CHAPTER V

HOW HE HAS DEALT WITH LABOR TROUBLES

No subject furnishes so good an index to the entire record of an

executive as the manner in which he has handled the affairs

growing out of industrial disputes. Touching, as they often do,

a zone of disputed claims, and involving, as they often do, the

social rights of workers no less than the rights of property,

and entailing, as they frequently have, the duty of maintaining

public order, the conflicts between capital and labor test to

the utmost the abilities of the Executive Officer of a great

industrial state like Ohio. Within its borders are toilers from

every land and every clime. In her cities dwell as laborers men

and women from every known country and representative of every

race--a modern Babel of tongues with a greater variety, were it

possible, than those upon whom fell confusion of speech in the

ages gone.

And the period during which Governor Cox has held away has been

one of profound upheavals. There have been strikes brought forth

by "hard times," strikes occasioned by efforts at organization

of workers, and strikes whose distant origin lay in the economic

overturn incident to war inflation with its topsy-turvy of

values and its jumble of the normal status. These conditions,

then, supply a complete and ample test of the effectiveness of

the policy which has been followed. The results of this policy

are told in a brief statement by Mr. Oscar W. Newman, Associate

Justice of the Ohio Supreme Court. He said: "Not a soldier was

brought to the scene of a single strike (although they were in

readiness for emergency); person and property were preserved;

and above all, the dignity of the law was maintained."

Nor has capital been offended by the methods pursued. This fact

is attested by statements of those who speak for invested

industrial wealth. Thus, W. S. Thomas, of Springfield, says that

the policies pursued have made "Ohio an oasis in the widespread

area of industrial turmoil during and since the great war."

There are cited, too, the conclusions reached by Thomas J.

Donnelly, Secretary of the Ohio Federation of labor, who has

written:

"Labor has confidence in James M. Cox because the laboring

people feel that he understands their needs and is in hearty

sympathy with the progressive aspirations of those who earn

their bread by the sweat of their brows. As governor, he

accomplished more in the interest of the laboring people of Ohio

and is held in higher esteem by them than any other governor in

the state's history.

"He has done much to avoid and to settle labor troubles. He

believes that more can be accomplished through reason and common

sense than through force and intimidation; and whenever called

upon to send the militia to deal with striking workmen, he

always found a way to prevent violence and preserve order

without using soldiers for that purpose. During the big steel

strike when violence and disorder were rampant in some states

where the right peaceably to assemble had been denied to the

striking workers, in Ohio, where there were equally as many

strikers involved, there was no sign of violence, and the right

of workers peaceably to assembled was not interfered with. If

his policy had been followed by other public officials

throughout the nation, there would be less unrest and the people

would have more confidence in the fairness of government

authorities."

It is only necessary to get a comprehensive view of Governor

Cox's record with respect to labor troubles to tell the plain

story of what he has done. He had scarce taken hold as Governor

in 1913 when a strike broke out in the great rubber plants of

Akron. It seemed to have been fomented by members of the

Industrial Workers of the World, but it drew in its train

thousands upon thousands of other workers until the great plants

were practically idle. In Akron, where a heterogenous collection

of industrial workers dwell, idleness was a potent factor in

fomenting disorder. The normal course of affairs would have been

an attempt to operate the plants with strike breakers under

guard, provocative acts upon both sides, and finally, recourse

to an armed militia to quell the disorder after the inevitable

bloodshed had ensued. Although new in executive experience,

Governor Cox took another course. He sent trained and trusted

investigators to Akron who learned the facts and reported to him

accurately upon the situation, including also the grievances of

the toilers. At the same time he gave warning to the local

authorities that they preserve a strict neutrality in their

dealing with the contending forces, and he uttered a solemn

warning that the laws must be respected, assuring those of both

contending factions that public opinion within the city would

speedily ascertain the right and wrong of the controversy. And

so it proved to be. But learning there were abuses in the plants

that needed correction the Governor gave his assent to an

investigation by a legislative committee through the helpful

publicity of which all interests were induced to redress certain

grievances. It gave an object lesson not only to Akron but to

all the state. It taught even the turbulent element that only

harm could come through infraction of the law and through

disrespect for rights of person and property. The remainder of

the story is that I. W. W. disturbers have more sterile soil in

Ohio to cultivate than in any of the states about it.

A startling comparison two years later at East Youngstown,

during the administration of Governor Cox's successor, disclosed

by contrast the value of the peaceful plan. Through a policy of

uncertainty and wavering, a riot was allowed to start and

military were needed to put down the disorder, life being lost

in the process.

The details of the incidents of similar nature to that of Akron

need not be recounted here, but the invariable policy pursued

was the collection of all the facts, so far as possible, by a

representative of capital and one of labor. Of this course, the

simple statement can be made that it was eminently successful.

This recital has been made as a preliminary to the narrative of

the great steel strike of 1919 on which the Governor's fame as

an administrator in troubled times largely rests. The same

policy of investigation and research was pursued. Solemn warning

was given that freedom of speech and assembly must be respected

rigidly but that neither must become the instrument of license

nor of subversive speech or conduct. At the time when the

situation reached a critical stage the Governor issued this

statement:

"To the Mayors of municipalities and County Sheriffs of Ohio:

"I am impressed with the importance of a statement to the mayors

and sheriffs as to a policy which should serve as a guide to

government, both state and local, in the matter of turbulent

conditions which have developed in many communities, from

pending industrial disputes.

"We have inquiry at the executive office from local officials

clearly indicating that no rule of action has been developed in

the face of present emergencies and further that none is in

prospect. The constitution imposes upon the Governor the very

definite responsibility of law enforcement. While it is the duty

of the mayor of a municipality and the sheriff of the county to

execute the laws, the founders of our charter of government gave

to the state executive, not only the right to keep vigilant eye

on conditions in every community, but his oath imposes the

obligation so to do. Therefore, in no part of the state must a

public officer permit the violation of the law. The mayors and

sheriffs seem to have proper concept of their duty in the

abstract. The purpose of this statement is to deal with

specifications.

"The sections of the state which give the greatest concern have

large masses of alien residents. Thousands of them do not speak

the language. They are not familiar with our laws but it is safe

to assume that the individual conscience tells every man that

violence is both a moral and a legal wrong.

"Officers of companies whose manufacturing plants are closed by

strike or other cause have expressed to me the intention to

resume operations. At the same time they have asked for

'protection.' Inquiry develops this fact--that some employers

believe it the duty of government to transport their employees

into and out of the plants in question. This is not a function

of government. Throughout the years, the policy has been not to

make use of soldiers nor policemen to man street cars, for

instance, nor in any way to make of them the instruments to

bring a strike to an end. If either state or local officers

provided safe conveyance of workmen into or out of a

manufacturing institution, then government would be making of

itself the agent of one of the parties to the dispute. If,

however, the plant resumes, and disorder of any sort ensues as

the result of employees going into or out of the factory, then

that becomes an affair of governmental concern and the mayor of

the municipality or the sheriff of the county, as location

within or without the municipality largely determines, must

suppress violence and arrest those who violate the law. I shall

exact this from all local officers.

"Picketing as we understand it is neither prohibited by law nor

condemned by public sentiment, but it must go no further than

moral persuasion. Organized society cannot continue without

government, and government will not live unless the laws are

respected. They not only express what experience has taught us,

but they are the official mandate of the will of the majority,

and after all, that is a fundamental principle in a republic.

"All officers must act with care. It will be found that trouble

can often be avoided by an open, frank and firm contact of

public officers with both the representatives of the employers

and employees. No call that I have ever made upon either side of

these controversies has ever gone unheeded.

"We are in the midst of unprecedented conditions, but if we

devote ourselves to the single thought of making government the

agency of justice and the instrument of bringing swift

punishment to those who violate the laws of this commonwealth,

we will pass through the storm safely.

"No man must be permitted to define the rules of his individual

conduct. The law is supreme. I shall expect its enforcement by

local officers. When they have rendered their utmost effort and

failed to meet conditions, then the state will act promptly."

In every city in Ohio, save one, this warning was sufficient,

but in Canton it became necessary for the Governor to remove the

mayor. His successor speedily re-established the peace.

The Progressive Democracy of James M. Cox · 第 5 / 9 章