, claims to have had the whole

command intrusted to him by Gasca "Luego me dio el autoridad toda

que traia de parte de V. M. para en los casos ocantes a la

guerra, i me encargo todo el exercito, i le puso baxo de mi mano

rogando i pidiendo por merced de su parte a todos aquellos

caballeros capitanes e gente de guerra, i de la de V. M.

mandandoles me obedesciesen en todo lo que les mandase acerca de

la guerra, i cumpliesen mis mandamientos como los suyos." (Carta

de Valdivia, Ms.) But other authorities state it, with more

probability, as given in the text. Valdivia, it must be

confessed, loses nothing from modesty. The whole of his letter to

the emperor is written in a strain of self-glorification, rarely

matched even by a Castilian hidalgo.]

The first obstacle to his progress was the river Abancay, the

bridge over which had been broken down by the enemy. But as

there was no force to annoy them on the opposite bank, the army

was not long in preparing a new bridge, and throwing it across

the stream, which in this place had nothing formidable in its

character. The road now struck into the heart of a mountain

region, where woods, precipices, and ravines were mingled

together in a sort of chaotic confusion, with here and there a

green and sheltered valley, glittering like an island of verdure

amidst the wild breakers of a troubled ocean! The bold peaks of

the Andes, rising far above the clouds, were enveloped in snow,

which descending far down their sides, gave a piercing coldness

to the winds that swept over their surface, until men and horses

were benumbed and stiffened under their influence. The roads, in

these regions, were in some places so narrow and broken, as to be

nearly impracticable for cavalry. The cavaliers were compelled

to dismount; and the president, with the rest, performed the

journey on foot, so hazardous, that, even in later times, it has

been no uncommon thing for the sure-footed mule to be

precipitated, with its cargo of silver, thousands of feet down

the sheer sides of a precipice. *8

[Footnote 8: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91.]

By these impediments of the ground, the march was so retarded,

that the troops seldom accomplished more than two leagues a day.

*9 Fortunately, the distance was not great; and the president

looked with more apprehension to the passage of the Apurimac,

which he was now approaching. This river, one of the most

formidable tributaries of the Amazon, rolls its broad waters

through the gorges of the Cordilleras, that rise up like an

immense rampart of rock on either side, presenting a natural

barrier which it would be easy for an enemy to make good against

a force much superior to his own. The bridges over this river,

as Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had been

all destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, had sent

to explore the banks of the stream, and determine the most

eligible spot for reestablishing communications with the opposite

side.

[Footnote 9: Ms. de Caravantes 2 L 2]

The place selected was near the Indian village of Cotapampa,

about nine leagues from Cuzco; for the river, though rapid and

turbulent from being compressed within more narrow limits, was

here less than two hundred paces in width; a distance, however,

not inconsiderable. Directions had been given to collect

materials in large quantities in the neighbourhood of this spot

as soon as possible; and at the same time, in order to perplex

the enemy and compel him to divide his forces, should he be

disposed to resist, materials in smaller quantities were

assembled on three other points of the river. The officer

stationed in the neighbourhood of Cotapampa was instructed not to

begin to lay the bridge, till the arrival of a sufficient force

should accelerate the work, and insure its success.

The structure in question, it should be remembered, was one of

those suspension bridges formerly employed by the Incas, and

still used in crossing the deep and turbulent rivers of South

America. They are made of osier withes, twisted into enormous

cables, which, when stretched across the water, are attached to

heavy blocks of masonry, or, where it will serve, to the natural

rock. Planks are laid transversely across these cables, and a

passage is thus secured, which, notwithstanding the light and

fragile appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation

sometimes of several hundred feet above the abyss, affords a

tolerably safe means of conveyance for men, and even for such

heavy burdens as artillery. *10

[Footnote 10: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap.

86, 87. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. - Pedro

Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Ms. de Caravantes. - Carta de

Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]

Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of Gasca, the officer

intrusted with collecting the materials for the bridge was so

anxious to have the honor of completing the work himself, that he

commenced it at once. The president, greatly displeased at

learning this, quickened his march, in order to cover the work

with his whole force. But, while toiling through the mountain

labyrinth, tidings were brought him that a party of the enemy had

demolished the small portion of the bridge already made, by

cutting the cables on the opposite bank. Valdivia, accordingly,

hastened forward at the head of two hundred arquebusiers, while

the main body of the army followed with as much speed as

practicable.

That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the interruption

had been caused by a small party of Pizarro's followers, not

exceeding twenty in number assisted by a stronger body of

Indians. He at once caused balsas, broad and clumsy barks, or

rather rafts, of the country, to be provided, and by this means

passed his men over, without opposition to the other side of the

river. The enemy, disconcerted by the arrival of such a force,

retreated and made the best of their way to report the affair to

their commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Valdivia, who saw the

importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed forward

the work with the greatest vigor. Through all that night his

weary troops continued the labor, which was already well

advanced, when the president and his battalions, emerging from

the passes of the Cordilleras, presented themselves at sunrise on

the opposite bank.

Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured that the

success of their enterprise hung on the short respite now given

them by the improvident enemy. The president, with his principal

officers, took part in the labor with the common soldiers; *11

and before ten o'clock in the evening, Gasca had the satisfaction

to see the bridge so well secured, that the leading files of the

army, unencumbered by their baggage, might venture to cross it.

A short time sufficed to place several hundred men on the other

bank. But here a new difficulty, not less formidable than that

of the river, presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up

with an abrupt, almost precipitous, swell from the river-side,

till, in the highest peaks, it reached an elevation of several

thousand feet. This steep ascent, though not to its full height,

indeed, was now to be surmounted. The difficulties of the

ground, broken up into fearful chasms and water-courses, and

tangled with thickets, were greatly increased by the darkness of

the night; and the soldiers, as they toiled slowly upward, were

filled with apprehension, akin to fear, from the uncertainty

whether each successive step might not bring them into an

ambuscade, for which the ground was so favorable. More than

once, the Spaniards were thrown into a panic by false reports

that the enemy were upon them. But Hinojosa and Valdivia were at

hand to rally their men, and cheer them on, until, at length,

before dawn broke, the bold cavaliers and their followers placed

themselves on the highest point traversed by the road, where they

waited the arrival of the president. This was not long delayed;

and in the course of the following morning, the royalists were

already in sufficient strength to bid defiance to their enemy.

[Footnote 11: "La gente que estaua, de la vna parte y de la otra,

todos tirauan y trabajauan al poner, y apretar de las Criznejas:

sin que el Presidente ni Obispos, ni otra persona quisiesse tener

preuilegio para dexar de trabajar." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru,

Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 87.]

The passage of the river had been effected with less loss than

might have been expected, considering the darkness of the night,

and the numbers that crowded over the aerial causeway. Some few,

indeed, fell into the water, and were drowned; and more than

sixty horses, in the attempt to swim them across the river, were

hurried down the current, and dashed against the rocks below. *12

It still required time to bring up the heavy train of ordnance

and the military wagons; and the president encamped on the strong

ground which he now occupied, to await their arrival, and to

breathe his troops after their extraordinary efforts. In these

quarters we must leave him, to acquaint the reader with the state

of things in the insurgent army, and with the cause of its

strange remissness in guarding the passes of the Apurimac. *13

[Footnote 12: "Aquel dia pasaron mas de quatrocientos Hombres,

Ilevando los Caballos a nado, encima de illos atadas sus armas, i

arcabuces, caso que se perdieron mas de sesenta Caballos, que con

la corriente grande se desataron, i luego daban en vnas penas,

donde se hacian pedacos, sin darles lugar el impetu del rio, a

que pudiesen nadar." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. -

Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 184.]

[Footnote 13: Ibid., ubi supra. - Fernandez Hist del Peru, Parte

1, lib. 2, cap. 87. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. -

Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Ms. de Caravantes. - Carta

de Valdivia, Ms. - Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91. - Relacion

del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]

From the time of Pizarro's occupation of Cuzco, he had lived in

careless luxury in the midst of his followers, like a soldier of

fortune in the hour of prosperity; enjoying the present, with as

little concern for the future as if the crown of Peru were

already fixed irrevocably upon his head. It was otherwise with

Carbajal. He looked on the victory at Huarina as the

commencement, not the close, of the struggle for empire; and he

was indefatigable in placing his troops in the best condition for

maintaining their present advantage. At the first streak of

dawn, the veteran might be seen mounted on his mule, with the

garb and air of a common soldier, riding about in the different

quarters of the capital, sometimes superintending the manufacture

of arms, or providing military stores, and sometimes drilling his

men, for he was most careful always to maintain the strictest

discipline. *14 His restless spirit seemed to find no pleasure

but in incessant action; living, as he had always done, in the

turmoil of military adventure, he had no relish for any thing

unconnected with war, and in the city saw only the materials for

a well-organized camp.

[Footnote 14: "Andaua siempre en vna mula crescida de color entre

pardo y bermejo, yo no le vi en otra caualgadura en todo el

tiempo que estuuo en el Cozco antes de la batalla de Sacsahuana.

Era tan contino y diligete en solicitar lo que a su exercito

conuenia, que a todas horas del dia y de la roche le topauan sus

soldados haziendo su oficio, y los agenos." Garcilasso, Com.

Real., Parte 1, lib. 5 cap. 27.]