Desperate Plan Of Pizarro. - Atahuallpa Visits The Spaniards. -
Horrible Massacre. - The Inca A Prisoner. - Conduct Of The
Conquerors. - Splendid Promises Of The Inca - Death Of Huascar.
1532.
The clouds of the evening had passed away, and the sun rose
bright on the following morning, the most memorable epoch in the
annals of Peru. It was Saturday, the sixteenth of November,
1532. The loud cry of the trumpet called the Spaniards to arms
with the first streak of dawn; and Pizarro, briefly acquainting
them with the plan of the assault, made the necessary
dispositions.
The plaza, as mentioned in the preceding chapter, was defended on
its three sides by low ranges of buildings, consisting of
spacious halls with wide doors or vomitories opening into the
square. In these halls he stationed his cavalry in two
divisions, one under his brother Hernando, the other under De
Soto. The infantry he placed in another of the buildings,
reserving twenty chosen men to act with himself as occasion might
require Pedro de Candia, with a few soldiers and the artillery, -
comprehending under this imposing name two small pieces of
ordnance, called falconets, - he established in the fortress. All
received orders to wait at their posts till the arrival of the
Inca. After his entrance into the great square, they were still
to remain under cover, withdrawn from observation, till the
signal was given by the discharge of a gun, when they were to cry
their war-cries, to rush out in a body from their covert, and,
putting the Peruvians to the sword, bear off the person of the
Inca. The arrangement of the immense halls, opening on a level
with the plaza, seemed to be contrived on purpose for a coup de
theatre. Pizarro particularly inculcated order and implicit
obedience, that in the hurry of the moment there should be no
confusion. Every thing depended on their acting with concert,
coolness, and celerity. *1
[Footnote 1: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Relacion del
Primer. Descub., Ms. - Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia tom.
III. p. 197. - Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms. - Oviedo, Hist. de las
Indias Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap 7]
The chief next saw that their arms were in good order; and that
the breastplates of their horses were garnished with bells, to
add by their noise to the consternation of the Indians.
Refreshments were, also, liberally provided, that the troops
should be in condition for the conflict. These arrangements
being completed, mass was performed with great solemnity by the
ecclesiastics who attended the expedition; the God of battles was
invoked to spread his shield over the soldiers who were fighting
to extend the empire of the Cross; and all joined with enthusiasm
in the chant, "Exsurge, Domine," "Rise, O Lord! and judge thine
own cause." *2 One might have supposed them a company of martyrs,
about to lay down their lives in defence of their faith, instead
of a licentious band of adventurers, meditating one of the most
atrocious acts of perfidy on the record of history! Yet,
whatever were the vices of the Castilian cavalier, hypocrisy was
not among the number. He felt that he was battling for the
Cross, and under this conviction, exalted as it was at such a
moment as this into the predominant impulse, he was blind to the
baser motives which mingled with the enterprise. With feelings
thus kindled to a flame of religious ardor, the soldiers of
Pizarro looked forward with renovated spirits to the coming
conflict; and the chieftain saw with satisfaction, that in the
hour of trial his men would be true to their leader and
themselves.
[Footnote 2: "Los Eclesiasticos i Religiosos se ocuparon toda
aquella noche en oracion, pidiendo a Dios el mas conveniente
suceso a su sagrado servicio, exaltacion de la fe e salvacion de
tanto numero de almas, derramando muchas lagrimas i sangre en las
disciplinas que tomaron. Francisco Pizarro animo a los soldados
con una mui cristiana platica que les hizo: con que, i
asegurarles los Eclesiasticos de parte de Dios i de su Madre
Santisima la vitoria, amanecieron todos mui deseosos de dar la
batalla, diciendo a voces, Exsurge Domine et judica causam tuam."
Naharro Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
It was in the day before any movement was visible in the Peruvian
camp, where much preparation was making to approach the Christian
quarters with due state and ceremony. A message was received
from Atahuallpa, informing the Spanish commander that he should
come with his warriors fully armed, in the same manner as the
Spaniards had come to his quarters the night preceding. This was
not an agreeable intimation to Pizarro, though he had no reason,
probably, to expect the contrary. But to object might imply
distrust, or, perhaps, disclose, in some measure, his own
designs. He expressed his satisfaction, therefore, at the
intelligence, assuring the Inca, that, come as he would, he would
be received by him as a friend and brother. *3
[Footnote 3: "El governador respondio: Di a tu Senor, que venga
en hora buena como quisiere, que de la manera que viniere lo
recebire como Amigo, i Hermano." Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap.
Barcia, tom. III. p. 197. - Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms.,
Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 7. - Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms.]
It was noon before the Indian procession was on its march, when
it was seen occupying the great causeway for a long extent. In
front came a large body of attendants, whose office seemed to be
to sweep away every particle of rubbish from the road. High
above the crowd appeared the Inca, borne on the shoulders of his
principal nobles, while others of the same rank marched by the
sides of his litter, displaying such a dazzling show of ornaments
on their persons, that, in the language of one of the Conquerors,
"they blazed like the sun." *4 But the greater part of the Inca's
forces mustered along the fields that lined the road, and were
spread over the broad meadows as far as the eye could reach. *5
[Footnote 4: "Hera tanta la pateneria que traian d'oro y plata
que hera cossa estrana lo que Reluzia con el Sol.' Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
[Footnote 5: To the eye of the old Conqueror so often quoted, the
number of Peruvian warriors appeared not less than 50,000; "mas
de cin cuenta mil que tenia de guerra' (Relacion del Primer.
Descub., Ms.) To Pizarro's secretary, as they lay encamped along
the hills, they seemed about 30,000. (Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap.
Barcia, tom. III. p. 196.) However gratifying to the imagination
to repose on some precise number, it is very rare that one can do
so with safety, in estimating the irregular and tumultuous levies
of a barbarian host.]
When the royal procession had arrived within half a mile of the
city, it came to a halt; and Pizarro saw with surprise that
Atahuallpa was preparing to pitch his tents, as if to encamp
there. A messenger soon after arrived, informing the Spaniards
that the Inca would occupy his present station the ensuing night,
and enter the city on the following morning.
This intelligence greatly disturbed Pizarro, who had shared in
the general impatience of his men at the tardy movements of the
Peruvians. The troops had been under arms since daylight, the
cavalry mounted, and the infantry at their post, waiting in
silence the coming of the Inca. A profound stillness reigned
throughout the town, broken only at intervals by the cry of the
sentinel from the summit of the fortress, as he proclaimed the
movements of the Indian army. Nothing, Pizarro well knew, was so
trying to the soldier as prolonged suspense, in a critical
situation like the present; and he feared lest his ardor might
evaporate, and be succeeded by that nervous feeling natural to
the bravest soul at such a crisis, and which, if not fear, is
near akin to it. *6 He returned an answer, therefore, to
Atahuallpa, deprecating his change of purpose; and adding that he
had provided every thing for his entertainment, and expected him
that night to sup with him. *7
[Footnote 6: Pedro Pizarro says that an Indian spy reported to
Atahuallpa, that the white men were all huddled together in the
great halls on the square, in much consternation, llenos de
miedo, which was not far from the truth, adds the cavalier.
(Descub. y Conq., Ms.)]
[Footnote 7: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
"Asentados sus toldos envio a decir al gobernador que ya era
tarde, que el queria dormir alli, que por la manana vernia: el
gobernador le envio a decir que le rogaba que viniese luego,
porque le esperaba a cenar, e que no habia de cenar, hasta que
fuese." Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms.]
This message turned the Inca from his purpose; and, striking his
tents again, he resumed his march, first advising the general
that he should leave the greater part of his warriors behind, and
enter the place with only a few of them, and without arms, *8 as
he preferred to pass the night at Caxamalca. At the same time he
ordered accommodations to be provided for himself and his retinue
in one of the large stone buildings, called, from a serpent
sculptured on the walls, "the House of the Serpent." *9 - No
tidings could have been more grateful to the Spaniards. It
seemed as if the Indian monarch was eager to rush into the snare
that had been spread for him! The fanatical cavalier could not
fail to discern in it the immediate finger of Providence.
[Footnote 8: "El queria vernir luego, e que venia sin armas. E
luego Atabaliva se movio para venir, e dejo alli la gente con las
armas, e llevo consigo hasta cinco o seis mil indios sin armas,
salvo que debajo de las camisetas traian unas porras pequenas, e
hondas, e bolsas con piedras." Carta de Hern. Pizarro Ms.]
[Footnote 9: Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap Barcia, tom. III. p. 197.]
It is difficult to account for this wavering conduct of
Atahuallpa, so different from the bold and decided character
which history ascribes to him. There is no doubt that he made his
visit to the white men in perfect good faith; though Pizarro was
probably right in conjecturing that this amiable disposition
stood on a very precarious footing. There is as little reason to
suppose that he distrusted the sincerity of the strangers; or he
would not thus unnecessarily have proposed to visit them unarmed.
His original purpose of coming with all his force was doubtless
to display his royal state, and perhaps, also, to show greater
respect for the Spaniards; but when he consented to accept their
hospitality, and pass the night in their quarters, he was willing
to dispense with a great part of his armed soldiery, and visit
them in a manner that implied entire confidence in their good
faith. He was too absolute in his own empire easily to suspect;
and he probably could not comprehend the audacity with which a
few men, like those now assembled in Caxamalca, meditated an
assault on a powerful monarch in the midst of his victorious
army. He did not know the character of the Spaniard.
It was not long before sunset, when the van of the royal
procession entered the gates of the city. First came some
hundreds of the menials, employed to clear the path from every
obstacle, and singing songs of triumph as they came, "which, in
our ears," says one of the Conquerors, "sounded like the songs of
hell"! *10 Then followed other bodies of different ranks, and
dressed in different liveries. Some wore a showy stuff,
checkered white and red, like the squares of a chess-board. *11
Others were clad in pure white, bearing hammers or maces of
silver or copper; *12 and the guards, together with those in
immediate attendance on the prince, were distinguished by a rich
azure livery, and a profusion of gay ornaments, while the large
pendants attached to the ears indicated the Peruvian noble.
[Footnote 10: Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
[Footnote 11: "Blanca y colorada como las casas de un ajedrez."
Ibid., Ms.]
[Footnote 12: "Con martillos en las manos de cobre y plata."
Ibid., Ms.]
Elevated high above his vassals came the Inca Atahuallpa, borne
on a sedan or open litter, on which was a sort of throne made of
massive gold of inestimable value. *13 The palanquin was lined
with the richly colored plumes of tropical birds, and studded
with shining plates of gold and silver. *14 The monarch's attire
was much richer than on the preceding evening. Round his neck
was suspended a collar of emeralds of uncommon size and
brilliancy. *15 His short hair was decorated with golden
ornaments, and the imperial borla encircled his temples. The
bearing of the Inca was sedate and dignified; and from his lofty
station he looked down on the multitudes below with an air of
composure, like one accustomed to command.
[Footnote 13: "El asiento que traia sobre las andas era un tablon
de oro que peso un quintal de oro segun dicen los historiadores
25,000 pesos o ducados." Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
[Footnote 14: "Luego venia mucha Gente con Armaduras, Patenas, i
Coronas do oro i Plata: entre estos venia Atabaliba, en una
Litera, aforrada de Pluma de Papagaios, de muchas colores,
guarnecida de chapas de Oro, i Plata." Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap.
Barcia, tom. III. p. 198.]
[Footnote 15: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
"Venia la persona de Atabalica, la cual traian ochenta Senores en
hombros todos bestidos de una librea azul muy rica, y el bestido
su persona muy ricamente con su corona en la cabeza, y al cuello
un collar de emeraldas grandes." Relacion del Primer. Descub.,
Ms.]
As the leading files of the procession entered the great square,
larger, says an old chronicler, than any square in Spain, they
opened to the right and left for the royal retinue to pass.
Every thing was conducted with admirable order. The monarch was
permitted to traverse the plaza in silence, and not a Spaniard
was to be seen. When some five or six thousand of his people had
entered the place, Atahuallpa halted, and, turning round with an
inquiring look, demanded, "Where are the strangers?"
At this moment Fray Vicente de Valverde, a Dominican friar,
Pizarro's chaplain, and afterward Bishop of Cuzco, came forward
with his breviary, or, as other accounts say, a Bible, in one
hand, and a crucifix in the other, and, approaching the Inca,
told him, that he came by order of his commander to expound to
him the doctrines of the true faith, for which purpose the
Spaniards had come from a great distance to his country. The
friar then explained, as clearly as he could, the mysterious
doctrine of the Trinity, and, ascending high in his account,
began with the creation of man, thence passed to his fall, to his
subsequent redemption by Jesus Christ, to the crucifixion, and
the ascension, when the Saviour left the Apostle Peter as his
Vicegerent upon earth. This power had been transmitted to the
successors of the Apostle, good and wise men, who, under the
title of Popes, held authority over all powers and potentates on
earth. One of the last of these Popes had commissioned the
Spanish emperor, the most mighty monarch in the world, to conquer
and convert the natives in this western hemisphere; and his
general, Francisco Pizarro, had now come to execute this
important mission. The friar concluded with beseeching the
Peruvian monarch to receive him kindly; to abjure the errors of
his own faith, and embrace that of the Christians now proffered
to him, the only one by which he could hope for salvation; and,
furthermore, to acknowledge himself a tributary of the Emperor
Charles the Fifth, who, in that even, would aid and protect him
as his loyal vassal. *16
[Footnote 16: Montesinos says that Valverde read to the Inca the
regular formula used by the Spaniards in their Conquests.
(Annales, Ms., ano 1533.) But that address, though absurd enough,
did not comprehend the whole range of theology ascribed to the
chaplain on this occasion. Yet it is not impossible. But I have
followed the report of Fray Naharro, who collected his
information from the actors in the tragedy, and whose minuter
statement is corroborated by the more general testimony of both
the Pizarros and the secretary Xerez.]
Whether Atahuallpa possessed himself of every link in the curious
chain of argument by which the monk connected Pizarro with St.
Peter, may be doubted. It is certain, however, that he must have
had very incorrect notions of the Trinity, if, as Garcilasso
states, the interpreter Felipillo explained it by saying, that
"the Christians believed in three Gods and one God, and that made
four." *17 But there is no doubt he perfectly comprehended that
the drift of the discourse was to persuade him to resign his
sceptre and acknowledge the supremacy of another.
[Footnote 17: "Por dezir Dios trino y uno dixo Dios tres y uno
son quatre sumando los numeros por darse a entender." Com. Real.,
Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 23.]
The eyes of the Indian monarch flashed fire, and his dark brow
grew darker as he replied, - "I will be no man's tributary. I am
greater than any prince upon earth. Your emperor may be a great
prince; I do not doubt it, when I see that he has sent his
subjects so far across the waters; and I am willing to hold him
as a brother. As for the Pope of whom you speak, he must be
crazy to talk of giving away countries which do not belong to
him. For my faith," he continued, "I will not change it Your own
God, as you say, was put to death by the very men whom he
created. But mine," he concluded, pointing to his Deity, - then,
alas! sinking in glory behind the mountains, - "my God still
lives in the heavens, and looks down on his children." *18
[Footnote 18: See Appendix, No. 8, where the reader will find
extracts in the original from several contemporary Mss., relating
to the capture of Atahuallpa.]
He then demanded of Valverde by what authority he had said these
things. The friar pointed to the book which he held, as his
authority. Atahuallpa, taking it, turned over the pages a
moment, then, as the insult he had received probably flashed
across his mind, he threw it down with vehemence, and exclaimed,
- "Tell your comrades that they shall give me an account of their
doings in my land. I will not go from here, till they have made
me full satisfaction for all the wrongs they have committed." *19
[Footnote 19: Some accounts describe him as taxing the Spaniards
in much more unqualified terms. (See Appendix, No. 8.) but
language is not likely to be accurately reported in such seasons
of excitement. - According to some authorities, Atahuallpa let
the volume drop by accident. (Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano
1533. - Balboa, Hist. du Perou, chap. 22.) But the testimony, as
far as we have it, of those present, concurs in representing it
as stated in the text. And, if he spoke with the heat imputed to
him, this act would only be in keeping.]
The friar, greatly scandalized by the indignity offered to the
sacred volume, stayed only to pick it up, and, hastening to
Pizarro, informed him of what had been done, exclaiming, at the
same time, - "Do you not see, that, while we stand here wasting
our breath in talking with this dog, full of pride as he is, the
fields are filling with Indians? Set on, at once; I absolve
you." *20 Pizarro saw that the hour had come. He waved a white
scarf in the air, the appointed signal. The fatal gun was fired
from the fortress. Then, springing into the square, the Spanish
captain and his followers shouted the old war-cry of "St. Jago
and at them." It was answered by the battle-cry of every Spaniard
in the city, as, rushing from the avenues of the great halls in
which they were concealed, they poured into the plaza, horse and
foot, each in his own dark column, and threw themselves into the
midst of the Indian crowd. The latter, taken by surprise, stunned
by the report of artillery and muskets, the echoes of which
reverberated like thunder from the surrounding buildings, and
blinded by the smoke which rolled in sulphurous volumes along the
square, were seized with a panic. They knew not whither to fly
for refuge from the coming ruin Nobles and commoners, - all were
trampled down under the fierce charge of the cavalry, who dealt
their blows, right and left, without sparing; while their swords,
flashing through the thick gloom, carried dismay into the hearts
of the wretched natives, who now, for the first time, saw the
horse and his rider in all their terrors. They made no
resistance, - as, indeed, they had no weapons with which to make
it. Every avenue to escape was closed, for the entrance to the
square was choked up with the dead bodies of men who had perished
in vain efforts to fly; and, such was the agony of the survivors
under the terrible pressure of their assailants, that a large
body of Indians, by their convulsive struggles, burst through the
wall of stone and dried clay which formed part of the boundary of
the plaza! It fell, leaving an opening of more than a hundred
paces, through which multitudes now found their way into the
country, still hotly pursued by the cavalry, who, leaping the
fallen rubbish, hung on the rear of the fugitives, striking them
down in all directions. *21
[Footnote 20: "Visto esto por el Frayle y lo poco que
aprovechaban sus palabras, tomo su libro, y abajo su cabeza, y
fuese para donde estaba el dicho Pizarro, casi corriendo, y
dijole: No veis lo que pasa: para que estais en comedimientos y
requerimientos con este perro lleno de soberbia que vienen los
campos llenos de Indios? Salid a el, - que yo os absuelvo."
(Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.) The historian should be slow
in ascribing conduct so diabolical to Father Valverde, without
evidence. Two of the Conquerors present, Pedro Pizarro and
Xerez, simply state that the monk reported to his commander the
indignity offered to the sacred volume. but Hernando Pizarro and
the author of the Relacion del Primer. Descub., both
eyewitnesses, and Naharro, Zarate, Gomara, Balboa, Herrera, the
Inca Titucussi Yupanqui, all of whom obtained their information
from persons who were eyewitnesses, state the circumstances, with
little variation, as in the text. Yet Oviedo indorses the
account of Xerez, and Garcilasso de la Vega insists on Valverde's
innocence of any attempt to rouse the passion of his comrades.]
[Footnote 21: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Xerez, Conq.
del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 198. - Carta de Hern. Pizarro,
Ms. - Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3. lib. 8, cap. 7.
- Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. 2, cap. 5. - Instruccion del Inga Titucussi Yupanqui, Ms.]
Meanwhile the fight, or rather massacre, continued hot around the
Inca, whose person was the great object of the assault. His
faithful nobles, rallying about him, threw themselves in the way
of the assailants, and strove, by tearing them from their
saddles, or, at least, by offering their own bosoms as a mark for
their vengeance, to shield their beloved master. It is said by
some authorities, that they carried weapons concealed under their
clothes. If so, it availed them little, as it is not pretended
that they used them. But the most timid animal will defend
itself when at bay. That they did not so in the present instance
is proof that they had no weapons to use. *22 Yet they still
continued to force back the cavaliers, clinging to their horses
with dying grasp, and, as one was cut down, another taking the
place of his fallen comrade with a loyalty truly affecting.
[Footnote 22: The author of the Relacion del Primero
Descubrimiento speaks of a few as having bows and arrows, and of
others as armed with silver and copper mallets or maces, which
may, however, have been more for ornament than for service in
fight. - Pedro Pizarro and some later writers say that the
Indians brought thongs with them to bind the captive white men. -
Both Hernando Pizarro and the secretary Xerez agree that their
only arms were secreted under their clothes; but as they do not
pretend that these were used, and as it was announced by the Inca
that he came without arms, the assertion may well be doubted, -
or rather discredited. All authorities without exception, agree
that no attempt was made at resistance.]
The Indian monarch, stunned and bewildered, saw his faithful
subjects falling round him without fully comprehending his
situation. The litter on which he rode heaved to and fro, as the
mighty press swayed backwards and forwards; and he gazed on the
overwhelming ruin, like some forlorn mariner, who, tossed about
in his bark by the furious elements, sees the lightning's flash
and hears the thunder bursting around him with the consciousness
that he can do nothing to avert his fate. At length, weary with
the work of destruction, the Spaniards, as the shades of evening
grew deeper, felt afraid that the royal prize might, after all,
elude them; and some of the cavaliers made a desperate attempt to
end the affray at once by taking Atahuallpa's life. But Pizarro,
who was nearest his person, called out with Stentorian voice,
"Let no one, who values his life, strike at the Inca"; *23 and,
stretching out his arm to shield him, received a wound on the
hand from one of his own men, - the only wound received by a
Spaniards in the action. *24
[Footnote 23: "El marquez dio bozes diciendo. Nadie hiera al
indio so pena de la vida." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
[Footnote 24: Whatever discrepancy exists among the Castilian
accounts in other respects, all concur in this remarkable fact, -
that no Spaniard, except their general, received a wound on that
occasion. Pizarro saw in this a satisfactory argument for
regarding the Spaniards, this day, as under the especial
protection of Providence. See Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia,
tom. III. p. 199.]
The struggle now became fiercer than ever round the royal litter.
It reeled more and more, and at length, several of the nobles who
supported it having been slain, it was overturned, and the Indian
prince would have come with violence to the ground, had not his
fall been broken by the efforts of Pizarro and some other of the
cavaliers, who caught him in their arms. The imperial borla was
instantly snatched from his temples by a soldier named Estete,
*25 and the unhappy monarch, strongly secured, was removed to a
neighbouring building, where he was carefully guarded.
[Footnote 25: Miguel Estete, who long retained the silken diadem
as a trophy of the exploit, according to Garcilasso de la Vega,
(Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 27,) an indifferent authority
for any thing in this part of his history. This popular writer,
whose work, from his superior knowledge of the institutions of
the country, has obtained greater credit, eve in what relates to
the Conquest, than the reports of the Conquerors themselves, has
indulged in the romantic vein to an unpardonable extent, in his
account of the capture of Atahuallpa. According to him, the
Peruvian monarch treated the invaders from the first with supreme
deference, as descendants of Viracocha, predicted by his oracles
as to come and rule over the land. But if this flattering homage
had been paid by the Inca, it would never have escaped the notice
of the Conquerors. Garcilasso had read the Commentaries of
Cortes, as he somewhere tells us; and it is probable that that
general's account, well founded, it appears, of a similar
superstition among the Aztecs suggested to the historian the idea
of a corresponding sentiment in the Peruvians, which, while it
flattered the vanity of the Spaniards, in some degree vindicated
his own countrymen from the charge of cowardice, incurred by
their too ready submission; for, however they might be called on
to resist men, it would have been madness to resist the decrees
of Heaven. Yet Garcilasso's romantic version has something in it
so pleasing to the imagination, that it has even found favor with
the majority of readers. The English student might have met with
a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the sagacious and
skeptical Robertson.]
All attempt at resistance now ceased. The fate of the Inca soon
spread over town and country. The charm which might have held
the Peruvians together was dissolved. Every man thought only of
his own safety. Even the soldiery encamped on the adjacent
fields took the alarm, and, learning the fatal tidings, were seen
flying in every direction before their pursuers, who in the heat
of triumph showed no touch of mercy. At length night, more
pitiful than man, threw her friendly mantle over the fugitives,
and the scattered troops of Pizarro rallied once more at the
sound of the trumpet in the bloody square of Caxamalca.
The number of slain is reported, as usual, with great
discrepancy. Pizarro's secretary says two thousand natives fell.
*26 A descendant of the Incas - a safer authority than Garcilasso
- swells the number to ten thousand. *27 Truth is generally found
somewhere between the extremes. The slaughter was incessant, for
there was nothing to check it. That there should have been no
resistance will not appear strange, when we consider the fact,
that the wretched victims were without arms, and that their
senses must have been completely overwhelmed by the strange and
appalling spectacle which burst on them so unexpectedly. "What
wonder was it," said an ancient Inca to a Spaniard, who repeats
it, "what wonder that our countrymen lost their wits, seeing
blood run like water, and the Inca, whose person we all of us
adore, seized and carried off by a handful of men?" *28 Yet
though the massacre was incessant, it was short in duration. The
whole time consumed by it, the brief twilight of the tropics, did
not much exceed half an hour; a short period, indeed, - yet long
enough to decide the fate of Peru, and to subvert the dynasty of
the Incas.
[Footnote 26: Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p.
199.]
[Footnote 27: "Los mataron a todos con los Cavallos con espadas
con arcabuzes como quien mata ovejas - sin hacerles nadie
resistencia que no se escaparon de mas de diez mil, doscientos,"
Instruc. del Inga Titucussi, Ms.
This document, consisting of two hundred folio pages, is signed
by a Peruvian Inca, grandson of the great Huayna Capac, and
nephew, consequently, of Atahuallpa. It was written in 1570, and
designed to set forth to his Majesty Philip II. the claims of
Titucussi and the members of his family to the royal bounty. In
the course of the Memorial, the writer takes occasion to
recapitulate some of the principal events in the latter years of
the empire; and though sufficiently prolix to tax even the
patience of Philip II., it is of much value as an historical
document, coming from one of the royal race of Peru.]
[Footnote 28: Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1532.
According to Naharro, the Indians were less astounded by the wild
uproar caused by the sudden assault of the Spaniards, though
"this was such that it seemed as if the very heavens were
falling," than by a terrible apparition which appeared in the air
during the onslaught. It consisted of a woman and a child, and,
at their side, a horseman all clothed in white on a milk-white
charger, - doubtless the valiant St. James, - who, with his sword
glancing lightning, smote down the infidel host, and rendered
them incapable of resistance. This miracle the good father
reports on the testimony of three of his Order, who were present
in the action, and who received it from numberless of the
natives. Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
That night Pizarro kept his engagement with the Inca, since he
had Atahuallpa to sup with him. The banquet was served in one of
the halls facing the great square, which a few hours before had
been the scene of slaughter, and the pavement of which was still
encumbered with the dead bodies of the Inca's subjects. The
captive monarch was placed next his conqueror. He seemed like
one who did not yet fully comprehend the extent of his calamity.
If he did, he showed an amazing fortitude. "It is the fortune of
war," he said; *29 and, if we may credit the Spaniards, he
expressed his admiration of the adroitness with which they had
contrived to entrap him in the midst of his own troops. *30 He
added, that he had been made acquainted with the progress of the
white men from the hour of their landing; but that he had been
led to undervalue their strength from the insignificance of their
numbers. He had no doubt he should be easily able to overpower
them, on their arrival at Caxamalca, by his superior strength;
and, as he wished to see for himself what manner of men they
were, he had suffered them to cross the mountains, meaning to
select such as he chose for his own service, and, getting
possession of their wonderful arms and horses, put the rest to
death. *31
[Footnote 29: "Diciendo que era uso de Guerra vencer, i ser
vencido." Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 2, cap. 12.]
[Footnote 30: "Haciendo admiracion de la traza que tenia hecha."
Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
[Footnote 31: "And in my opinion," adds the Conqueror who reports
the speech, "he had good grounds for believing he could do this,
since nothing but the miraculous interposition of Heaven could
have saved us." Ibid., Ms.]
That such may have been Atahuallpa's purpose is not improbable.
It explains his conduct in not occupying the mountain passes,
which afforded such strong points of defence against invasion.
But that a prince so astute, as by the general testimony of the
Conquerors he is represented to have been, should have made so
impolitic a disclosure of his hidden motives is not so probable.
The intercourse with the Inca was carried on chiefly by means of
the interpreter Felipillo, or little Philip, as he was called,
from his assumed Christian name, - a malicious youth, as it
appears, who bore no good-will to Atahuallpa, and whose
interpretations were readily admitted by the Conquerors, eager to
find some pretext for their bloody reprisals.
Atahuallpa, as elsewhere notice, was, at this time, about thirty
years of age. He was well made, and more robust than usual with
his countrymen. His head was large, and his countenance might
have been called handsome, but that his eyes, which were
bloodshot, gave a fierce expression to his features. He was
deliberate in speech, grave in manner, and towards his own people
stern even to severity; though with the Spaniards he showed
himself affable, sometimes even indulging in sallies of mirth.
*32
[Footnote 32: Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p.
203.]
Pizarro paid every attention to his royal captive, and
endeavoured to lighten, if he could not dispel, the gloom which,
in spite of his assumed equanimity, hung over the monarch's brow.
He besought him not to be case down by his reverses, for his lot
had only been that of every prince who had resisted the white
men. They had come into the country to proclaim the gospel, the
religion of Jesus Christ; and it was no wonder they had
prevailed, when his shield was over them. Heaven had permitted
that Atahuallpa's pride should be humbled, because of his hostile
intentions towards the Spaniards, and the insults he had offered
to the sacred volume. But he bade the Inca take courage and
confide in him, for the Spaniards were a generous race, warring
only against those who made war on them, and showing grace to all
who submitted! *33 - Atahuallpa may have thought the massacre of
that day an indifferent commentary on this vaunted lenity.
[Footnote 33: "Nosotros vsamos de piedad con nuestros Enemigos
vencidos, i no hacemos Guerra, sino a los que nos la hacen, i
pudiendolos destruir no lo hacemos, antes los perdona mos."
Ibid., tom. III. p. 199.]
Before retiring for the night, Pizarro briefly addressed his
troops on their present situation. When he had ascertained that
not a man was wounded, he bade them offer up thanksgivings to
Providence for so great a miracle; without its care, they could
never have prevailed so easily over the host of their enemies;
and he trusted their lives had been reserved for still greater
things. But if they would succeed, they had much to do for
themselves. They were in the heart of a powerful kingdom,
encompassed by foes deeply attached to their own sovereign. They
must be ever on their guard, therefore, and be prepared at any
hour to be roused from their slumbers by the call of the trumpet.
*34 - Having then posted his sentinels, placed a strong guard
over the apartment of Atahuallpa, and taken all the precautions
of a careful commander, Pizarro withdrew to repose; and, if he
could really feel, that, in the bloody scenes of the past day, he
had been fighting only the good fight of the Cross, he doubtless
slept sounder than on the night preceding the seizure of the
Inca.
[Footnote 34: Ibid., ubi supra. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. i.
Conq., Ms.]
On the following morning, the first commands of the Spanish chief
were to have the city cleansed of its impurities; and the
prisoners, of whom there were many in the camp, were employed to
remove the dead, and give them decent burial. His next care was
to despatch a body of about thirty horse to the quarters lately
occupied by Atahuallpa at the baths, to take possession of the
spoil, and disperse the remnant of the Peruvian forces which
still hung about the place.
Before noon, the party which he had detached on this service
returned with a large troop of Indians, men and women, among the
latter of whom were many of the wives and attendants of the Inca.
The Spaniards had met with no resistance; since the Peruvian
warriors, though so superior in number, excellent in
appointments, and consisting mostly of able-bodied young men, -
for the greater part of the veteran forces were with the Inca's
generals at the south, - lost all heart from the moment of their
sovereign's captivity. There was no leader to take his place;
for they recognized no authority but that of the Child of the
Sun, and they seemed to be held by a sort of invisible charm near
the place of his confinement; while they gazed with superstitious
awe on the white men, who could achieve so audacious an
enterprise. *35
[Footnote 35: From this time, says Ondegardo, the Spaniards, who
hitherto had been designated as the "men with beards," barbudos,
were called by the natives, from their fair-complexioned deity,
Viracochas. The people of Cuzco, who bore no goodwill to the
captive Inca, "looked upon the strangers," says the author, "as
sent by Viracocha himself." (Rel. Prim., Ms.) It reminds us of a
superstition, or rather an amiable fancy, among the ancient
Greeks, that "the stranger came from Jupiter."]
The number of Indian prisoners was so great, that some of the
Conquerors were for putting them all to death, or, at least,
cutting off their hands, to disable them from acts of violence,
and to strike terror into their countrymen. *36 The proposition,
doubtless, came from the lowest and most ferocious of the
soldiery. But that it should have been made at all shows what
materials entered into the composition of Pizarro's company. The
chief rejected it at once, as no less impolitic than inhuman, and
dismissed the Indians to their several homes, with the assurance
that none should be harmed who did not offer resistance to the
white men. A sufficient number, however, were retained to wait
on the Conquerors, who were so well provided, in this respect,
that the most common soldier was attended by a retinue of menials
that would have better suited the establishment of a noble. *37
[Footnote 36: "Algunos fueron de opinion, que matasen a todos los
Hombres de Guerra, o les cortasen las manos." Xerez, Hist. del
Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 200.]
[Footnote 37: "Cada Espanol de los que alli ivan tomaron para si
mui gran cantidad tanto que como andava todo a rienda suelta
havia Espanol que tenia docientas piezas de Indios Indias de
servicio." Conq. i. Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
The Spaniards had found immense droves of llamas under the care
of their shepherds in the neighbourhood of the baths, destined
for the consumption of the Court. Many of them were now suffered
to roam abroad among their native mountains; though Pizarro
caused a considerable number to be reserved for the use of the
army. And this was no small quantity, if, as one of the
Conquerors says, a hundred and fifty of the Peruvian sheep were
frequently slaughtered in a day. *38 Indeed, the Spaniards were
so improvident in their destruction of these animals, that, in a
few years, the superb flocks, nurtured with so much care by the
Peruvian government, had almost disappeared from the land. *39
[Footnote 38: "Se matan cada Dia, ciento i cinquenta." Xerez,
Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 202.]
[Footnote 39: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 80. - Ondegardo, Rel.
Seg., Ms.
"Hasta que los destruian todos sin haver Espanol ni Justicia que
lo defendiese ni amparase." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
The party sent to pillage the Inca's pleasure house brought back
a rich booty in gold and silver, consisting chiefly of plate for
the royal table, which greatly astonished the Spaniards by their
size and weight. These, as well as some large emeralds obtained
there, together with the precious spoils found on the bodies of
the Indian nobles who had perished in the massacre, were placed
in safe custody, to be hereafter divided. In the city of
Caxamalca, the troops also found magazines stored with goods,
both cotton and woollen, far superior to any they had seen, for
fineness of texture, and the skill with which the various colors
were blended. They were piled from the floors to the very roofs
of the buildings, and in such quantity, that, after every soldier
had provided himself with what he desired, it made no sensible
diminution of the whole amount. *40
[Footnote 40: Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p.
200.
There was enough, says the anonymous Conqueror, for several
ship-loads. "Todas estas cosas de tiendas y ropas de lana y
algodon eran en tan gran cantidad, que a mi parecer fueran
menester muchos navios en que supieran." Relacion del Primer.
Descub., Ms.]
Pizarro would now gladly have directed his march on the Peruvian
capital. But the distance was great, and his force was small.
This must have been still further crippled by the guard required
for the Inca, and the chief feared to involve himself deeper in a
hostile empire so populous and powerful, with a prize so precious
in his keeping. With much anxiety, therefore, he looked for
reinforcements from the colonies; and he despatched a courier to
San Miguel, to inform the Spaniards there of his recent
successes, and to ascertain if there had been any arrival from
Panama. Meanwhile he employed his men in making Caxamalca a more
suitable residence for a Christian host, by erecting a church,
or, perhaps, appropriating some Indian edifice to this use, in
which mass was regularly performed by the Dominican fathers, with
great solemnity. The dilapidated walls of the city were also
restored in a more substantial manner than before, and every
vestige was soon effaced of the hurricane that had so recently
swept over it.
It was not long before Atahuallpa discovered, amidst all the show
of religious zeal in his Conquerors, a lurking appetite more
potent in most of their bosoms than either religion or ambition.
This was the love of gold. He determined to avail himself of it
to procure his own freedom. The critical posture of his affairs
made it important that this should not be long delayed. His
brother Huascar, ever since his defeat, had been detained as a
prisoner, subject to the victor's orders. He was now at
Andamarca, at no great distance from Caxamalca; and Atahuallpa
feared, with good reason, that, when his own imprisonment was
known, Huascar would find it easy to corrupt his guards, make his
escape, and put himself at the head of the contested empire,
without a rival to dispute it.
In the hope, therefore, to effect his purpose by appealing to the
avarice of his keepers, he one day told Pizarro, that, if he
would set him free, he would engage to cover the floor of the
apartment on which they stood with gold. Those present listened
with an incredulous smile; and, as the Inca received no answer,
he said, with some emphasis, that "he would not merely cover the
floor, but would fill the room with gold as high as he could
reach"; and, standing on tiptoe, he stretched out his hand
against the wall. All stared with amazement; while they regarded
it as the insane boast of a man too eager to procure his liberty
to weigh the meaning of his words. Yet Pizarro was sorely
perplexed. As he had advanced into the country, much that he had
seen, and all that he had heard, had confirmed the dazzling
reports first received of the riches of Peru. Atahuallpa himself
had given him the most glowing picture of the wealth of the
capital, where the roofs of the temples were plated with gold,
while the walls were hung with tapestry and the floors inlaid
with tiles of the same precious metal. There must be some
foundation for all this. At all events, it was safe to accede to
the Inca's proposition; since, by so doing, he could collect, at
once, all the gold at his disposal, and thus prevent its being
purloined or secreted by the natives. He therefore acquiesced in
Atahuallpa's offer, and, drawing a red line along the wall at the
height which the Inca had indicated, he caused the terms of the
proposal to be duly recorded by the notary. The apartment was
about seventeen feet broad, by twenty-two feet long, and the line
round the walls was nine feet from the floor. *41 This space was
to be filled with gold; but it was understood that the gold was
not to be melted down into ingots, but to retain the original
form of the articles into which it was manufactured, that the
Inca might have the benefit of the space which they occupied. He
further agreed to fill an adjoining room of smaller dimensions
twice full with silver, in like manner; and he demanded two
months to accomplish all this. *42
[Footnote 41: I have adopted the dimensions given by the
secretary Xerez, (Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 202.)
According to Hernando Pizarro, the apartment was nine feet high,
but thirty-five feet long by seventeen or eighteen feet wide.
(Carta, Ms.) The most moderate estimate is large enough.
Stevenson says that they still show "a large room, part of the
old palace, and now the residence of the Cacique Astopilca, where
the ill-fated Inca was kept a prisoner"; and he adds that the
line traced on the wall is still visible. (Residence in South
America, vol. II. p. 163.) Peru abounds in remains as ancient as
the Conquest; and it would not be surprising that the memory of a
place so remarkable as this should be preserved, - though any
thing but a memorial to be cherished by the Spaniards.]
[Footnote 42: The facts in the preceding paragraph are told with
remarkable uniformity by the ancient chroniclers. (Conf. Pedro
Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Carta de Hern. Pizarro, Ms. -
Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, ubi supra. - Naharro, Relacion
Sumaria, Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 6. - Gomara,
Hist. de las Ind., cap. 114. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5,
lib. 2, cap. 1.)
Both Naharro and Herrera state expressly that Pizarro promised
the Inca his liberation on fulfilling the compact. This is not
confirmed by the other chroniclers, who, however, do not intimate
that the Spanish general declined the terms. And as Pizarro, by
all accounts, encouraged his prisoner to perform his part of the
contract, it must have been with the understanding implied, if
not expressed, that he would abide by the other. It is most
improbable that the Inca would have stripped himself of his
treasures, if he had not so understood it.]
No sooner was this arrangement made, than the Inca despatched
couriers to Cuzco and the other principal places in the kingdom,
with orders that the gold ornaments and utensils should be
removed from the royal palaces, and from the temples and other
public buildings, and transported without loss of time to
Caxamalca. Meanwhile he continued to live in the Spanish
quarters, treated with the respect due to his rank, and enjoying
all the freedom that was compatible with the security of his
person. Though not permitted to go abroad, his limbs were
unshackled, and he had the range of his own apartments under the
jealous surveillance of a guard, who knew too well the value of
the royal captive to be remiss. He was allowed the society of
his favorite wives, and Pizarro took care that his domestic
privacy should not be violated. His subjects had free access to
their sovereign, and every day he received visits from the Indian
nobles, who came to bring presents, and offer condolence to their
unfortunate master. On such occasions, the most potent of these
great vassals never ventured into his presence, without first
stripping off their sandals, and bearing a load on their backs in
token of reverence. The Spaniards gazed with curious eyes on
these acts of homage, or rather of slavish submission, on the one
side, and on the air of perfect indifference with which they were
received, as a matter of course, on the other; and they conceived
high ideas of the character of a prince who, even in his present
helpless condition, could inspire such feelings of awe in his
subjects. The royal levee was so well attended, and such
devotion was shown by his vassals to the captive monarch, as did
not fail, in the end, to excite some feelings of distrust in his
keepers. *43
[Footnote 43: Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. - Naharro,
Relacion Sumaria, Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru lib. 2, cap. 6.]
Pizarro did not neglect the opportunity afforded him of
communicating the truths of revelation to his prisoner, and both
he and his chaplain, Father Valverde, labored in the same good
work. Atahuallpa listened with composure and apparent attention.
But nothing seemed to move him so much as the argument with which
the military polemic closed his discourse, - that it could not be
the true God whom Atahuallpa worshipped, since he had suffered
him to fall into the hands of his enemies. The unhappy monarch
assented to the force of this, acknowledging that his Deity had
indeed deserted him in his utmost need. *44
[Footnote 44: "I mas dijo Atabalipa, que estaba espantado de lo
que el Governador le havia dicho: que bien conocia que aquel que
hablaba en su Idolo, no es Dios verdadero pues tan poco le
aiudo." Xerez Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 203.]
Yet his conduct towards his brother Huascar, at this time, too
clearly proves, that, whatever respect he may have shown for the
teachers, the doctrines of Christianity had made little
impression on his heart. No sooner had Huascar been informed of
the capture of his rival, and of the large ransom he had offered
for his deliverance, than, as the latter had foreseen, he made
every effort to regain his liberty, and sent, or attempted to
send, a message to the Spanish commander, that he would pay a
much larger ransom than that promised by Atahuallpa, who, never
having dwelt in Cuzco, was ignorant of the quantity of treasure
there, and where it was deposited.
Intelligence of all this was secretly communicated to Atahuallpa
by the persons who had his brother in charge; and his jealousy,
thus roused, was further heightened by Pizarro's declaration,
that he intended to have Huascar brought to Caxamalca, where he
would himself examine into the controversy, and determine which
of the two had best title to the sceptre of the Incas. Pizarro
perceived, from the first, the advantages of a competition which
would enable him, by throwing his sword into the scale he
preferred, to give it a preponderance. The party who held the
sceptre by his nomination would henceforth be a tool in his
hands, with which to work his pleasure more effectually than he
could well do in his own name. It was the game, as every reader
knows, played by Edward the First in the affairs of Scotland, and
by many a monarch, both before and since, - and though their
examples may not have been familiar to the unlettered soldier,
Pizarro was too quick in his perceptions to require, in this
matter, at least, the teachings of history.
Atahuallpa was much alarmed by the Spanish commander's
determination to have the suit between the rival candidates
brought before him; for he feared, that, independently of the
merits of the case, the decision would be likely to go in favor
of Huascar, whose mild and ductile temper would make him a
convenient instrument in the hands of his conquerors. Without
further hesitation, he determined to remove this cause of
jealousy for ever, by the death of his brother.
His orders were immediately executed, and the unhappy prince was
drowned, as was commonly reported, in the river of Andamarca,
declaring with his dying breath that the white men would avenge
his murder, and that his rival would not long survive him. *45 -
Thus perished the unfortunate Huascar, the legitimate heir of the
throne of the Incas, in the very morning of life, and the
commencement of his reign; a reign, however, which had been long
enough to call forth the display of many excellent and amiable
qualities, though his nature was too gentle to cope with the bold
and fiercer temper of his brother. Such is the portrait we have
of him from the Indian and Castilian chroniclers, though the
former, it should be added, were the kinsmen of Huascar, and the
latter certainly bore no goodwill to Atahuallpa. *46
[Footnote 45: Both the place and the manner of Huascar's death
are reported with much discrepancy by the historians. All agree
in the one important fact, that he died a violent death at the
instigation of his brother. Conf. Herrera, Hist. General, dec.
5, lib. 3, cap. 2. - Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III.
p. 204. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Naharro, Relacion
Sumaria, Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 6. - Instruc.
del Inga Titucussi, Ms.]
[Footnote 46: Both Garcillaso de la Vega and Titucussi Yupanqui
were descendants from Huayna Capac, of the pure Peruvian stock,
the natural enemies, therefore, of their kinsman of Quito, whom
they regarded as a usurper. Circumstances brought the Castilians
into direct collision with Atahuallpa, and it was natural they
should seek to darken his reputation by contrast with the fair
character of his rival.]
That prince received the tidings of Huascar's death with every
mark of surprise and indignation. He immediately sent for
Pizarro, and communicated the event to him with expressions of
the deepest sorrow. The Spanish commander refused, at first, to
credit the unwelcome news, and bluntly told the Inca, that his
brother could not be dead, and that he should be answerable for
his life. *47 To this Atahuallpa replied by renewed assurances of
the fact, adding that the deed had been perpetrated, without his
privity, by Huascar's keepers, fearful that he might take
advantage of the troubles of the country to make his escape.
Pizarro, on making further inquiries, found that the report of
his death was but too true. That it should have been brought
about by Atahuallpa's officers, without his express command,
would only show, that, by so doing, they had probably anticipated
their master's wishes. The crime, which assumes in our eyes a
deeper dye from the relation of the parties, had not the same
estimation among the Incas, in whose multitudinous families the
bonds of brotherhood must have sat loosely, - much too loosely to
restrain the arm of the despot from sweeping away any obstacle
that lay in his path.
[Footnote 47: "Sabido esto por el Gobernador, mostro, que el
pesaba mucho: i dijo que era mentira, que no le havian muerto,
que lo trujesen luego vivo: i sino, que el mandaria matar a
Atabalipa." Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 204.]