[Illustration]
[Footnote 1: Despite d'Argenson's distinguished place among the
worthies of his time, the literature relating to him is singularly
meagre. Apart from his own works, it consists entirely of--
(_a_) Brief introductions to the two editions of his Journal.
(_b_) A few literary notices of the Journal by M. Scherer ("Études,"
III.), and Sainte Beuve ("Causeries du lundi," XII. and XIV.); and an
admirable review by M. Aubertin in the "Esprit Public."
(_c_) Incidental notices in the more general works which deal with
d'Argenson's ministry. The most important are those by M. le duc de
Broglie and M. Zevort.]
[Footnote 2: Fontenelle, "Éloge de Marc René d'Argenson," Oeuvres
(1818), I. p. 311.]
[Footnote 3: In a letter dated from Amiens, June 7, 1646. "Lettres de
Mazarin" Cheruel, Imprimerie Nationale, 1889.]
[Footnote 4: "Je suis bien ayse de la constance des Catalans.
J'attribue en partie cela à la prudence et à l'adresse avec laquelle
vous les sçavez gouverner" (Letter of July 16, 1643). In another
of September 4th, in the same year, Mazarin speaks to him of "la
reconnaissance que vos services méritent." Mazarin was not the first
great minister whose appreciation d'Argenson won. There exists a letter
of Richelieu, such as is only written to a man upon whose regard
one can lean and upon whose strength one can rely. (Tarascon, July
30, 1632.) (Alfred Barbier, "Notice Biographique sur René de Voyer
d'Argenson." Poitiers, 1885. [Bibliothèque Nationale.])]
[Footnote 5: He was taken prisoner at Milan, and ransomed for ten
thousand crowns. Alfred Barbier, "Notice Biographique." Barbier's date
is 1639.]
[Footnote 6: See "Biographie Universelle," V. 44, and "Notice
Biographique" above.]
[Footnote 7: "Biographie Universelle," ibid.]
[Footnote 8: His name, by decree of the Senate, was inscribed in
the Book of Gold, and he was authorised to add to his
escutcheon the arms of Venice. Henceforth the arms of d'Argenson bear
the lion of St. Mark. See Daru, "Histoire de Venise," XXXIII., p. 16,
and Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS. 4161 "Généalogie de M. le Marquis
d'Argenson."]
[Footnote 9: D'Argenson, Journal (Rathery), I. p. 2.]
[Footnote 10: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 2. "Il paraissait se complaire à
être maltraité."]
[Footnote 11: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 2.]
[Footnote 12: M. Hippolyte de Laporte, "Biographie Universelle," V. 44.]
[Footnote 13: D'Argenson himself said of him: "Je compte que son
petit-fils ne démérite pas, ayant tourné son zèle à la dévotion à
l'état et à sa chère patrie" (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 3, note).]
[Footnote 14: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 8, _cf._ St. Simon, "Mémoires,"
XIV. p. 316.]
[Footnote 15: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 7, _cf._ St. Simon, XIV. p. 315.]
[Footnote 16: Ibid, I. p. 6.]
[Footnote 17: Fontenelle, "Éloge de Marc René d'Argenson," Oeuvres, I.
p. 314. "L'âme, toujours agissante et presque inconnue, de ce grand
corps."]
[Footnote 18: Fontenelle, "Éloge," I. p. 315.]
[Footnote 19: St. Simon, VII. p. 71; and Fontenelle, ibid.]
[Footnote 20: St. Simon, VII. p. 143, _cf._ Marais, "Journal," I. p.
287.]
[Footnote 21: "Du 21 mai, 1717, 10 heures du matin. François Mario
Arouet, âge de vingt-deux ans, ayant aucune profession." Procés-verbal
at the Bastille, see Voltaire, Édition Garnier, I. p. 299; and Buvat,
"Journal," I. p. 514.]
[Footnote 22: Buvat, I. p. 517.]
[Footnote 23: Oeuvres, I. p. 315.]
[Footnote 24: St. Simon, XIV. p. 368.]
[Footnote 25: Fontenelle, I. p. 318.]
[Footnote 26: St. Simon, XIV. p. 369.]
[Footnote 27: Ibid., XIV. p. 368.]
[Footnote 28: Ibid., XIV. p. 315.]
[Footnote 29: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 7.]
[Footnote 30: St. Simon, XVII. p. 102; XVI. p. 369; _cf._ Marais, I. p.
272.]
[Footnote 31: He was the real creator of the administration, which St.
Simon says he managed "d'une manière transcendante," XIV. 314.]
[Footnote 32: "Une figure effrayante qui retraçoit celle des trois
juges des enfers" (St. Simon, XIV. p. 315).]
[Footnote 33: "Au milieu des fonctions pénibles, l'humanité trouvoit
aisément grâce devant lui" (St. Simon, ibid.).]
[Footnote 34: Fontenelle, Oeuvres, I. pp. 314-15.]
[Footnote 35: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 40: St. Simon, XIV.
pp. 316, 317.]
[Footnote 36: St. Simon, XVI. p. 48. "Quand tout fut posé et rassis,
le garde des sceaux demeura quelques minutes dans sa chaire, immobile,
regardant au dessous, et ce feu d'esprit qui lui sortoit des yeux
sembloit percer toutes les poitrines." It is one of St. Simon's finest
episodes.]
[Footnote 37: "Le roi veut être obéi, et obéi sur-le-champ" (St. Simon,
XVI p. 51).]
[Footnote 38: Fontenelle, "Éloge," I. p. 316.]
[Footnote 39: Ibid., I. p. 317.]
[Footnote 40: See Buvat, I. p. 312; _cf._ I. p. 318, where the Regent
speaks of him as "un tartufe et un insolent."]
[Footnote 41: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. pp. 61, 62.]
[Footnote 42: Marais, "Journal," I. p. 283.]
[Footnote 43: Ibid., II. p. 148.]
[Footnote 44: It was drawn more briefly by the rude daring of the
"esprit gaulois." Among the caricatures which accompanied his fall, we
find--
_"Sixty thousand livres reward!_
Lost, between the Rue St. Antoine and the Palais Royal or the Palais
des Tuileries an old black dog with a red collar" (the cordon rouge of
the order of St. Louis), "who was to be seen about the neighbourhood.
Anyone returning the same will receive the above reward. Apply the
Abbey of La Madeleine de Traisnel, in the Faubourg St. Antoine" (Buvat,
II. p. 102: _cf._ Marais, I. p. 320).]
[Footnote 45: St. Simon, XVII. p. 102.]
[Footnote 46: "Le ministère gêné et passager:" Voltaire, "Siècle de
Louis XIV.," Édit. Garnier, XIV. p. 503.]
[Footnote 47: Marais, II. p. 128.]
[Footnote 48: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 23.]
[Footnote 49: It is a little perplexing to find this incident
related under date 1718. It is clear from the tone of the passage
that d'Argenson is little more than a boy, without ordinary official
experience, and by no means a man of twenty four, on the eve of
receiving an Intendancy. Suspicions of the date are confirmed by the
fact that for only twenty-seven days of the year 1718 was his father
Chief of Police at all. The incident probably occurred some time
between 1712, when he appears to have left school, and 1716, when his
public career began. A mistake of the kind might naturally arise, as
the earlier part of the Journal was not written until long after the
events recorded--probably about 1730.]
[Footnote 50: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 18.]
[Footnote 51: His mother's ideas in this matter seem to have followed
the liberality of the prevailing fashion. In an unsigned letter to
Madame d'Argenson's sister, the Marquise de Balleroy, we come across
the following passage:
"Il vient d'y avoir un grand changement entre plusieurs nobles dames
et messieurs, tant de la ville que de la cour.... Madame d'Argenson,
vacante par la mort du chevalier d'Oppède, a choisi pour consolation
le marquis d'Alleurs, jeune homme d'une discrétion au-dessus de son
âge" (December 27, 1717). As we have seen, her husband did not go
comfortless. See p.16.]
[Footnote 52: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 15.]
[Footnote 53: A number of d'Argenson's early drawings are preserved in
the Library of the Arsenal (MS. 6164). They are distinguished chiefly
by care of execution, and a natural loyalty to the ancestral domain.
They consist principally of views of the family seats in Touraine.]
[Footnote 54: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 16.]
[Footnote 55: Ibid., I. p. 17.]
[Footnote 56: Émond, "Histoire du Collège Louis-le-Grand."]
[Footnote 57: "Des gens du monde à bonnes fortunes" (Journal, Rathery,
I. p. 17).]
[Footnote 58: Ibid., I. p. 17.]
[Footnote 59: Ibid., I. p. 17. The metaphor is of d'Argenson's
compounding.]
[Footnote 60: The man who is known to history for having reviled the
young Voltaire, now one of d'Argenson's schoolfellows, as the future
coryphæus of deism in France.]
[Footnote 61: We are indebted to St. Simon for this explanation of the
young d'Argensons' escape. See "Mémoires," XIII. pp. 213, 214. The
incident aptly illustrates the mysterious power which the Chief of
Police exercised.]
[Footnote 62: "Je me trouvais trop sot de n'en avoir profité, et j'en
ai eu depuis de longs repentirs" (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 19).]
[Footnote 63: "L'épopée royale" (Arsène Houssaye, "La Régence," p. 4).]
[Footnote 64: See Martin, "Histoire de France," XIV. pp. 366-617.]
[Footnote 65: See p. 15; St. Simon's "Mémoires," VII. p. 71; and
Fontenelle, I. p. 315.]
[Footnote 66: With this, the most famous society of the time,
d'Argenson was only remotely connected. He tells us ["Loisirs d'un
Ministre," I. p. 187 (1785)] that he had met and talked with Chaulieu
occasionally at the Duchesse de Maine's, whither the "Anacreon of the
Temple" was attracted by his passion for the famous Mdlle. de Launay.]
[Footnote 67: _E.g._, Journal (Rathery), I. p. 186.]
[Footnote 68: Ibid., I. p. 6, _cf._ p. 16.]
[Footnote 69: See p. 17., _cf._ Journal (Rathery), I. p. 42.]
[Footnote 70: See p. 16., _cf._ St. Simon, XIV. p. 315.]
[Footnote 71: We are continually sensible of the sulphurous atmosphere
through which Marc René d'Argenson is seen in contemporary memoirs.]
[Footnote 72: _E.g._, one which crops up incidentally in a letter of
the Marquis de Balleroy, July 26, 1722. "Effectivement tout le monde
dit qu'il fait son intendance à merveille, et mieux que bien des gens
qui ont l'esprit plus brillant que lui" (Barthélemy, II. p. 270). _Cf._
also a letter of St. Pierre to d'Argenson, quoted p. 41.]
[Footnote 73: The father of the famous Controller-General.]
[Footnote 74: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 125.]
[Footnote 75: The edition here cited is that of Count Édouard de
Barthélemy, lately published in two volumes. The edition consists of
a series of extracts from certain of the letters, and represents only
a fraction of the whole correspondence, which occupies eight volumes.
(Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS. 2341).]
[Footnote 76: See Lacroix, "xviii. Siècle--Le Libraire."]
[Footnote 77: The great "Constitution Unigenitus," which served as a
rallying cry for the rival factions for half a century.]
[Footnote 78: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 109.]
[Footnote 79: St. Simon speaks of Marc René d'Argenson's efforts
to break the weight of the religious persecution; and the modest
expression of gratitude which closes Fontenelle's "Éloge" was evoked
by the protection d'Argenson had given him in the storm which gathered
round the "Histoire des Oracles."]
[Footnote 80: Marais, "Journal," I. p. 287. "A la vérité, il disait, et
c'est à moi-même qu'il l'a dit, que les jésuites étaient des fripons
aussi, et qu'il avait la preuve de l'un et de l'autre."]
[Footnote 81: Barthélemy, I. p. 141.]
[Footnote 82: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 40.]
[Footnote 83: Barthélemy, I. p. 208.]
[Footnote 84: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 65.]
[Footnote 85: _Cf._ Aubertin, "L'esprit public," chap. iii.]
[Footnote 86: _Cf._ Journal (Rathery), I. 123.]
[Footnote 87: Journal (Rathery), I. 23.]
[Footnote 88: See p. 18.]
[Footnote 89: See pp. 71-3.]
[Footnote 90: November 12, 1719. Barthélemy, II. p. 83.]
[Footnote 91: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. 55.]
[Footnote 92: Ibid., XV. p. 56.]
[Footnote 93: Buvat, "Journal," II. p. 35.]
[Footnote 94: D'Argenson became Master of Requests on his marriage
with Mademoiselle Méliand, who brought him the position as part of her
dowry. See Journal (Rathery), IV. p. 29.]
[Footnote 95: Barthélemy, II. p. 130.]
[Footnote 96: St. Simon, "Mémoires," XVI. p. 435. "On n'avait
jamais oui parler d'un conseiller d'état et intendant de Hainaut de
vingt-quatre ans; ni d'un lieutenant de police encore plus jeune."
D'Argenson, as a matter of fact, was twenty-six.]
[Footnote 97: D'Argenson's first notice of his Intendancy is dated
April (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 35). We have however a letter written by
him to Madame de Balleroy from Valenciennes on March 22nd. He says so
little as to suggest that he had just arrived, and had little pleasant
to say. On April 7th he writes the charming letter, part of which is
quoted below.]
[Footnote 98: See Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 64. In a witty
satire upon the System which appeared upon the walls at this period, we
read: "Jean Law, médecin empirique, directeur des hôpitaux; d'Argenson,
chirugeon-major" (Arsène Houssaye, "La Régence ").]
[Footnote 99: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 43, and note. See also Buvat,
II. p. 195.]
[Footnote 100: The translation here is from d'Argenson's handwriting
(Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS. 2341, V. fol. 130). The passage is rendered
by Barthélemy (II. p. 153): "Un très joli lansquenet, _un bon_ picquet,
quadrille et même brélan." The manuscript has: "Nous avons un très joli
lansquenet, _ombre_, picquet, _cela ne manque en province_, quadrille
et memo brélan." It is without stops, but otherwise there is no
difficulty.]
[Footnote 101: Letters are addressed to her at her château "near
Bayeux."]
[Footnote 102: See Aubertin, "L'esprit public," chap. iv.]
[Footnote 103: The Chevalier's letters are sufficiently amusing, but
not sufficiently frequent. He has sometimes to apologise for remissness
on the old ground of lack of news.]
[Footnote 104: Barthélemy, I. p. 257.]
[Footnote 105: "La proposition n'est peut-être pas encore bien mesurée"
(Barthélemy, I. p. 256). The word is more probably "proportion."]
[Footnote 106: Barthélemy, II. p. 475.]
[Footnote 107: Ibid., II. p. 475.]
[Footnote 108: For a sketch of the Caumartin character, see Aubertin,
"L'esprit public," chap. iv.]
[Footnote 109: For a slight reflection of the feeling with regard to
him, see Marais, "Mémoires," I. p. 308.]
[Footnote 110: Barthélemy, I. pp. 110, 111.]
[Footnote 111: Louis XIV. was dead, and his ministers were deserted.]
[Footnote 112: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 66.]
[Footnote 113: Édouard Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 50.]
[Footnote 114: D'Argenson, Journal (Édition Jannet), IV. p. 341.]
[Footnote 115: A remark of Marais ("Mémoires," III. p. 74) in
expressing surprise at d'Argenson's resignation: "On dit que c'est
volontairement, et qu'il aime mieux se reposer au conseil à trente
ans, que de régir cet intendance, plus militaire que de justice et de
finance."]
[Footnote 116: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 35.]
[Footnote 117: Ibid., I. 36.]
[Footnote 118: Ibid.]
[Footnote 119: Buvat, "Journal," II. p. 421.]
[Footnote 120: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 45.]
[Footnote 121: _Cf._ a very significant remark of the Marquis de
Balleroy in a letter of July 26, 1722. See note 72.]
[Footnote 122: See p. 33.]
[Footnote 123: Journal (Rathery), IV. p. 30.]
[Footnote 124: Journal (Rathery), IV. pp. 28, 29. _Cf._ also Caumartin
de Boissy's letters of May 12 and 14, 1721. (Barthélemy, II. pp. 328,
329.) See also Marais, II. p. 147.]
[Footnote 125: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 58.]
[Footnote 126: Ibid., I. pp. 55-61.]
[Footnote 127: The word is d'Argenson's, and characteristic of him.]
[Footnote 128: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 57.]
[Footnote 129: Ibid., I. p. 49.]
[Footnote 130: Ibid., I. p. 58.]
[Footnote 131: Count d'Argenson had become chief of police in
succession to Machault in the spring of 1720. In June he was involved
in his father's disgrace: see p. 34. Shortly afterwards he received the
Intendancy of Touraine, and only returned to Paris in the early part
of 1722, when he resumed the direction of the police. In the autumn
of 1723, he became chancellor of the Orléans household, and held that
position at the Regent's death in December. His dismissal from the
police followed a few weeks afterwards: see below (Marais, "Journal,"
III. p. 73). Before the end of January 1724, through the influence of
the young Duke of Orléans, he was provided with a seat at the Council
of State.]
[Footnote 132: Mentioned by d'Argenson in the course of the letter
of January 4 quoted below. _Cf._ Marais, "Journal," III. p. 77, and
Barbier.]
[Footnote 133: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 59.]
[Footnote 134: Marais, "Journal," III. p. 73.]
[Footnote 135: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 59.]
[Footnote 136: Ibid., I. p. 63]
[Footnote 137: Ibid., I. p. 60.]
[Footnote 138: Ibid., I. pp. 64-67]
[Footnote 139: Ibid., I. p. 44.]
[Footnote 140: Ibid., I. pp. 67-70]
[Footnote 141: Ibid., I. p. 53.]
[Footnote 142: Ibid., I. p. 54.]
[Footnote 143: "L'esprit public au XVIII. siècle," p. 197. See also
par. p. 200.]
[Footnote 144: As d'Argenson himself admits ("Essais," II. pp. 84,85).]
[Footnote 145: "Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montagne," (Montaigne)
II. p. 84 (1785).]
[Footnote 146: Ibid., II. p. 86.]
[Footnote 147: These papers, after a chequered career, fell into the
hands of the Abbé d'Olivet, Voltaire's correspondent, who published a
selection of them as "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Louis XIV.,
par le feu M. l'Abbé de Choisy, de l'Académie Française" ("Essais," II.
p. 86).]
[Footnote 148: The essay in which he refers to it was written some
years after the suppression of the Entresol.]
[Footnote 149: "Essais," II. p. 103 (1785). The meetings were held
every Tuesday. The tone prevailing in the little coterie is suggested
by the amusing criticism of Perrault's poem, "On the Creation of the
World:" see "Essais," II. p. 105.]
[Footnote 150: "Lettres de Henry St. John" (Grimoard), III. p. 193. In
another letter of October 6th, he asks to be remembered to "our little
society" (III. p. 206). The letters are in French.]
[Footnote 151: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 91.]
[Footnote 152: Ibid., I. p. 102. "Je demandai de moi-même à admettre
l'abbé."]
[Footnote 153: Journal (Édition Jannet), I. p. 67.]
[Footnote 154: This account of the Entresol is derived from
d'Argenson's Journal (Rathery), I. pp. 91-111; "Essais dans le goût
de ceux de Montagne, ou Loisirs d'un Ministre," _passim_; "Lettres de
Henry St. John," edited by Grimoard, 1808: see Appendix, III. p. 459.
There is also a conscientious account in a paper by M. Tessin, "Un
membre de l'Entresol" (Bibliothèque Nationale).]
[Footnote 155: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 96.]
[Footnote 156: Grimoard, III. p. 466, and Journal (Rathery), I. p. 97.]
[Footnote 157: Grimoard, III. p. 473.]
[Footnote 158: Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 168. "J'eus au conseil le
bureau des affaires ecclésiastiques," &c.]
[Footnote 159: See below, note 399.]
[Footnote 160: "Loisirs d'un Ministre," II. pp. 180,181.]
[Footnote 161: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 99.]
[Footnote 162: Ibid., I. p. 104.]
[Footnote 163: "Le Comte de Plélo" (J. B. Rathery), p. 101]
[Footnote 164: Ibid.]
[Footnote 165: Ibid., p. 102.]
[Footnote 166: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 103. "Son Éminence montrait un
grand goût pour l'Entresol."]
[Footnote 167: Ibid.]
[Footnote 168: Ibid.]
[Footnote 169: Ibid.]
[Footnote 170: Ibid., I. p. 107.]
[Footnote 171: Ibid., I. p. 110.]
[Footnote 172: "Lettres de Henry St. John" (Grimoard), III. p. 478]
[Footnote 173: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 72.]
[Footnote 174: Ibid., Introduction, I. p. xvii.]
[Footnote 175: During the Commune, May 23.]
[Footnote 176: Édouard Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 56.]
[Footnote 177: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 115.]
[Footnote 178: See p. 57. Journal (Rathery), VI. p. 168.]
[Footnote 179: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 166.]
[Footnote 180: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 118. July, 1732.]
[Footnote 181: Ibid. I. p. 117.]
[Footnote 182: Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 57.]
[Footnote 183: Martin, "Histoire de France," XV. p. 166.]
[Footnote 184: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 123, August, 1732. It might be
contended that the proposal was never serious. The contention would be
just if the offer had been made a year afterwards; but at this time
the impression produced by d'Argenson was still fresh, and Chauvelin's
sincerity is above reproach.]
[Footnote 185: See pp. 28-9.]
[Footnote 186: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 123.]
[Footnote 187: Ibid., I. p. 120.]
[Footnote 188: Ibid., I. p. 131.]
[Footnote 189: Chauvelin placed his library at his disposal, gave him
valuable hints as to the manner in which to pay court to the Cardinal,
and even deigned to instruct him in the etiquette of card-playing,
one of the necessary arts of Court life. "In fact," says d'Argenson
himself, "there is no denying that this first minister neglects no
opportunity of drawing me out and bringing me into prominence; and
that, if I myself were not concerned, I might say that one should think
well of him for helping in this way a zealous and unobtrusive man,
who tries to be of use without knowledge of the brazen art of pushing
himself forward" (Journal, Rathery, I. p. 140).]
[Footnote 190: Ibid., I. p. 137.]
[Footnote 191: Goumy, "L'Abbé de St. Pierre," p. 60. In reference to
another memoir, relating to a method of procuring cavalry horses, St.
Pierre writes: "I shall not preach to you the necessity of enthusiasm
in undertaking--you have quite enough,--but assiduous work in order to
perfect" (Goumy, p. 59).]
[Footnote 192: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 184.]
[Footnote 193: Ibid., I. p. 205.]
[Footnote 194: Ibid., I. p. 206.]
[Footnote 195: Ibid., I. p. 207.]
[Footnote 196: Ibid., I. pp. 207-9.]
[Footnote 197: See his mournful complaint to Chauvelin (Ibid., I. p.
141).]
[Footnote 198: This was the real nature of the "divorce" he speaks of.
See below, note 207.]
[Footnote 199: On November 31. See the Marquis de Balleroy's letters
of November 31 and December 1, where a circumstantial account is given
of the ceremony (Barthélemy, I. pp. 378, 379). _Cf._ pp. 33, 43, 47,
71-73. Notes 94, 202, 207.]
[Footnote 200: A copy of the contract, a purely business document,
exists in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal (MS. 6115).]
[Footnote 201: See the Marquis de Balleroy's letter of November 22,
1718 (Barthélemy, I. p. 373).]
[Footnote 202: See especially that of December 8, 1718. It is
sufficiently amusing to quote in the original. "J'ai eu grand soin,
ma chère tante, d'inspirer à Madame d'Argenson tous les sentiments
qui vous sont dus. Pardonnez si ce qu'exigent vôtre mérite et vôtre
esprit n'a moins arrêté que les bontés et l'amitié que vous avez pour
moi. J'espère que vous ferez par la suite autant de cas de son amitié
que de son admiration, et je vous assure que je l'élèverai à être
tout ce qu'il y aura de plus respectueux dans vôtre népotisme. Me
voilà-t-il pas bientôt assez à parler en mari fort supérieur d'âge?
Je me trouve respectable par près de dix années de cette supériorité;
je ne m'y serois pas attendu en me mariant aussi jeune." (He was now
twenty-four.) "Je vois l'approbation de tout le monde qui me parle
naturellement sur ce mariage, bien conforme à la vôtre. Je vous assure
que je suis fort éloigné du repentir," &c. (Barthélemy, I. p. 385).]
[Footnote 203: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 180. See p. 43 and note 228.]
[Footnote 204: Ibid., I. pp. 180, 181. "La femme la plus avare de
Paris." "La séquestration de bonne compagnie, même de toute compagnie."]
[Footnote 205: Ibid., I. p. 181.]
[Footnote 206: Ibid., I. p. 182.]
[Footnote 207: In the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal (MS. 6141, fol. 295)
there exists a "Counsel's opinion" obtained by Mme. d'Argenson, signed
"De Lambon," and dated September 28, 1756. It throws much light upon
Madame d'Argenson's character, and confirms her husband's estimate of
her. After twenty-two years she had not forgiven; and feeling it an
indignity to be dependent upon her husband for the handsome allowance
he had consented to make her, she proposed to have the separation, both
of person and property, judicially confirmed. Her counsel evidently
thought her claim unwarrantable, and in some of his most moderate words
he says: "But to-day, after more than twenty-two years that they have
lived apart, and after the legal arrangements made by Madame d'Argenson
with her husband in January, 1733, and October, 1747 (le ... ? janvier,
1733, et le ? octobre, 1747), her desire would not be countenanced for
a moment. She would not be permitted to revive the old facts, and to
form a demand for a (judicial) separation, so long as M. d'Argenson
adheres faithfully to that concluded by agreement." The document closes
with the crushing words: "Il vaut mieux se condamner soimême, que de
plaider pour être condamné."]
[Footnote 208: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 215.]
[Footnote 209: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 219.]
[Footnote 210: Ibid., September 3, and November 13 and 26, 1736.]
[Footnote 211: Ibid., I. p. 228.]
[Footnote 212: See Journal (Rathery), III. p. 13, and De Tocqueville,
"Histoire Philosophique du règne de Louis XV.," I. p. 416.]
[Footnote 213: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 235.]
[Footnote 214: Ibid., I. p. 237.]
[Footnote 215: Ibid., I. p. 238.]
[Footnote 216: Ibid., I. p. 242.]
[Footnote 217: D'Argenson had held the same post in the beginning of
his career (see pp. 28, 30). It was not important, but it presented
opportunities which Count d'Argenson was astute enough to turn to
account. He held it in conjunction with the chancellorship of the
Orléans household, which had been given him by the Regent in 1723, and
which he retained after his dismissal from the Lieutenancy of Police in
January, 1724. See p. 46.]
[Footnote 218: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 246.]
[Footnote 219: Ibid., I. p. 260.]
[Footnote 220: Ibid., I. p. 262.]
[Footnote 221: Ibid., I. p. 263.]
[Footnote 222: Ibid., I. p. 262.]
[Footnote 223: Ste. Beuve, "Causeries du lundi," XII. and XIV.]
[Footnote 224: Journal (Rathery), I. pp. 240-41.]
[Footnote 225: Ibid., I. p. 260.]
[Footnote 226: At this time Portugal, completely dominated by English
influence, was a thorn in the side of the Bourbon powers. _Cf._
"Considérations," p. 89 (1764) and p. 78 (1784).]
[Footnote 227: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 264.]
[Footnote 228: See pp. 43, 72. _Cf._ also Journal (Rathery), I. p. 208,
where he speaks of himself as the poorest man in the Council. We know
that in preparing for this embassy, d'Argenson spent considerable sums
(_cf._ Journal, Rathery, IV. p. 81), and that the primary cause of his
delay in setting out was the refusal of Fleury to indemnify him. See
Journal (Rathery), I. p. 310: see also Journal (édit. Jannet), IV. p.
348.]
[Footnote 229: Journal (Rathery), I. p. 268.]
[Footnote 230: Ibid., I. p. 284.]
[Footnote 231: Ibid., I. p. 291.]
[Footnote 232: Ibid., I. p. 301.]
[Footnote 233: _Cf._ p. 79. "We should be happy----."]
[Footnote 234: Journal (Rathery), II. p. 35.]
[Footnote 235: Ibid., II. p. 73.]
[Footnote 236: Ibid., II. p. 107. March 10, 1739.]
[Footnote 237: Journal (Rathery), II. p. 185. 1 July, 1739. It was
on this very day that d'Argenson received an order from Amelot, the
Foreign Minister, to dismiss the train which he had engaged for the
Portuguese embassy; and it is evident that his forbearance breaks down
at last.]
[Footnote 238: Ibid., II. p. 142.]
[Footnote 239: The Journal at this period is one long and often
luminous survey of the events of the time. In Appendix C. reference is
given to the more important passages under the several departments to
which they refer.]
[Footnote 240: For a brief and intelligible account of the Court
opposition to Fleury, see De Tocqueville, "Histoire Philosophique du
règne de Louis XV.," I. pp. 416-20.]
[Footnote 241: See p. 74.]
[Footnote 242: At the Collège Louis-le-Grand: see pp. 24, 25. We may
gather from a letter from d'Argenson to Voltaire (June 20, 1739.
Nisard) that some of Voltaire's school squibs had found a refuge among
the papers of his "camarade."]
[Footnote 243: On Voltaire's connection with this circle, see
d'Argenson, "Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montagne," I. p. 187
(1785).]
[Footnote 244: May, 1726. (Morley, "Voltaire," p. 44.)]
[Footnote 245: The baroness de la Fontaine-Martel. See Journal
(Rathery), I. p. 147, and Voltaire's "Correspondance," _passim_.]
[Footnote 246: A person called Desfontaines, not unknown at that date.]
[Footnote 247: For particulars of d'Argenson's share in the incident,
see Voltaire, "Oeuvres" (Édition Garnier XXXV.). Letters of 7th and
24th March, 16th April, 2nd May, 4th and 21st June. D'Argenson's
letters of 7th February (Garnier), 20th June, and 7th July (Charles
Nisard, "Mémoires et Correspondance"). See also letters of Madame du
Châtelet of about the same date.]
[Footnote 248: D'Argenson's letter of 20th June. This letter appears
in none of the editions of Voltaire. It was published, with another
of 7th July, by Charles Nisard ("Mémoires et Correspondance inédits
1726-1816."), and was found by him among the papers of Suard.]
[Footnote 249: March 24, 1739. In a letter to d'Argenson of January
26, 1740, Voltaire speaks of those views upon history of which he
afterwards became the apostle. (_Cf._ Morley, "Voltaire," p. 298).
"Another idea of mine. We have only had the history of kings, and that
of the nation has not been written. It would seem that for fourteen
hundred years we have had nothing in Gaul but kings, ministers, and
generals; our manners, laws, customs, ideas, are they then nothing?"
This letter closes with the post-script: "Pardon; there was a great
figure in optics on the other leaf; I have torn it off."]
[Footnote 250: May 8, 1739. Édition Garnier XXXV. pp. 272-3. The idea
of d'Argenson as Frederick's first minister occurs not unfrequently in
future letters.]
[Footnote 251: Ibid., 289-292.]
[Footnote 252: July 28, 1739. For further details see letters of 8th
May, 21st June, and 28th July, and d'Argenson, 7th July.]
[Footnote 253: For references to the Portuguese embassy, see letters
of 16th April, 28th July, and 17th August; and d'Argenson, 20th June
(Nisard).]
[Footnote 254: See Note 420.]
[Footnote 255: Voltaire, 16th April, 1739. It may be presumed that
d'Argenson was unable to keep his satisfaction to himself; for Voltaire
writes to his business agent in Paris, asking him to call upon
d'Argenson and thank him for the care he had taken of the letters,
as a gentle suggestion that he should take more of it in future. See
Voltaire to Moussinot, 30th May, 1740 (Édit. Garnier, XXXV. p. 440).]
[Footnote 256: Journal (Rathery) III. p. 105.]
[Footnote 257: Journal (Rathery), III. p. 247.]
[Footnote 258: Ibid., IV. p. 96.]
[Footnote 259: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse, Impératrice" (for 1745),
and "Maurice de Saxe et le Marquis d'Argenson" (for 1746): Zevort, "Le
Marquis d'Argenson et le Ministère des affaires étrangères, 1744-47."]
[Footnote 260: "Considérations sur le gouvernement de la France,"
d'Argenson's famous treatise upon French politics, which is examined in
Chapter VI.]
[Footnote 261: "But in stirring the fire we must be careful not to
set it in a blaze. This nation (the English) is awakened promptly and
powerfully by the pressure of necessity; all parties unite: and in
spite of the public debt, the wealth in private hands is a fund of
great resources" (p. 325). After recommending preparation for a great
maritime war, he proceeds, "If we succeed, the flourishing English
colonies will dwindle to nothing" (p. 326, "Considérations," edit.
1764-5).]
[Footnote 262: "Autre Traité des Principaux Interêts de la France avec
ses voisins à l'occasion du projet d'un tribunal Européen par M. l'Abbé
de St. Pierre, Novembre, 1737." See the four manuscripts, Bibliothèque
de l'Arsenal. This superscription does not appear in the printed
editions.]
[Footnote 263: Journal (Rathery), III. p. 259.]
[Footnote 264: Zevort, p. 5.]
[Footnote 265: See Appendix C.]
[Footnote 266: M. de Broglie speaks of d'Argenson as having been "among
the severest censors of Fleury, whom he reproached bitterly for having
compromised the fair name of France by repudiating his engagements as
to the Austrian succession" ("Marie Thérèse," I. p. 207).
The passages (Journal, Rathery, III. pp. 296, 299, 328) upon which this
statement is possibly based cannot mean, as the historian would seem to
imply, that d'Argenson was in favour of those engagements and opposed
to their repudiation. He is merely exclaiming against Fleury because,
by his iniquitous acceptance of those engagements, he had been driven
to the further iniquity of violating them. D'Argenson, like everybody
else, had thought the Pragmatic Sanction preposterous, and no one was
more astounded than he at the calm which followed the death of Charles
VI. Here is one passage which is chosen from a score:
"Quelle conduite! Tout ne demanderait qu'à aller, animer et fortifier
le plus faible, rompre la glace, diviser le grand morceau des États
Autrichiens; voilà à quoi nous n'arriverons point, et quelle occasion
perdue!" (Journal, Rathery, III. p. 230).
When at last the ice was broken by Frederick, and there is talk of
an offensive alliance between France and Prussia, it is true that
d'Argenson recoils; but he is careful to make the reason clear: for he
dreads the effect of a war of ambition on the prosperity of the French
provinces (Ibid., III. pp. 305, 310). Yet no sooner does the war resume
the aspect of a triumphal march than all his old enthusiasm for the
dismemberment of the Hapsburg dominion revives (Ibid., III. pp. 342,
344, 409, &c.).
For the whole episode see passages indicated in Appendix C.
D'Argenson's real quarrel with Fleury was (1) that he had subscribed to
the Pragmatic Sanction at all; (2) not that he had repudiated it, but
that he had neglected to provide himself with a decent excuse for doing
so (Ibid., III. pp. 296, 328, &c.).]
[Footnote 267: See pp. 74, 75.]
[Footnote 268: Voltaire, "Correspondance," May 2, 1739, and March 30,
1740 (Garnier, XXXV.).]
[Footnote 269: In speaking of St. Pierre, Journal (Rathery), I. p. 102.]
[Footnote 270: See letter to Fagel, Secretary to the States-General,
from Paris, February 25, 1743 ("Lettres et négociations de M. de Van
Hoey," pp. 204-10. London, 1745).]
[Footnote 271: Journal (Rathery), III. pp. 105-9.]
[Footnote 272: Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS. 6113, fol. 186.]
[Footnote 273: Zevort, p. 131.]
[Footnote 274: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery), IV. pp. 253, 254.]
[Footnote 275: Zevort, p. 133.]
[Footnote 276: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery), IV. p. 257.]
[Footnote 277: Ibid., IV. pp. 248-56.]
[Footnote 278: Ibid., IV. p. 249.]
[Footnote 279: Ibid., IV. p. 250.]
[Footnote 280: Ibid., IV. p. 247.]
[Footnote 281: M. de Broglie represents ("Marie Thérèse," I. pp. 202-4)
that d'Argenson's policy involved the abandonment of the allies of
France. The grounds for the contention are not quite clear. It would
be equally true of Frederick's own recent proposal for an immediate
peace (Zevort, p. 131). France at this time actually held sufficient
territory to satisfy her allies upon the terms proposed by Frederick
("Mémoires du Ministère," Rathery, IV. p. 258); and she had only to
defend it, as d'Argenson said, with foresight and success, to weary her
enemies and force upon Maria Theresa conditions of peace which would be
acceptable to her allies as well as to herself.
The occurrence of such suggestions is easily explained. M. de Broglie
makes no secret of his strong approval of the campaign in Flanders, and
of his strong antipathy to Frederick II. In both respects, though in
the case of the Flemish campaign he would appear to have no suspicion
of it, he is at absolute variance with the French Foreign Minister; and
he is consequently constrained to regard him in a spirit which does
not conduce to critical appreciation. In the view of the writer, his
account of d'Argenson's share in the events of 1745 cannot be taken as
even approximately just.
Upon the merits of the rival policies it is not our business to
decide. It is sufficient to show that d'Argenson's plans were sound
and statesmanlike, and that successive disasters were entailed by the
failure of the Government to support him.]
[Footnote 282: "Mémoires du Ministère" (Rathery, IV. pp. 257, 258)]
[Footnote 283: Zevort, pp. 135, 136.]
[Footnote 284: Ibid., p. 135.]
[Footnote 285: Ibid., Appendix, p. 349.]
[Footnote 286: Ibid., Appendix, p. 348.]
[Footnote 287: Ibid., Appendix, p. 349.]
[Footnote 288: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 128.]
[Footnote 289: Ibid., I. p. 129.]
[Footnote 290: Zevort, p. 136.]
[Footnote 291: Ibid., p. 137.]
[Footnote 292: Ibid., Appendix, p. 350.]
[Footnote 293: De Broglie, "Marie Thérèse," I. p. 131.]
[Footnote 294: But three lines appearing in a despatch drafted by him
(January 31, 1745. Zevort, Appendix, p. 352) are sufficient to prove
what might have been suspected:
"En effet n'en aurions-nous tant fait en faveur de la liberté
germanique que pour la revoir tombée dans son ancien esclavage."