THE LAST POPHAM ADDRESS.

We find another contribution to the literature of Popham, in the

elegantly printed Address of the Hon. James W. Patterson, delivered at

the Peninsula of Sabino, on the 258th Popham Anniversary; which, as

all the world knows without our giving the information, was August 29,

1865. Thick, creamy paper, John Wilson and Sons' best typography, and

Mr. Wiggin's imprint, were among the least of the motives that induced

us to seize upon and devour the contents of this delectable pamphlet.

We confess to a partiality for Popham literature. Its theory is so

original, so free from conventional trammels, so utterly at variance

with the accepted facts of history, that it is often difficult to

persuade one's self that its advocates intend anything more than

historical waggery. So we read on, as in other fiction, to be amused.

A false theory zealously defended commonly finds more sympathy than

the truth feebly supported. The Pophamites have nailed their flag to

the mast, and ask for no favors from any quarter. We admire their

pluck, and, for their sakes, regret that they have so few historical

verities in their ammunition locker. We have read their "Memorial

Volume," from title-page to errata, as well as Mr. Poor's facetious

Addenda in "Vindication of Sir Ferdinando Gorges;" not shying either

at his Appendix of fifty-two solid nonpareil pages. Every other

Address on the subject, and every scrap of newspaper controversy

accessible, we have diligently perused; and yet the impression remains

on the mind that the facts to sustain this extraordinary theory have

not yet been developed. For some reason, (perhaps to surprise us the

more when it does come,) the stern logic of truth is withheld; and we

are served to empty assertion and vapid declamation in its stead.

Every new publication, therefore, of Popham origin, or from the Maine

Historical Society, is of interest, as possibly it may contain the

suppressed developments. Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay are waiting,

gracefully to yield the honors awarded them in history for more than

two hundred years to "the Church Colony" of Sagadahoc. Is the pamphlet

before us the coming document? Let us see.

Mr. Patterson is well known as a gentleman and a scholar. He has been

Professor at Dartmouth College, and now is Representative in Congress

from New Hampshire. Of his early local affinities we know nothing; but

there was every reason to expect from him a valuable contribution to

this historical discussion. His opening sentence is sonorous and

impressive. "This [Fort Popham] is hallowed ground." Why "hallowed

ground?" we would detain the Professor for a moment, meekly to

inquire; but he hurries on to other glittering generalities. Is this

spot "hallowed ground," because a colony of convicted felons landed

here in August, 1607, more than half of whom deserted the next

December, and all abandoned the spot the following Spring, leaving

with the neighboring Indians the memory of the most shocking

barbarities committed upon them? (See Relations des Jésuites, 1858,

tom. i. p. 36; Parkman's Pioneers of France, p. 266.) Was it because

these sportive colonists enticed friendly Indians into this same Fort,

under the pretense of trade; and, causing them to take the drag-ropes

of a loaded cannon, fired off the piece when the Indians were in line,

and blew them to atoms? (See Williamson's Hist. of Maine, vol. i. p.

201.) "The lines of an eventful history," Mr. Patterson goes on to

say, "stretching through more than two centuries and a half, converge

to this beautiful promontory of Sabino." We think not. Heaven spare

the land from such a disgrace! Mr. Patterson devotes two pages to

general assertions of similar import, and then branches off into

another subject having no relation to the historical question. Into

this we do not propose to follow him.

A curious feature in this pamphlet is an isolated Letter,[1] written

by a respectable Boston gentleman, found in the Appendix. This alone,

of the correspondence received by the Committee on Invitations, we are

told, was found worthy of preservation. It was certainly not so much

the name of the writer that rescued this letter from the oblivion of

the waste-basket, common to its fellows, as the impression on the

minds of the managers of the Celebration, that it contained historical

information tending to confirm their theory.

The letter-writer finds that the "works" of the colonists, during the

few months they stopped at Sabino, "were far more important than their

formal acts recorded." The distinction he would make between "works"

and "formal acts" is not quite apparent. Among the "works" he

specifies, is "a vessel, the dimensions of which are unknown; but fit

to cross the ocean." Strachey tells us what we know about this vessel.

He says it was "a pretty Pynnace of about some thirty tonne." Whether

it was fit to cross the ocean, we will presently consider. The writer

claims for this fishing-boat the honor of being "the pioneer ship

built in North America." This claim is nothing new. Mr. John A. Poor

made it in Popham Memorial, (page 73,) and other writers of less

_weight_ have repeated it. The real fact, however, is that a vessel

was built in the harbor of Port Royal (now Hilton Head) forty-four

years before this, by Huguenot colonists, in which a party of more

than twenty crossed the ocean. But, leaving out of the account the

Huguenot vessel, a similar pinnace had been built at Sabino before

this. Strachey says, under the date of 28th of August: "Most of the

hands labored hard about the fort, and the carpenters about the

buylding of a small pinnace, the president overseeing and applying

every one to his worke." The other craft, called the "Virginia," for

which the above pretensions are set up, was not framed till after

Captain Davies had sailed for England,--that is, after the 15th of

December.

The letter-writer further garnishes his theme by talking about this

fishing-boat's "safe voyage to England," and the curiosity she excited

in an English port. For the sake of these historical statements, the

Committee have thought proper to preserve this letter. Their theory

must be in a desperate condition to need such a confirmation.

We have a word to say with regard to this vessel. Writers on New

England have generally stated that the departing colonists took this

craft with them. This, however, is very different from the statements

made above, that she was "fit to cross the ocean," that she made a

"safe voyage to England," _etc._ A part of the company were not over

anxious to revisit their native land. They had saved their necks once

by emigrating, and were not in haste to put them again into the

halter. With this "pretty pynnace" they could catch codfish, and cure

them along shore; barter them for other commodities with some of the

hundreds of vessels from Europe employed in the fisheries on the

coast; harass the Indians; and lead generally a wild and free life,

such as was congenial to their character and dispositions. The

vessels, doubtless, left Sabino at the same time. When the main body

of the colonists departed, it was necessary that all should leave; for

they had so incurred the enmity of the Indians by their barbarities,

that any left behind would have been murdered. Strachey's account is

entirely consistent with this. He says "they all ymbarqued in this new

arrived ship [the 'Mary and John'] and in the new pynnace, the

Virginia, and sett saile for England. And this was the end of that

northerne colony uppon the river Sachadehoc." Brief Relation, 1622,

says, "they built a pretty barke of their owne, which served them a

good purpose, as easing them in their returning." Certainly; but we do

not read that the "new pynnace" arrived in England, and was there an

object of admiration, as a specimen of naval architecture.

The improbability that this "pynnace" was sea-worthy, and made a

voyage across the Atlantic, will appear from the following

considerations;--

1. There was not time between the 15th of December and Spring to build

a sea-worthy vessel. There were but forty-five persons left in the

colony, and this number was reduced before Spring by disease and

squabbles with the Indians. There were probably not ten carpenters in

the company. The Winter, we are told, was unseasonable and intensely

severe. Strachey says, that, "after Capt. Davies's departure they fully

finished the fort, trencht and fortified it with 12 pieces of ordnance,

and built 50 howses, besides a church and a storehouse,"--sufficient

work, we might suppose, to employ forty-five Old Bailey convicts till

Spring, without building a sea-going vessel. If Strachey does not tell

the truth in this matter, we know nothing at all about this vessel.

2. They had no need of a sea-going vessel. These were furnished by the

English undertakers. What they needed was a small craft in which to

take fish along shore. The Huguenots built their vessel in 1563 to

return home in; it being their only means of escaping starvation.

There was no intention of abandoning the Popham settlement till Capt.

Davies returned in the Spring with the news that their patron saint,

Sir John Popham, surnamed "the hangman," was dead.

3. We know that the Popham colonists were knaves; but it is not

necessary to infer that they were fools. Here was a good, stanch ship,

the "Mary and John," of London, Captain Davies, master, about to sail

for England. The whole company was now reduced to about forty souls.

This same ship had brought over, a few months before, more than double

that number. The graduates of penal institutions have usually as keen

a regard for their corporal safety as other persons. Cowardice is

commonly their ruling characteristic. Is it reasonable to suppose that

any of that godless company would have risked their lives to a voyage

across the Atlantic in that "pretty pynnace," built of green pine, in

midwinter, when they could have had safe and comfortable quarters in

the "Mary and John"? If the intention, on the part of the managers,

was to transport the colonists safely to England, there was no motive

nor excuse for putting any on board the new craft. If there was a

willingness on the part of some of the colonists to embark in it, they

must, we think, have had some other project in view than a trip across

the Atlantic. The assertion that the vessel made the voyage is purely

gratuitous.

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