XIII 5 V 12 IV 11 II 12 I 12 XIII
Cauac
Chuen
Akbal
Men
Manik.
The hieroglyphs and the figures show that preparations for a human
sacrifice are treated of here and that the subject is, therefore, closely
connected with page 3a, where the sacrifice itself is represented.
There are but two pictures of persons, which refer, therefore, only to the
first or to the first two subdivisions and which, for lack of space, are
wanting for the others. On the left walks the person doomed to sacrifice,
his arms are bound on his back, his head is barely visible and his eyes are
apparently torn out. There is an object in front of his breast resembling a
wreath. Behind this figure crouches a second, who holds an object in his
hand which probably represents a rattle. The parallel passage in Cod. Tro.
2b shows the bound prisoner with an axe behind him. Then follows in Tro. 3b
the prisoner without a head and behind him the black god with gory lance.
The hieroglyphs--four for each of the five subdivisions--are arranged in
the following order:--
1 2 5 6 9 13 17
3 4 7 8 10 14 18
11 15 19
12 16 20.
Of these 9, 13 and 17-20 are wholly effaced and 14 for the most part. The
very first group refers to human sacrifice, for 1 is a head with an axe
affixed to it, 2 contains the hand (_i_) which so often appears as the sign
of grasping, especially in representations of the chase; here it has the
same superfix as on page 22a, which on pages 4a-10a and 11a, b, appears as
prefix. 3 is the head of god H, perhaps given here as a symbol of wounding
(serpent god?). I am unable to explain the meaning of the dot between two
crosses in front of this head; perhaps the sign denotes the day Kan, which
is here arrived at by calculation. We find the same hieroglyph on page 3.
Sign 4 signifies the death-god A = Cimi, who appears again in 12.
In like manner 2 is repeated in 6 and 14. 7, 11 and 15 (probably also 19)
are, however, the familiar cross _b_; 8 is the head of E with a prefixed
knife; the intention here may have been to show that human sacrifice would
be likely to have an auspicious influence upon the harvest. 10 and 16 are
another unknown head. In 5 we see the familiar Kan-Imix sign, which, for
the present, I am inclined to regard as denoting a feast or a sacrificial
meal.
2b--c.
These two sections have something in common. First, 2b (as also 2d) is
divided into but two parts and 2c into only three parts. Second, in 2b and
2c the scribe intended to draw the hieroglyphs for 10 days each, instead of
5 each, but only drew the outlines of the second five, since they could not
be used for these Tonalamatls. Third, the persons represented here are all
engaged in the same occupation, each holding in his hands an object which
looks like a frame for a net or web, and also a large needle with an eye
through which a thread has been passed.
A very similar representation is found in the Codex Troano 34a, 33a and
23*c, and also in the Sahagun Manuscript of the Bibliotheca Laurentiana at
Florence. This can hardly mean anything else than the knotting of cords,
which was the only method of casting lots current among the Mayas; compare
Seler, "Altmexikanische Studien II" (1899), p. 31, and "Zauberei im alten
Mexiko" (1900), p. 90, by the same author. This clearly indicates the use
of these Tonalamatls in soothsaying.
Fourth and last, each of the five hieroglyph groups of 2b and 2c begin with
the same sign, which must, therefore, denote the casting of lots.