The Spaniards Land At Tumbez. - Pizarro Reconnoitres The Country.
- Foundation Of San Miguel. - March Into The Interior. - Embassy
From The Inca. - Adventures On The March - Reach The Foot Of The
Andes.
1532.
We left the Spaniards at the island of Puna, preparing to make
their descent on the neighbouring continent at Tumbez. This port
was but a few leagues distant, and Pizarro, with the greater part
of his followers, passed over in the ships, while a few others
were to transport the commander's baggage and the military stores
on some of the Indian balsas. One of the latter vessels which
first touched the shore was surrounded, and three persons who
were on the raft were carried off by the natives to the adjacent
woods and there massacred. The Indians then got possession of
another of the balsas, containing Pizarro's wardrobe; but, as the
men who defended it raised loud cries for help, they reached the
ears of Hernando Pizarro, who, with a small body of horse, had
effected a landing some way farther down the shore. A broad tract
of miry ground, overflowed at high water, lay between him and the
party thus rudely assailed by the natives. The tide was out, and
the bottom was soft and dangerous. With little regard to the
danger, however, the bold cavalier spurred his horse into the
slimy depths, and followed by his men, with the mud up to their
saddle-girths, they plunged forward until they came into the
midst of the marauders, who, terrified by the strange apparition
of the horsemen, fled precipitately, without show of fight, to
the neighbouring forests.
This conduct of the natives of Tumbez is not easy to be
explained; considering the friendly relations maintained with the
Spaniards on their preceding visit, and lately renewed in the
island of Puna. But Pizarro was still more astonished, on
entering their town, to find it not only deserted, but, with the
exception of a few buildings, entirely demolished. Four or five
of the most substantial private dwellings, the great temple, and
the fortress - and these greatly damaged, and wholly despoiled of
their interior decorations - alone survived to mark the site of
the city, and attest its former splendor. *1 The scene of
desolation filled the conquerors with dismay; for even the raw
recruits, who had never visited the coast before, had heard the
marvelous stories of the golden treasures of Tumbez, and they had
confidently looked forward to them as an easy spoil after all
their fatigues. But the gold of Peru seemed only like a deceitful
phantom, which, after beckoning them on through toil and danger,
vanished the moment they attempted to grasp it.
[Footnote 1: Xerez, Conq del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 185.
"Aunque lo del templo del Sol en quien ellos adoran era cosa de
ver, porque tenian grandes edificios, y todo el por de dentro y
de fuera pintado de grandes pinturas y ricos matizes de colores,
porque los hay en aquella tierra." Relacion del Primer. Descub.,
Ms.]
Pizarro despatched a small body of troops in pursuit of the
fugitives; and, after some slight skirmishing, they got
possession of several of the natives, and among them, as it
chanced, the curaca of the place. When brought before the
Spanish commander, he exonerated himself from any share in the
violence offered to the white men, saying that it was done by a
lawless party of his people, without his knowledge at the time;
and he expressed his willingness to deliver them up to
punishment, if they could be detected. He explained the
dilapidated condition of the town by the long wars carried on
with the fierce tribes of Puna, who had at length succeeded in
getting possession of the place, and driving the inhabitants into
the neighbouring woods and mountains. The Inca, to whose cause
they were attached, was too much occupied with his own feuds to
protect them against their enemies.
Whether Pizarro gave any credit to the cacique's exculpation of
himself may be doubted. He dissembled his suspicions, however,
and, as the Indian lord promised obedience in his own name, and
that of his vassals, the Spanish general consented to take no
further notice of the affair. He seems now to have felt for the
first time, in its full force, that it was his policy to gain the
good-will of the people among whom he had thrown himself in the
face of such tremendous odds. It was, perhaps, the excesses of
which his men had been guilty in the earlier stages of the
expedition that had shaken the confidence of the people of
Tumbez, and incited them to this treacherous retaliation.
Pizarro inquired of the natives who now, under promise of
impunity, came into the camp, what had become of his two
followers that remained with them in the former expedition. The
answers they gave were obscure and contradictory. Some said,
they had died of an epidemic; others, that they had died of an
epidemic; others, that they had perished in the war with Puna;
and others intimated, that they had lost their lives in
consequence of some outrage attempted on the Indian women. It
was impossible to arrive at the truth. The last account was not
the least probable. But, whatever might be the cause, there was
no doubt they had both perished.
This intelligence spread an additional gloom over the Spaniards;
which was not dispelled by the flaming pictures now given by the
natives of the riches of the land, and of the state and
magnificence of the monarch in his distant capital among the
mountains. Nor did they credit the authenticity of a scroll of
paper, which Pizarro had obtained from an Indian, to whom it had
been delivered by one of the white men left in the country.
"Know, whoever you may be," said the writing, "that may chance to
set foot in this country, that it contains more gold and silver
than there is iron in Biscay." This paper, when shown to the
soldiers, excited only their ridicule, as a device of their
captain to keep alive their chimerical hopes. *2
[Footnote 2: For the account of the transactions in Tumbez, see
Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Oviedo, Hist. de las
Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 1. - Relacion del Primer.
Descub., Ms. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 9 cap. 1, 2.
- Xerez, Conq. de Peru, ap Barcia tom. III. p. 185.]
Pizarro now saw that it was not politic to protract his stay in
his present quarters, where a spirit of disaffection would soon
creep into the ranks of his followers, unless their spirits were
stimulated by novelty or a life of incessant action. Yet he felt
deeply anxious to obtain more particulars than he had hitherto
gathered of the actual condition of the Peruvian empire, of its
strength and resources, of the monarch who ruled over it, and of
his present situation. He was also desirous, before taking any
decisive step for penetrating the country, to seek out some
commodious place for a settlement, which might afford him the
means of a regular communication with the colonies, and a place
of strength, on which he himself might retreat in case of
disaster.
[See Peruvian Settlement: pizarro was desirous of seeking out
some commodius place for a settlement.]
He decided, therefore, to leave part of his company at Tumbez,
including those who, from the state of their health, were least
able to take the field, and with the remainder to make an
excursion into the interior, and reconnoitre the land, before
deciding on any plan of operations. He set out early in May,
1532; and, keeping along the more level regions himself, sent a
small detachment under the command of Hernando de Soto to explore
the skirts of the vast sierra.
He maintained a rigid discipline on the march, commanding his
soldiers to abstain from all acts of violence, and punishing
disobedience in the most prompt and resolute manner. *3 The
natives rarely offered resistance. When they did so, they were
soon reduced, and Pizarro, far from vindictive measures, was open
to the first demonstrations of submission. By this lenient and
liberal policy, he soon acquired a name among the inhabitants
which effaced the unfavorable impressions made of him in the
earlier part of the campaign. The natives, as he marched through
the thick-settled hamlets which sprinkled the level region of
between the Cordilleras and the ocean, welcomed him with rustic
hospitality, providing good quarters for his troops, and abundant
supplies, which cost but little in the prolific soil of the
tierra caliente. Everywhere Pizarro made proclamation that he
came in the name of the Holy Vicar of God and of the sovereign of
Spain, requiring the obedience of the inhabitants as true
children of the Church, and vassals of his lord and master. And
as the simple people made no opposition to a formula, of which
they could not comprehend a syllable, they were admitted as good
subjects of the Crown of Castile, and their act of homage - or
what was readily interpreted as such - was duly recorded and
attested by the notary. *4
[Footnote 3: "Mando el Gobernador por eregon e so graves penas
que no le fuese hecha fuerza ni descortesia e que se les hiciese
muv buen tratamiento por los Espanoles e sus criados." Oviedo,
Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 2.]
[Footnote 4: "E mandabales notificar o dar a entender con las
lenguas el requerimiento que su Magestad manda que se les haga a
los Indios para traellos en conocimiento de nuestra Santa fe
catolica, y requiriendoles con la paz, e que obedezcan a la
Iglesia e Apostolica de Roma, e en lo temporal den la obediencia
a su Magestad e a los Reyes sus succesores en los regnos de
Castilla i de Leon; respondieron que asi lo querian e harian,
guardarian e cumplirian enteramente; e el Gobernador los recibio
por tales vasallos de sus Magestades por auto publico de
notarios.' Ibid., Ms., ubi supra.]
At the expiration of some three or four weeks spent in
reconnoitring the country, Pizarro came to the conclusion that
the most eligible site for his new settlement was in the rich
valley of Tangarala, thirty leagues south of Tumbez, traversed by
more than one stream that opens a communication with the ocean.
To this spot, accordingly, he ordered the men left at Tumbez to
repair at once in their vessels; and no sooner had they arrived,
than busy preparations were made for building up the town in a
manner suited to the wants of the colony. Timber was procured
from the neighbouring woods. Stones were dragged from their
quarries, and edifices gradually rose, some of which made
pretensions to strength, if not to elegance. Among them were a
church, a magazine for public stores, a hall of justice, and a
fortress. A municipal government was organized, consisting of
regidores, alcaldes, and the usual civic functionaries. The
adjacent territory was parcelled out among the residents, and
each colonist had a certain number of the natives allotted to
assist him in his labors; for, as Pizarro's secretary remarks,
"it being evident that the colonists could not support themselves
without the services of the Indians, the ecclesiastics and the
leaders of the expedition all agreed that a repartimiento of the
natives would serve the cause of religion, and tend greatly to
their spiritual welfare, since they would thus have the
opportunity of being initiated in the true faith." *5
[Footnote 5: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y. Conq., Ms. - Conq. i. Pob.
del Peru, Ms. - Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 55. - Relacion del
Primer. Descub., Ms.
"Porque los Vecinos, sin aiuda i servicios de los Naturales no se
podian sostener, ni poblarse el Pueblo . . . . . . A esta causa,
con acuerdo de el Religioso, i de los Oficiales que les parecio
convenir asi al servicio de Dios, i bien de los Naturales, el
Governador deposito los Caciques, i Indios en los Vecinos de este
Pueblo, porque los aiudasen a sostener, i los Christianos los
doctrinasen en nuestra Santa Fe, conforme a los Mandamientos de
su Magestad." Xerez Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p.
187.]
Having made these arrangements with such conscientious regard to
the welfare of the benighted heathen, Pizarro gave his infant
city the name of San Miguel, in acknowledgment of the service
rendered him by that saint in his battles with the Indians of
Puna. The site originally occupied by the settlement was
afterward found to be so unhealthy, that it was abandoned for
another on the banks of the beautiful Piura. The town is still
of some note for its manufactures, though dwindled from its
ancient importance; but the name of San Miguel de Piura, which it
bears, still commemorates the foundation of the first European
colony in the empire of the Incas.
Before quitting the new settlement, Pizarro caused the gold and
silver ornaments which he had obtained in different parts of the
country to be melted down into one mass, and a fifth to be
deducted for the Crown. The remainder, which belonged to the
troops, he persuaded them to relinquish for the present; under
the assurance of being repaid from the first spoils that fell
into their hands. *6 With these funds, and other articles
collected in the course of the campaign, he sent back the vessels
to Panama. The gold was applied to paying off the ship-owners,
and those who had furnished the stores for the expedition. That
he should so easily have persuaded his men to resign present
possession for a future contingency is proof that the spirit of
enterprise was renewed in their bosoms in all its former vigor,
and that they looked forward with the same buoyant confidence to
the results.
[Footnote 6: "E sacado el quinto para su Magestad, lo restante
que pertenecio al Egercito de la Conquista, el Gobernador le tomo
prestado de los companeros para se lo pagal del primer oro que se
obiese." Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms. Parte 3, lib. 8, cap.
2.]
In his late tour of observation, the Spanish commander had
gathered much important intelligence in regard to the state of
the kingdom. He had ascertained the result of the struggle
between the Inca brothers, and that the victor now lay with his
army encamped at the distance of only ten or twelve days' journey
from San Miguel. The accounts he heard of the opulence and power
of that monarch, and of his great southern capital, perfectly
corresponded with the general rumors before received; and
contained, therefore, something to stagger the confidence, as
well as to stimulate the cupidity, of the invaders.
Pizarro would gladly have seen his little army strengthened by
reinforcements, however small the amount; and on that account
postponed his departure for several weeks. But no reinforcement
arrived; and, as he received no further tidings from his
associates, he judged that longer delay would, probably, be
attended with evils greater than those to be encountered on the
march; that discontents would inevitably spring up in a life of
inaction, and the strength and spirits of the soldier sink under
the enervating influence of a tropical climate. Yet the force at
his command, amounting to less than two hundred soldiers in all,
after reserving fifty for the protection of the new settlement,
seemed but a small one for the conquest of an empire. He might,
indeed, instead of marching against the Inca, take a southerly
direction towards the rich capital of Cuzco. But this would only
be to postpone the hour of reckoning. For in what quarter of the
empire could he hope to set his foot, where the arm of its master
would not reach him? By such a course, moreover, he would show
his own distrust of himself. He would shake that opinion of his
invincible prowess, which he had hitherto endeavoured to impress
on the natives, and which constituted a great secret of his
strength; which, in short, held sterner sway over the mind than
the display of numbers and mere physical force. Worse than all,
such a course would impair the confidence of his troops in
themselves and their reliance on himself. This would be to palsy
the arm of enterprise at once. It was not to be thought of.
But while Pizarro decided to march into the interior, it is
doubtful whether he had formed any more definite plan of action.
We have no means of knowing his intentions, at this distance of
time, otherwise than as they are shown by his actions.
Unfortunately, he could not write, and he has left no record,
like the inestimable Commentaries of Cortes, to enlighten us as
to his motives. His secretary, and some of his companions in
arms, have recited his actions in detail; but the motives which
led to them they were not always so competent to disclose.
It is possible that the Spanish general, even so early as the
period of his residence at San Miguel, may have meditated some
daring stroke, some effective coup-de-main, which, like that of
Cortes, when he carried off the Aztec monarch to his quarters,
might strike terror into the hearts of the people, and at once
decide the fortunes of the day. It is more probable, however,
that he now only proposed to present himself before the Inca, as
the peaceful representative of a brother monarch, and, by these
friendly demonstrations, disarm any feeling of hostility, or even
of suspicion. When once in communication with the Indian prince,
he could regulate his future course by circumstances.
On the 24th of September, 1532, five months after landing at
Tumbez, Pizarro marched out at the head of his little body of
adventurers from the gates of San Miguel, having enjoined it on
the colonists to treat their Indian vassals with humanity, and to
conduct themselves in such a manner as would secure the good-will
of the surrounding tribes. Their own existence, and with it the
safety of the army and the success of the undertaking, depended
on this course. In the place were to remain the royal treasurer,
the veedor, or inspector of metals, and other officers of the
crown; and the command of the garrison was intrusted to the
contador, Antonio Navarro. *7 Then putting himself at the head of
his troops, the chief struck boldly into the heart of the country
in the direction where, as he was informed, lay the camp of the
Inca. It was a daring enterprise, thus to venture with a handful
of followers into the heart of a powerful empire, to present
himself, face to face, before the Indian monarch in his own camp,
encompassed by the flower of his victorious army! Pizarro had
already experienced more than once the difficulty of maintaining
his ground against the rude tribes of the north, so much inferior
in strength and numbers to the warlike legions of Peru. But the
hazard of the game, as I have already more than once had occasion
to remark, constituted its great charm with the Spaniard. The
brilliant achievements of his countrymen, on the like occasions,
with means so inadequate, inspired him with confidence in his own
good star, and this confidence was one source of his success.
Had he faltered for a moment, had he stopped to calculate
chances, he must inevitably have failed; for the odds were too
great to be combated by sober reason. They were only to be met
triumphantly by the spirit of the knight-errant.
[Footnote 7: Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Oviedo, Hist. de las
Indias, Ms., Barcia, tom. III. p. 187. - Pedro Parte 3, lib. 8,
cap. 10. Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - ]
After crossing the smooth waters of the Piura, the little army
continued to advance over a level district intersected by streams
that descended from the neighbouring Cordilleras. The face of
the country was shagged over with forests of gigantic growth, and
occasionally traversed by ridges of barren land, that seemed like
shoots of the adjacent Andes, breaking up the surface of the
region into little sequestered valleys of singular loveliness.
The soil, though rarely watered by the rains of heaven, was
naturally rich, and wherever it was refreshed with moisture, as
on the margins of the streams, it was enamelled with the
brightest verdure. The industry of the inhabitants, moreover,
had turned these streams to the best account, and canals and
aqueducts were seen crossing the low lands in all directions, and
spreading over the country, like a vast network, diffusing
fertility and beauty around them. The air was scented with the
sweet odors of flowers, and everywhere the eye was refreshed by
the sight of orchards laden with unknown fruits, and of fields
waving with yellow grain and rich in luscious vegetables of every
description that teem in the sunny clime of the equator. The
Spaniards were among a people who had carried the refinements of
husbandry to a greater extent than any yet found on the American
continent; and, as they journeyed through this paradise of
plenty, their condition formed a pleasing contrast to what they
had before endured in the dreary wilderness of the mangroves.
Everywhere, too, they were received with confiding hospitality by
the simple people; for which they were no doubt indebted, in a
great measure, to their own inoffensive deportment. Every
Spaniard seemed to be aware, that his only chance of success lay
in conciliating the good opinion of the inhabitants, among whom
he had so recklessly cast his fortunes. In most of the hamlets,
and in every place of considerable size, some fortress was to be
found, or royal caravansary, destined for the Inca on his
progresses, the ample halls of which furnished abundant
accommodations for the Spaniards; who were thus provided with
quarters along their route at the charge of the very government
which they were preparing to overturn. *8
[Footnote 8: Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8,
cap. 4. - Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. - Conq. i Pob. del Piru,
Ms. - Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
On the fifth day after leaving San Miguel, Pizarro halted in one
of these delicious valleys, to give his troops repose, and to
make a more complete inspection of them. Their number amounted
in all to one hundred and seventy-seven, of which sixty-seven
were cavalry. He mustered only three arquebusiers in his whole
company, and a few crossbow-men, altogether not exceeding twenty.
*9 The troops were tolerably well equipped, and in good
condition. But the watchful eye of their commander noticed with
uneasiness, that, notwithstanding the general heartiness in the
cause manifested by his followers, there were some among them
whose countenances lowered with discontent, and who, although
they did not give vent to it in open murmurs, were far from
moving with their wonted alacrity. He was aware, that, if this
spirit became contagious, it would be the ruin of the enterprise;
and he thought it best to exterminate the gangrene at once, and
at whatever cost, than to wait until it had infected the whole
system. He came to an extraordinary resolution.
[Footnote 9: There is less discrepancy in the estimate of the
Spanish force here than usual. The paucity of numbers gave less
room for it. No account carries them as high as two hundred. I
have adopted that of the Secretary Xerez, (Conq. del Peru, ap.
Barcia, tom. III. p. 187,) who has been followed by Oviedo,
(Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 1, cap 3,) and by the
judicious Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 1, cap 2.]
Calling his men together, he told them that "a crisis had now
arrived in their affairs, which it demanded all their courage to
meet. No man should think of going forward in the expedition,
who could not do so with his whole heart, or who had the least
misgiving as to its success. If any repented of his share in it,
it was not too late to turn back. San Miguel was but poorly
garrisoned, and he should be glad to see it in greater strength.
Those who chose might return to this place, and they should be
entitled to the same proportion of lands and Indian vassals as
the present residents. With the rest, were they few or many, who
chose to take their chance with him, he should pursue the
adventure to the end." *10
[Footnote 10: "Que todos los que quiriesen bolverse a la ciudad
de San Miguel y avecindarse alli demas de los vecinos que alli
quedaban el los depositaria repartimientos de Indios con que se
sortubiesen como lo habia hecho con los otros vecinos; e que con
los Espanoles quedasen, pocos o muchos, iria a conquistar e
pacificar la tierra en demanda y persecucion del camino que
llevaba." Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias. Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8,
cap. 3.]
It was certainly a remarkable proposal for a commander, who was
ignorant of the amount of disaffection in his ranks, and who
could not safely spare a single man from his force, already far
too feeble for the undertaking. Yet, by insisting on the wants of
the little colony of San Miguel, he afforded a decent pretext for
the secession of the malecontents, and swept away the barrier of
shame which might have still held them in the camp.
Notwithstanding the fair opening thus afforded, there were but
few, nine in all, who availed themselves of the general's
permission. Four of these belonged to the infantry, and five to
the horse. The rest loudly declared their resolve to go forward
with their brave leader; and, if there were some whose voices
were faint amidst the general acclamation, they, at least,
relinquished the right of complaining hereafter, since they had
voluntarily rejected the permission to return. *11 This stroke of
policy in their sagacious captain was attended with the best
effects. He had winnowed out the few grains of discontent,
which, if left to themselves, might have fermented in secret till
the whole mass had swelled into mutiny. Cortes had compelled his
men to go forward heartily in his enterprise, by burning their
vessels, and thus cutting off the only means of retreat.
Pizarro, on the other hand, threw open the gates to the
disaffected and facilitated their departure. Both judged right,
under their peculiar circumstances, and both were perfectly
successful.
[Footnote 11: Ibid., Ms., loc. cit. - Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. 5, lib. 1. cap. 2. - Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom.
III. p. 187.]
Feeling himself strengthened, instead of weakened, by his loss,
Pizarro now resumed his march, and, on the second day, arrived
before a place called Zaran, situated in a fruitful valley among
the mountains. Some of the inhabitants had been drawn off to
swell the levies of Atahuallpa. The Spaniards had repeated
experience on their march of the oppressive exactions of the
Inca, who had almost depopulated some of the valleys to obtain
reinforcements for his army. The curaca of the Indian town,
where Pizarro now arrived, received him with kindness and
hospitality, and the troops were quartered as usual in one of the
royal tambos or caravansaries, which were found in all the
principal places. *12
[Footnote 12: Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
Yet the Spaniards saw no signs of their approach to the royal
encampment, though more time had already elapsed than was
originally allowed for reaching it. Shortly before entering
Zaran, Pizarro had heard that a Peruvian garrison was established
in a place called Caxas, lying among the hills, at no great
distance from his present quarters. He immediately despatched a
small party under Hernando de Soto in that direction, to
reconnoitre the ground, and bring him intelligence of the actual
state of things, at Zaran, where he would halt until his
officer's return.
Day after day passed on, and a week had elapsed before tidings
were received of his companions, and Pizarro was becoming
seriously alarmed for their fate, when on the eighth morning Soto
appeared, bringing with him an envoy from the Inca himself. He
was a person of rank, and was attended by several followers of
inferior condition. He had met the Spaniards at Caxas, and now
accompanied them on their return, to deliver his sovereign's
message, with a present to the Spanish commander. The present
consisted of two fountains, made of stone, in the form of
fortresses; some fine stuffs of woollen embroidered with gold and
silver; and a quantity of goose-flesh, dried and seasoned in a
peculiar manner, and much used as a perfume, in a pulverized
state, by the Peruvian nobles. *13 The Indian ambassador came
charged also with his master's greeting to the strangers, whom
Atahu allpa welcomed to his country, and invited to visit him in
his camp among the mountains. *14
[Footnote 13: "Dos Fortalecas a manera de Fuente, figuradas en
Piedra, con que beba, i dos cargas de Patos secos, desollados,
para que hechos polvos, se sahume con ellos, porque asi se usa
entre los Senores de su Tierra: i que le embiaba a decir, que el
tiene voluntad de ser su Amigo, i esperalle de Paz en Caxamalca."
Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 189.]
[Footnote 14: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Oviedo, Hist.
de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 3. - Relacion del
Primer. Descub., Ms. - Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom.
III. p. 189.
Garcilasso de la Vega tells us that Atahuallpa's envoy addressed
the Spanish commander in the most humble and deprecatory manner,
as Son of the Sun and of the great God Viracocha. He adds, that
he was loaded with a prodigious present of all kinds of game,
living and dead, gold and silver vases, emeralds, turquoises,
&c., &c, enough to furnish out the finest chapter of the Arabian
Nights. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 19.) It is
extraordinary that none of the Conquerors who had a quick eye for
these dainties, should allude to them. One cannot but suspect
that the "old uncle" was amusing himself at his young nephew's
expense; and, as it has proved, at the expense of most of his
readers, who receive the Inca's fairy tales as historic facts.]
Pizarro well understood that the Inca's object in this diplomatic
visit was less to do him courtesy, than to inform himself of the
strength and condition of the invaders. But he was well pleased
with the embassy, and dissembled his consciousness of its real
purpose. He caused the Peruvian to be entertained in the best
manner the camp could afford, and paid him the respect, says one
of the Conquerors, due to the ambassador of so great a monarch.
*15 Pizarro urged him to prolong his visit for some days, which
the Indian envoy declined, but made the most of his time while
there, by gleaning all the information he could in respect to the
uses of every strange article which he saw, as well as the object
of the white men's visit to the land, and the quarter whence they
came.
[Footnote 15: "I mando, que le diesen de comer a el, i a los que
con el venian, i todo lo que huviesen menester, i fuesen bien
aposentados, como Embajadores de tan Gran Senor." Xerez, Conq.
del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 189.]
The Spanish captain satisfied his curiosity in all these
particulars. The intercourse with the natives, it may be here
remarked, was maintained by means of two of the youths who had
accompanied the Conquerors on their return home from their
preceding voyage. They had been taken by Pizarro to Spain, and,
as much pains had been bestowed on teaching them the Castilian,
they now filled the office of interpreters, and opened an easy
communication with their countrymen. It was of inestimable
service; and well did the Spanish commander reap the fruits of
his forecast. *16
[Footnote 16: "Los Indios de la tierra se entendian muy bien con
los Espanoles, porque aquellos mochachos Indios que en el
decubrimiento de la tierra Pizarro truxo a Espana, entendian muy
bien nuestra lengua, y los tenia alli, con los cuales se entendia
muy bien con todos los naturales de la tierra. (Relacion del
Primer. Descub., Ms.) Yet it is a proof of the ludicrous
blunders into which the Conquerors were perpetually falling, that
Pizarro's secretary constantly confounds the Inca's name with
that of his capital. Huayna Capac, he always styles "old Cuzco,"
and his son Huasca. "young Cuzco."]
On the departure of the Peruvian messenger, Pizarro presented him
with a cap of crimson cloth, some cheap but showy ornaments of
glass, and other toys, which he had brought for the purpose from
Castile. He charged the envoy to tell his master, that the
Spaniards came from a powerful prince, who dwelt far beyond the
waters; that they had heard much of the fame of Atahuallpa's
victories, and were come to pay their respects to him, and to
offer their services by aiding him with their arms against his
enemies; and he might be assured, they would not halt on the
road, longer than was necessary, before presenting themselves
before him.
Pizarro now received from Soto a full account of his late
expedition. That chief, on entering Caxas, found the inhabitants
mustered in hostile array, as if to dispute his passage. But the
cavalier soon convinced them of his pacific intentions, and,
laying aside their menacing attitude, they received the Spaniards
with the same courtesy which had been shown them in most places
on their march.
Here Soto found one of the royal officers, employed in collecting
the tribute for the government. From this functionary he learned
that the Inca was quartered with a large army at Caxamalca, a
place of considerable size on the other side of the Cordillera,
where he was enjoying the luxury of the warm baths, supplied by
natural springs, for which it was then famous, as it is at the
present day. The cavalier gathered, also, much important
information in regard to the resources and the general policy of
government, the state maintained by the Inca, and the stern
severity with which obedience to the law was everywhere enforced.
He had some opportunity of observing this for himself, as, on
entering the village, he saw several Indians hanging dead by
their heels, having been executed for some violence offered to
the Virgins of the Sun, of whom there was a convent in the
neighbourhood. *17
[Footnote 17: "A la entrada del Pueblo havia ciertos Indios
ahorcados de los pies: i supo de este Principal, que Atabalipa
los mando matar, porque uno de ellos entro en la Casa de las
Mugeres a dormir con una: al qual, i a todos los Porteros que
consintieron, ahorco." Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, ton.
III. p. 188.]
From Caxas, De Soto had passed to the adjacent town of
Guancabamba, much larger, more populous, and better built than
the preceding. The houses, instead of being made of clay baked
in the sun, were many of them constructed of solid stone, so
nicely put together, that it was impossible to detect the line of
junction. A river, which passed through the town, was traversed
by a bridge, and the high road of the Incas, which crossed this
district, was far superior to that which the Spaniards had seen
on the sea-board. It was raised in many places, like a causeway,
paved with heavy stone flags, and bordered by trees that afforded
a grateful shade to the passenger, while streams of water were
conducted through aqueducts along the sides to slake his thirst.
At certain distances, also, they noticed small houses, which,
they were told, were for the accommodation of the traveller, who
might thus pass, without inconvenience, from one end of the
kingdom to the other. *18 In another quarter they beheld one of
those magazines destined for the army, filled with grain, and
with articles of clothing; and at the entrance of the town was a
stone building, occupied by a public officer, whose business it
was to collect the tolls or duties on various commodities brought
into the place, or carried out of it. *19 - These accounts of De
Soto not only confirmed all that the Spaniards had heard of the
Indian empire, but greatly raised their ideas of its resources
and domestic policy. They might well have shaken the confidence
of hearts less courageous.
[Footnote 18: "Van por este camino canos de agua de donde los
caminantes beben, traidos de sus nacimientos de otras partes, y a
cada jornada una Casa a manera de Venta donde se aposentan los
que van e vienen.' Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms. Parte 3, lib.
8, cap. 3.]
[Footnote 19: "A la entrada de este Camino en el Pueblo de Cajas
esta una casa al principio de una puente donde reside una guarda
que recibe el Portazgo de todos los que van e vienen, e paganlo
en la misma cosa que llevan, y ninguno puede sacar carga del
Pueblo sino la mete, y esta costumbre es alli antigua." Oviedo,
Hist. de las Indias, Ms, ubi supra.]
Pizarro, before leaving his present quarters, despatched a
messenger to San Miguel with particulars of his movements,
sending, at the same time, the articles received from the Inca,
as well as those obtained at different places on the route. The
skill shown in the execution of some of these fabrics excited
great admiration, when sent to Castile. The fine woollen cloths,
especially, with their rich embroidery, were pronounced equal to
silk, from which it was not easy to distinguish them. It was
probably the delicate wool of the vicuna, none of which had then
been seen in Europe. *20
[Footnote 20: "Piezas de lana de la tierra, que era cosa mucho de
ver segun su primer e gentileza, e no se sabian determinar si era
seda o lana segun su fineza con muchas labores i figuras de oro
de martillo de tal manera asentado en la ropa que era cosa de
marabillar." Oviendo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3 lib. 8,
cap. 4.]
Pizarro, having now acquainted himself with the most direct route
to Caxamalca, - the Caxamalca of the present day, - resumed his
march, taking a direction nearly south. The first place of any
size at which he halted was Motupe, pleasantly situated in a
fruitful valley, among hills of no great elevation, which cluster
round the base of the Cordilleras. The place was deserted by its
curaca, who, with three hundred of its warriors, had gone to join
the standard of their Inca. Here the general, notwithstanding
his avowed purpose to push forward without delay, halted four
days. The tardiness of his movements can be explained only by
the hope, which he may have still entertained, of being joined by
further reinforcements before crossing the Cordilleras. None
such appeared, however; and advancing across a country in which
tracts of sandy plain were occasionally relieved by a broad
expanse of verdant meadow, watered by natural streams and still
more abundantly by those brought through artificial channels, the
troops at length arrived at the borders of a river. It was broad
and deep, and the rapidity of the current opposed more than
ordinary difficulty to the passage. Pizarro, apprehensive lest
this might be disputed by the natives on the opposite bank,
ordered his brother Hernando to cross over with a small
detachment under cover of night, and secure a safe landing for
the rest of the troops. At break of day Pizarro made
preparations for his own passage, by hewing timber in the
neighboring woods, and constructing a sort of floating bridge, on
which before nightfall the whole company passed in safety, the
horses swimming, being led by the bridle. It was a day of severe
labor, and Pizarro took his own share in it freely, like a common
soldier, having ever a word of encouragement to say to his
followers.
On reaching the opposite side, they learned from their comrades
that the people of the country, instead of offering resistance,
had fled in dismay. One of them, having been taken and brought
before Hernando Pizarro, refused to answer the questions put to
him respecting the Inca and his army; till, being put to the
torture, he stated that Atahuallpa was encamped, with his whole
force, in three separate divisions, occupying the high grounds
and plains of Caxamalca. He further stated, that the Inca was
aware of the approach of the white men and of their small number,
and that he was purposely decoying them into his own quarters,
that he might have them more completely in his power.
This account, when reported by Hernando to his brother, caused
the latter much anxiety. As the timidity of the peasantry,
however, gradually wore off, some of them mingled with the
troops, and among them the curaca or principal person of the
village. He had himself visited the royal camp, and he informed
the general that Atahuallpa lay at the strong town of
Guamachucho, twenty leagues or more south of Caxamalca, with an
army of at least fifty thousand men.
These contradictory statements greatly perplexed the chieftain;
and he proposed to one of the Indians who had borne him company
during a great part of the march, to go as a spy into the Inca's
quarters, and bring him intelligence of his actual position, and,
as far as he could learn them, of his intentions towards the
Spaniards. But the man positively declined this dangerous
service, though he professed his willingness to go as an
authorized messenger of the Spanish commander.
Pizarro acquiesced in this proposal, and instructed his envoy to
assure the Inca that he was advancing with all convenient speed
to meet him. He was to acquaint the monarch with the uniformly
considerate monarch with the uniformly considerate conduct of the
Spaniards towards his subjects, in their progress through the
land, and to assure him that they were now coming in full
confidence of finding in him the same amicable feelings towards
themselves. The emissary was particularly instructed to observe
if the strong passes on the road were defended, or if any
preparations of a hostile character were to be discerned. This
last intelligence he was to communicate to the general by means
of two or three nimble-footed attendants, who were to accompany
him on his mission. *21
[Footnote 21: Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms. Parte 3, lib. 8,
cap. 4. - Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. - Relacion del Primer,
Descub., Ms. - Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap Barcia, tom. III. p.
190]
Having taken this precaution, the wary commander again resumed
his march, and at the end of three days reached the base of the
mountain rampart, behind which lay the ancient town of Caxamalca.
Before him rose the stupendous Andes, rock piled upon rock, their
skirts below dark with evergreen forests, varied here and there
by terraced patches of cultivated garden, with the peasant's
cottage clinging to their shaggy sides, and their crests of snow
glittering high in the heavens, - presenting altogether such a
wild chaos of magnificence and beauty as no other mountain
scenery in the world can show. Across this tremendous rampart,
through a labyrinth of passes, easily capable of defence by a
handful of men against an army, the troops were now to march. To
the right ran a broad and level road, with its border of friendly
shades, and wide enough for two carriages to pass abreast. It was
one of the great routes leading to Cuzco, and seemed by its
pleasant and easy access to invite the wayworn soldier to choose
it in preference to the dangerous mountain defiles. Many were
accordingly of opinion that the army should take this course, and
abandon the original destination of Caxamalca. But such was not
the decision of Pizarro.
The Spaniards had everywhere proclaimed their purpose, he said,
to visit the Inca in his camp. This purpose had been
communicated to the Inca himself. To take an opposite direction
now would only be to draw on them the imputation of cowardice,
and to incur Atahuallpa's contempt. No alternative remained but
to march straight across the sierra to his quarters. "Let every
one of you," said the bold cavalier, "take heart and go forward
like a good soldier, nothing daunted by the smallness of your
numbers. For in the greatest extremity God ever fights for his
own; and doubt not he will humble the pride of the heathen, and
bring him to the knowledge of the true faith, the great end and
object of the Conquest." *22
[Footnote 22: "Que todos se animasen y esforzasen a hacer como de
ellos esperaba y como buenos espanoles lo suelen hacer, e que no
les pusiese temor la multitud que se decia que habia de gente ni
el poco numero de los cristianos, que aunque menos fuesen e mayor
el egercito contrario, la ayuda de Dios es mucho mayor, y en las
mayores necesidades socorre y faborece a los suyos para
desbaratar y abajar la soberbia de los infieles e traerlos en
conocimiento de nuestra Sta fe catolica." Ovieda, Hist. de las
Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 4.]
Pizarro, like Cortes, possessed a good share of that frank and
manly eloquence which touches the heart of the soldier more than
the parade of rhetoric or the finest flow of elocution. He was a
soldier himself, and partook in all the feelings of the soldier,
his joys, his hopes, and his disappointments. He was not raised
by rank and education above sympathy with the humblest of his
followers. Every chord in their bosoms vibrated with the same
pulsations as his own, and the conviction of this gave him a
mastery over them. "Lead on," they shouted, as he finished his
brief but animating address, "lead on wherever you think best.
We will follow with good-will, and you shall see that we can do
our duty in the cause of God and the King!" *23 There was no
longer hesitation. All thoughts were now bent on the instant
passage of the Cordilleras.
[Footnote 23: 'Todos digeron que fuese por el Camino que quisiese
i viese que mas convenia, que todos le seguirian con buena
voluntad e obra al tiempo del efecto, y veria lo que cada uno de
ellos haria en servicio de Dios e de su Magestad." Ibid., Ms,
loc. cit.]