Hecker in the edition of his work referred to has also a treatise on

child pilgrimages.[52] These pilgrimages, like the dancing mania,

occurred in the Middle Ages. The greatest was the boy crusade in the

year 1212. The passion to repossess the Holy Land then had its grip on

Catholic Europe. The first impulse to the child pilgrimages was given

by a shepherd-boy, who had revelations and ecstatic seizures, and held

himself to be an ambassador of the Lord. Soon thirty thousand souls

came to partake of his revelations; new child-prophets and

miracle-workers arose; the children of rich and poor flocked together

from all quarters; parents were unable to restrain them, and some even

began to urge them. A host of boys, armed and unarmed, assembled at

Vendôme, and started for Jerusalem with a boy-prophet at their head.

They got to Marseilles, and embarked on seven large ships. Two ships

were wrecked, and not a soul was saved. The other five ships reached

Bougia and Alexandria, and the young crusaders were all sold as slaves

to the Saracens. In Germany child-prophets arose, especially in the

Rhine countries and far eastward. An army of them gathered together,

crossed the Alps, and reached Genoa. They were soon scattered; many

perished; many were retained as servants in foreign lands; some

reached Rome. A second child's pilgrimage occurred twenty-five years

later. It was confined to the city of Erfurt. One thousand children

wandered, dancing {225} and leaping, to Armstadt, and were brought

back in carts. Another child's pilgrimage from Halle, in Suabia, to

Mount St. Michel in Normandy, occurred in 1458.

[Footnote 52: Translated by Robert H. Cooke, M. R. C. S.]

In the convent of Yvertet in the territory of Liège, in 1550, the

inmates were seized with a leaping and jumping malady. The disorder

began with a single individual, and was soon propagated.

Sometimes the convulsive disorders of early days, especially those

occurring in convents, were associated with the strange delusion that

the subjects of them were changed into lower animals. Various names

have been given to disorders of this kind, such as lycanthropia or

wolf madness, zoomania or animal madness, etc. Burton in the _Anatomy

of Melancholy_ gives an interesting summary of these disorders, which

are also discussed by Levick.

In 1760 a religious sect known as the Jumpers prevailed in Great

Britain. They were affected with religious frenzy, and jumped

continuously for hours. Other jumping epidemics have appeared at

different times, both in Great Britain and in this country.

The New England witchcraft episode is of historical interest in

connection with this subject of epidemic hysteria. This excitement

occurred during the latter part of the seventeenth century. Adults and

children were its subjects. The Rev. Cotton Mather records many cases,

some of which illustrate almost every phase of hysteria. Individuals

who were seized with attacks, which would now be regarded as

hysterical or hystero-epileptic, were supposed to have become

possessed through the machinations of others. Those who were supposed

to be possessed were tried, condemned, and executed in great numbers.

Many accused themselves of converse with the devil. The epidemic

spread with such rapidity, and so many were executed, that finally the

good sense of the people came to the rescue.

The nervous epidemics, nearly all religious, which have occurred in

this country have usually been during the pioneer periods, and have

therefore appeared at different eras as one part of the country after

another has been developed. Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and

neighboring States were visited time and again. Even to-day we

occasionally hear of outbreaks of this kind in remote or primitive

localities, whether it be in the far South-west or in the woods of

Maine.

David W. Yandell[53] has published a valuable paper on “Epidemic

Convulsions,” the larger part of the materials of which were collected

by his father for a medical history of Kentucky. From this it would

appear the convulsions were first noticed in the revivals from 1735 to

1742. Many instances are related of fainting, falling, trance,

numbness, outcries, and spasms. The epidemic of Kentucky spread

widely, reappeared for years, and involved a district from Ohio to the

mountains of Tennessee, and even to the old settlements in the

Carolinas. Wonderful displays took place at the camp-meetings. At one

of these, where twenty thousand people were present, sobs, shrieks,

and shouts were heard; sudden spasms seized upon scores and dashed

them to the ground. Preachers went around in ecstasy, singing,

shouting, and shaking hands. Sometimes a little boy or girl would be

seen passionately exhorting the multitude, reminding one of the part

taken by {226} the children in the epidemics of the Middle Ages. A

sense of pins and needles was complained of by many; others felt a

numbness and lost all control of their muscles. Some subjects were

cataleptic; others were overcome with general convulsions.

[Footnote 53: _Brain_, vol. iv., Oct., 1881, p. 339 _et seq._]

The term jerks was properly applied to one of the forms of convulsion.

Sometimes the jerking affected a single limb or part. The Rev. Richard

McNemar has given a graphic description of this jerking exercise in a

_History of the Kentucky Revival_. The head would fly backward and

forward or from side to side; the subject was dashed to the ground, or

would bounce from place to place like a football, or hop around with

head, limbs, and trunk twitching and jolting in every direction.

Curiously, few were hurt. Interesting descriptions of the jerks can be

found in various American autobiographical and historical religious

works. In such books as the _Autobiography of Peter Cartwright_, a

Western Methodist, for instance, striking accounts of some of the

phases of these epidemics are to be found. Lorenzo Dow in his

_Journal_, published in Philadelphia in 1815, has also recorded them.

Hysterical laughter was a grotesque manifestation often witnessed. The

holy laugh began to be a part of religious worship. Dancing, barking,

and otherwise acting like dogs, were still other manifestations. It is

remarkable that, according to Yandell, no instance is recorded in

which permanent insanity resulted from these terrible excitements.

The absurd and extraordinary exhibitions witnessed among the Shakers

belong to the same category, and have been well described by Hammond

and others.

In a _History of the Revival in Ireland in 1859_, by the Rev. William

Gibson, instances of excitement that fairly rivalled those which

occurred in our Western States are given. Cases of ecstasy are

described.

The religious sect known as the Salvation Army, which has in very

recent years excited so much attention, curiosity, and comment both in

America and England, has much in common with the Jumpers, the Jerkers,

and the Convulsionnaires. The frenzied excitement at their meetings,

with their tambourine-playing, dancing, shouting, and improvising are

simply the same phases of religio-hysterical disorder, modified by

differences in the age and environment.

In 1878, in the district of Tolmezo, Italy, an epidemic of hysteria

which recalls the epidemics of the Middle Ages occurred. It has been

described by M. Léon Colin.[54] It was reported to the prefect of

Undine that for three months some forty females living in the commune

of Verzeguis had been attacked by religious mania. “From the report it

appears that the first was in the person of a woman named Marguerite

Vidusson, who had been the subject of simple hysteria for about eight

years. In January, 1878, she began to suffer from convulsive attacks,

accompanied by cries and lamentations. She was regarded as the subject

of demoniacal possession, and on the first Sunday in May was publicly

exorcised. Her affection, however, increased in severity; the attacks

were more frequent and more intense, and were especially provoked by

the sound of the church-bells and by the sight of priests. Seven

months later three other hysterical girls became subject to convulsive

and clamorous attacks. Here, again, an attempt was made to get rid of

the {227} supposed demon. A solemn mass was said in the presence of

the sufferers, but was followed only by a fresh outbreak. At the time

of the visit of the delegates eighteen were suffering, aged from

sixteen to twenty-six years, except three, whose ages were

respectively forty-five, fifty-five, and sixty-three years. Similar

symptoms had also appeared in a young soldier on leave in the

village.” During the attacks the patients talked of the demon which

possessed them, stated the date on which they were seized by it, and

the names of the persons who were possessed before them. Some boasted

of being prophetesses and clairvoyants and of having the gift of

tongues. In all, the sound of church-bells caused attacks, and

religious ceremonies appeared not only to aggravate the disease in the

sufferers, but also to cause its extension to those not previously

attacked. M. Colin points out that the soil is particularly favorable

for the development of an epidemic of this nature. The people of

Verzeguis are backward in education and most superstitious. Functional

nervous diseases are common among them. The inhabitants of the village

are largely cut off from intercourse with the adjacent country in

consequence of comparative inaccessibility and the frequent

interruption of communications by storms and floods. Craniometric

observations on twelve of the inhabitants seemed to show that the

brachycephalic form of skull predominated, and that the development of

the cranium was slightly below the average. The epidemic proved

extremely obstinate.

[Footnote 54: _Annales d'Hygiène_, quoted in _Lancet_, Oct. 16, 1880.]

In Norway and New Caledonia similar hysterical outbreaks have been

observed in recent times.

An endemic of hysteria from imitation occurred in Philadelphia in

1880. Some of the cases fell under my own observation. A brief account

of them is given by Mitchell in his _Lectures_. The outbreak occurred

in a Church Home for Children, to which Dr. S. S. Stryker was

physician. The Home contained ninety-five girls and six boys; all of

them were well nourished and in good condition. The epidemic began by

a girl having slight convulsive twitchings of the extremities, with a

little numbness. Attacks returned daily; respiration became loud and

crowing. She soon had all the phenomena of convulsive hysteria. Many

of her comrades began to imitate her bark. Soon another girl of ten

was attacked with harsh, gasping breathing, with crowing,

speechlessness, clutching at her throat, and the whole series of

phenomena exhibited by the first girl attacked. Nine or ten others

were affected in like manner, and many of the remaining children had

similar symptoms in a slight degree. At first convulsions occurred

irregularly; after a while they appeared every evening; later, both

morning and evening. The presence of visitors would excite them. Many

interesting hysterical phases occurred among the children. One night

some of them took to walking about on their hands and knees; others

described visions. The girls often spoke of being surrounded by wild

beasts, and one child would adopt the fiction which another related in

her hearing. The cases were scattered about in different hospitals,

and made good recoveries in from one to two months.

The Jumpers or Jumping Frenchmen of Maine and Northern New Hampshire

were described by Beard in 1880.[55] They presented nervous phenomena

in some phases allied to hysteria. In June, 1880, Beard {228} visited

Moosehead Lake and experimented with some of them. Whatever order was

given them was at once obeyed. One of the Jumpers, who was sitting in

a chair with a knife in his hand, was told to throw it, and he threw

it quickly so that it struck in a beam opposite; at the same time he

repeated the order to throw it with a cry of alarm. They were tried

with Latin and Greek quotations, and repeated or echoed the sound as

it came to them. They could not help repeating any word or sound that

came from the person that ordered them. Any sudden or unexpected

noise, as the report of a gun, the slamming of a door, etc., would

cause them to exhibit some phenomena. It was dangerous to startle them

where they could injure themselves, or if they had an axe, knife, or

other weapon in their hands. Since the time of Beard's observation

accounts of their doings have now and then found their way into

newspapers. One recent account tells of one of these peculiar people

jumping from a raft into the Penobscot River on an order to jump.

[Footnote 55: _Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases_, vol. vii.,

1880, p. 487.]

Hammond[56] has described under the name Miryachit an affection which

seems to be essentially the same disorder as that of which the Jumpers

are the victims. He quotes from a report of a journey from the Pacific

Ocean through Asia to Europe by Lieutenant B. H. Buckingham and

Ensigns Geo. C. Foulk and Walter McLean of the United States Navy, an

account of this disease. The party made their first observations on

this affection while on the Ussuri River in Siberia. The captain of

the general staff approached the steward of the boat suddenly, and

without any apparent reason or remark clapped his hand before his

face; instantly the steward clapped his hand in the same manner, put

on an angry look, and passed on. When the captain slapped the

paddle-box suddenly, the steward instantly gave it a similar thump.

Some of the passengers imitated pigs grunting or called out absurd

names, etc.; the poor steward would be compelled to echo them all. The

United States naval officers were informed that the affection was not

uncommon in Siberia, and that it was commonest about Yakutsk, where

the winter cold is extreme. Both sexes were subject to it, but men

much less than women. It was known to Russians by the name of

Miryachit.

[Footnote 56: _New York Med. Journ._, Feb. 16, 1884.]

In both these classes of cases a suggestion of some kind was required,

and then the act took place independently of the will. “There is

another analogous condition known by the Germans as Schlaftrunkenheit,

and to English and American neurologists as somnolentia or

sleep-drunkenness. In this state an individual on being suddenly

awakened commits some incongruous act of violence, ofttimes a murder.

Sometimes this appears to be a dream, but in others no such cause

could be discovered.” Curious instances are mentioned by Hammond of

this disorder.

The phenomena of automatism at command in hypnotized subjects have

much similarity to the phenomena of these affections, and the same

explanation to a certain extent will answer for both.

Paget[57] has ably discussed the subject of neuromimesis in general,

and Mitchell[58] devotes two lectures to its consideration. As already

stated when discussing the synonyms of hysteria, the mistake must not

be made of supposing all cases of hysteria to be instances of

neuromimesis; but, as Mitchell remarks, the hysterical state, however

produced, is a fruitful {229} source of mimicry of disease in its

every form, from the mildest of pains up to the most complete and

carefully-devised frauds. “Its sensitiveness and mobility, its

timidity and emotionalness, its greed of attention, of sympathy, and

of power in all shapes, supply both motive and help, so that while we

must be careful not to see mimicry in every hysteric symptom, we must

in people of this temperament be more than usually watchful for this

form of trouble, and at least reasonably suspicious of every peculiar

or unusual phenomenon.”

[Footnote 57: _Op. cit._]

[Footnote 58: _Op. cit._]

SYMPTOMATOLOGY.—At the outset of the discussion of the symptomatology

of hysteria, hysterical cases should be divided into four classes—viz.

(1) Cases in which the symptoms are involuntary; (2) cases in which

the symptoms are artificially induced and become involuntary; (3)

cases in which the symptoms are acted or simulated, but in which the

patient, because of impaired mental power, is irresistibly impelled to

their performance; (4) cases in which the symptoms are purely acts of

deception which are under the control of the patient.

Keeping in mind these different classes, we will always be able to

link to the phenomena of hysteria the psychical element which is

present in all genuine cases of this disorder. To comprehend the

existence of the psychical element in the first class, in which the

manifestations are absolutely involuntary, may offer difficulties. In

these cases, at a period more or less recent or remote, psychical

stimuli may have acted to produce the hysterical phenomena, and, once

produced, these have been repeated and intensified by habit, and

continue independently both of volition and consciousness. The

experiments of Dercum and Parker show how hysterical symptoms may be

artificially induced and may get beyond the patient's control. The

difference between induced and simulated manifestations must always be

clearly borne in mind. To induce a set of phenomena a certain

mechanism must be set in action, and this, through rational,

explicable processes, leads to certain results. The psychical element

enters here both positively and negatively—positively, in the

determination to produce a certain train of events; negatively, in the

condition of mental concentration or abstraction which is a part of

the procedure. In the third class of cases acting or simulation is

dependent upon the irresistible inclinations of the patient. This may

seem to some an uncertain and even dangerous ground to take. I am

convinced, however, after observing many hysterical cases, that acts

clearly purposive, so far as the particular performance is concerned,

are sometimes the result of a general unstable mental condition. Some

at least of these patients are as irresistibly impelled to swallow

blood and vomit, to scream and gesticulate, etc., as is the monomaniac

to commit arson, to ravish, or to kill. In the fourth class, the cases

of pure, unmitigated, uncontrollable deception, the psychical element

is very evident, although some may question whether such cases should

be ranged under the banner of hysteria, where it is both convenient

and customary to place them.

The symptoms of hysteria may develop in any order or after any

fashion. The graver hysterical phenomena, such as convulsions,

paralysis, and anæsthesia, often seem to come on suddenly, but usually

this suddenness of onset is apparent rather than real. Minor

hysterical symptoms, such as general nervous irritability, pains,

aches, and discomforts, and mental peculiarities, have usually been

present for a long {230} time. These minor evidences of the hysterical

constitution are sometimes the only phenomena ever presented.

Todd[59] has described an expression of countenance which he

designates as the facies hysterica. The characteristics of this

expression are a remarkable depth and prominent fulness, with more or

less thickness, of the upper lip, and a peculiar drooping of the upper

eyelids. It would be absurd to assert that all hysterical patients

presented this cast of countenance, but an appearance which approaches

closely to this description is presented in a fair percentage of

cases. It has seemed to me that male hysterics were more likely to

have this peculiar facies than hysterical females.

[Footnote 59: _Reynolds's System of Medicine_, vol. ii. p. 656.]

The psychical peculiarities or mental disorders of hysteria form a

large and important part of its phenomena. We have to deal not only

with peculiar and diverse psychical manifestations, but to one form of

mental disorder it is clinically convenient and correct to apply the

designation hysterical insanity.

In the mildest cases of ordinary hysteria conditions of mental

irritability and mobility are sometimes the only striking features.

“Patients,” says Jolly,[60] “are timid, easily overcome by any

unexpected occurrence, sentimental, and sensitive. Every trifle annoys

and upsets them; and there is this peculiarity—that a more recent

stimulus may often effect a diversion in an exactly opposite

direction.”

[Footnote 60: _Op. cit._]

As bearing upon the question of the mental state in hysteria, the

confessions obtained by Mitchell from several patients are of great

interest. One patient, who had learned to notice and dwell upon any

little symptom, vomited daily and aroused much sympathy. She took

little or no food. Spasms came on, and she confessed that every new

symptom caused new anxiety, and that somehow she rather liked it all.

She gradually lost all her symptoms except vomiting, and overcame this

by desperate efforts. Another patient confessed to having played a

game upon her doctor for a long time by pretending she took no food.

She would get out of bed at night, but remain there all day; she

filled up a vessel with water to make others believe she passed large

quantities of urine, etc. Another patient, a girl of nineteen, who

came on a litter from a Western State, after a time regained her feet.

In her confession she stated that what she lacked was courage. She

believed that she would have overcome her difficulties if any one had

told her that nothing was the matter. “In looking back over the year

with the light of the present,” she says, “I can only say that I

believe that there was really nothing the matter with me; only it

seemed to me as if there was, and because of these sensations I

carried on a sort of starvation process physical and mental.”

The older and some of the more recent classifications of insanity

recognize hysterical insanity as a distinct form of mental disease.

Morel and Skae, however, in their etiological classifications, and

Hammond, Spitzka, Mann, and Clouston in their recently-published

works, give it a “local habitation and a name.” Krafft-Ebing not only

recognizes hysterical insanity as a distinct form of mental disease,

but, after the German fashion, subdivides it quite minutely, as

follows: First, transitory forms: _a_. with fright; _b_.

hystero-epileptic deliria; _c_. ecstatic visionary forms; {231} _d_.

moria-like conditions. Second, chronic forms: _a_.

hystero-melancholia; _b_. hystero-mania; _c_. degenerative states with

hysterical basis.

Spitzka[61] speaks of chronic hysterical insanity as an

intensification of the hysterical character, to which “a silly

mendacity is frequently added, and develops pari passu with advancing

deterioration.” At the State Hospital for the Insane at Norristown and

at the department for the insane of the Philadelphia Hospital cases of

chronic hysterical insanity have come under my observation. Hammond

under hysterical mania includes several different and somewhat

distinct mental disorders.

[Footnote 61: _Insanity, its Classification, Diagnosis, and

Treatment_, by E. C. Spitzka, M.D., New York, 1883.]

With regard to the occurrence of hysterical manifestations amongst

patients suffering from some well-recognized non-hysterical forms of

insanity, a tour through any large asylum will afford abundant

evidence. Cases of tremor closely simulating cerebro-spinal sclerosis

have been observed frequently among the insane. Paralysis,

contracture, hysterical joints, hysterical neuralgias, convulsions,

and cataleptoid phenomena are among other hysterical manifestations

which have fallen under personal observation among the insane of

various classes.

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