Everybody is named after some saint, usually the one whose anniversary

is nearest the hour of their birth, and the saint is expected to look

after them. When a man comes here who doesn’t happen to be christened

after a saint, the ignorant people express their surprise, and ask, “Who

takes care of him? Who preserves him from evil?”

General Barrios was always dramatic. He was dramatic in the simplicity

and frugality of his private life, as he was in the displays he was

constantly making for the diversion of the people. In striking contrast

with the customs of the country where the garments and the manners of

men are the objects of the most fastidious attention, he was careless in

his clothing, brusque in his manner, and frank in his declarations.

[Illustration: MARKET-PLACE, GUATEMALA.]

It is said that the Spanish language was framed to conceal thoughts, but

Barrios used none of its honeyed phrases, and had the candor of an

American frontiersman. He was incapable of duplicity, but naturally

secretive. He had no confidants, made his own plans without consulting

any one, and when he was ready to announce them he used language that

could not be misunderstood. In disposition he was sympathetic and

affectionate, and when he liked a man he showered favors upon him; when

he distrusted, he was cold and repelling; and when he hated, his

vengeance was swift and sure. To be detected in an intrigue against his

life, or the stability of the Government, which was the same thing, was

death or exile, and his natural powers of perception seemed almost

miraculous. The last time his assassination was attempted he pardoned

the men whose hands threw the bomb at him,

[Illustration: IN THE RAINY SEASON.]

but those who hired them saved their lives by flight from the country.

If caught, they would have been shot without trial. He was the most

industrious man in Central America; slept little, ate little, and never

indulged in the siesta that is as much a part of the daily life of the

people as breakfast and dinner. He did everything with a nervous

impetuosity, thought rapidly, and acted instantly. The ambition of his

life was to reunite the republics of Central America in a confederacy

such as existed a few years after independence. The benefits of such a

union are apparent to all who understand the political, geographical,

and commercial conditions of the continent, and are acknowledged by the

thinking men of the five States, but the consummation of the plan is

prevented by the selfish ambition of local leaders. Each is willing to

join the union if he can be Dictator, but none will permit a union with

any other man as chief.

[Illustration: MAGUEY PLANT.]

Diplomatic negotiations looking to a consolidation of the five Central

American republics extended over a period of several years, but were

fruitless because of local jealousies. The leading politicians in the

several States feared they would lose their prominence and power, and

distrusted Barrios, although he assured them that he was not ambitious

to be Dictator. He thought he was the right man to carry out the plan,

but as soon as it was consummated he proposed to retire and permit the

people to frame their Constitution and elect their Executive, promising

that he would not be a candidate. As he told me shortly after his

_coup-d’état_, he desired to retire from public life and reside in the

United States, which he considered the paradise of nations. He had

already purchased a residence in New York, and invested money there, and

was educating his children with that intention.

Sending emissaries into the several States to study public sentiment, he

became assured that the time was ripe for the consummation of his plans.

He believed that the masses of the people were ready to join in a

reunion of the republics, and had the assurance of Zaldivar, the

President of San Salvador, and Bogran, the President of Honduras, that

they would consent to his temporary dictatorship. He determined upon a

_coup-d’état_. Moral suasion had failed, so he decided to try force,

with the co-operation of San Salvador and Honduras, which with Guatemala

represented five-sixths of the population of Central America. He

believed he could persuade Nicaragua and Costa Rica to accept a manifest

destiny and voluntarily join the union.

Realizing how impressionable the people he governed were, and knowing

their love for excitement, he always introduced his reforms in some

novel way, with a blast of trumpets and a gorgeous background.

The union of Central America was announced in the same way, and came

upon the people like a shock of earthquake. On the evening of Sunday,

the 28th of February, 1885, the aristocracy of Guatemala were gathered

as usual at the National Theatre to witness the performance of

“Boccaccio” by a French opera company. In the midst of the play one of

the most exciting situations was interrupted by the appearance of a

uniformed officer upon the stage, who motioned the performers back from

the foot-lights, and read the proclamation issued by Rufino Barrios, the

President of Guatemala, who declared himself Dictator and Supreme

Commander of all Central America, and called upon the citizens of the

five republics to acknowledge his authority and take the oath of

allegiance. The people were accustomed to earthquakes, but no

terrestrial commotion ever created so much excitement as the eruption of

this political volcano. The actresses and ballet-dancers fled in

surprise to their dressing-rooms, while the audience at once organized

into an impromptu mass-meeting to ratify the audacity of their

President.

Few eyes were closed that night in Guatemala. Those who attempted to

sleep were kept awake by the explosion of fireworks, the firing of

cannon, the music of bands, and shouts of the populace, who, crazy with

excitement, thronged the streets, and forming processions marched up and

down the principal thoroughfares, rending the air with shouts of “Long

live Dictator Barrios!” “Vive la Union!” A people naturally

enthusiastic, and as inflammable as powder, to whom excitement was

recreation and repose distress, suddenly and unexpectedly confronted

with the greatest sensation of their lives, became almost insane, and

turned the town into a bedlam. Although every one knew that Barrios

aspired to restore the old Union of the Republic, no one seemed to be

prepared for the _coup-d’état_, and the announcement fell with a force

that made the whole country tremble. Next morning, as if by magic, the

town seemed filled with soldiers. Where they came from or how they got

there so suddenly the people did not seem to comprehend. And when the

doors of great warehouses opened to disclose large supplies of

ammunition and arms, the public eye was distended with amazement. All

these preparations were made so silently and secretly that the surprise

was complete. But for three or four years Barrios had been preparing for

this day, and his plans were laid with a success that challenged even

his own admiration. He ordered all the soldiers in the republic to be at

Guatemala City on the 1st of March; the commands were given secretly,

and the captain of one company was not aware that another was expected.

It was not done by the wand of a magician, as the superstitious people

are given to believing, but was the result of a long and carefully

studied plan by one who was born a dictator, and knew how to perform the

part.

But the commotion was even greater in the other republics over which

Barrios had assumed uninvited control. The same night that the official

announcement was made, telegrams were sent to the Presidents of

Honduras, San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, calling upon them to

acknowledge the temporary supremacy of Dictator Barrios, and to sign

articles of confederation which should form the constitution of the

Central American Union. Messengers had been sent in advance bearing

printed official copies of the proclamation, in which the reasons for

the step were set forth, and they were told to withhold these documents

from the Presidents of the neighboring republics until notified by

telegram to present them.

The President of Honduras accepted the dictatorship with great

readiness, having been in close conference with Barrios on the subject

previous to the announcement. The President of San Salvador, Dr.

Zaldivar, who was also aware of the intentions of Barrios, and was

expected to fall into the plan as readily as President Bogran, created

some surprise by asking time to consider. As far as he was personally

concerned, he said, there was nothing that would please him more than to

comply with the wishes of the Dictator, but he must consult the people.

He promised to call the Congress together at once, and after due

consideration they would take such action as they thought proper.

Nicaragua boldly and emphatically refused to recognize the authority of

Barrios, and rejected the plan of the union. Costa Rica replied in the

same manner. Her President telegraphed Barrios that she wanted no union

with the other Central American States, was satisfied with her own

independence, and recognized no dictator. Her people would protect their

soil and defend their liberty, and would appeal to the civilized world

for protection against any unwarranted attack upon her freedom.

The policy of Nicaragua was governed by the influence of a firm of

British merchants in Leon with which President Cardenas has a pecuniary

interest, and by whom his official acts are controlled. The policy of

Costa Rica was governed by a conservative sentiment that has always

prevailed in that country, while the influence of Mexico was felt

throughout the entire group of nations. As soon as the proclamation of

Barrios was announced at the capital of the latter republic, President

Diaz ordered an army into the field, and telegraphed offers of

assistance to Nicaragua, San Salvador, and Costa Rica, with threats of

violence to Honduras if she yielded submission to Barrios. Mexico was

always jealous of Guatemala. The boundary-line between the two nations

is unsettled, and a rich tract of country is in dispute. Feeling a

natural distrust of the power below her, strengthened by consolidation

with the other States, Mexico was prepared to resist the plans of

Barrios to the last degree, and sent him a declaration of war.

[Illustration: A NATIVE SANDAL.]

In the mean time Barrios appealed for the approval of the United States

and the nations of Europe. During the brief administration of President

Garfield he visited Washington, and there received assurances of

encouragement from Mr. Blaine in his plan to reorganize the Central

American Confederacy. Their personal interviews were followed by an

extended correspondence, and no one was so fully informed of the plans

of Barrios as Mr. Henry C. Hall, the United States minister at

Guatemala.

Unfortunately the cable to Europe and the United States was under the

control of San Salvador, landing at La Libertad, the principal port of

that republic. Here was the greatest obstacle in the way of Barrios’s

success. All his messages to foreign governments were sent by telegraph

overland to La Libertad for transmission by cable from that place, but

none of them reached their destination. The commandant of the port,

under orders from Zaldivar, seized the office and suppressed the

messages. Barrios took pains to inform the foreign powers fully of his

plans, and the motives which prompted them, and to each he repeated the

assurance that he was not inspired by personal ambition, and would

accept only a temporary dictatorship. As soon as a constitutional

convention of delegates from the several republics could assemble he

would retire, and permit the choice of a President of the consolidated

republics by a popular election, he himself under no circumstances to be

a candidate. But these messages were never sent. In place of them

Zaldivar transmitted a series of despatches misrepresenting the

situation, and appealing for protection against the tyranny of Barrios.

Thus the Old World was not informed of the motives and intentions of the

man and the situation of the republics.

The replies of foreign nations and the comments of the press, based upon

the falsehoods of Zaldivar, had a very depressing effect upon the

people. They were more or less doctored before publication, and bogus

bulletins were posted for the purpose of deceiving the people. The

inhabitants of San Salvador were led to believe that naval fleets were

on their way from the United States and Europe to forcibly prevent the

consolidation of the republics, that an army was on its way from Mexico

overland to attack Guatemala on the north, and that several transports

loaded with troops had left New Orleans for the east coast of Nicaragua

and Honduras.

The United States Coast Survey ship _Ranger_, carrying four small guns,

happening to enter at La Union, Nicaragua, engaged in its regular

duties, was magnified into a fleet of hundreds of thousands of tons; and

when the people of San Salvador and Nicaragua were convinced that

submission to Barrios would require them to engage the combined forces

of Europe and the United States, they rose in resistance and supported

Zaldivar in his treachery.

The effect in Guatemala was similar, although not so pronounced. There

was a reversion of feeling against the Government. The moneyed men, who

in their original enthusiasm tendered their funds to the President,

withdrew their promises; the common people were nervous, and lost their

confidence in their hero; while the Diplomatic Corps, representing every

nation of importance on the globe, were in a state of panic because

they received no instructions from home. The German and French

ministers, like the minister from the United States, were favorable to

the plans of Barrios; the Spanish minister was outspoken in opposition;

the English and Italian ministers non-committal; but none of them knew

what to say or how to act in the absence of instructions. They

telegraphed to their home governments repeatedly, but could obtain no

replies, and suspected that the troubles might be in San Salvador. Mr.

Hall, the American minister, transmitted a full description of the

situation every evening, and begged for instructions, but did not

receive a word.

[Illustration: ORNAMENTAL, BUT NOISY.]

The Government at Washington had informed Mr. Hall by mail that its

policy in relation to the plan to reunite the republics was one of

non-interference, but advised that the spirit of the century was

contrary to the use of force to accomplish such an end; and acting upon

this information, Mr. Hall had frequent and cordial conferences with the

President, and received from him a promise that he would not invade

either of the neighboring republics with an army unless required to do

so. If Guatemala was invaded he would retaliate, but otherwise would not

cross the border. In the mean time the forces of Guatemala, forty

thousand strong, were massed at the capital, the streets were full of

marching soldiers, and the air was filled with martial music, while

Zaldivar was raising an army by conscription in San Salvador, and money

by forced loans. His Government daily announced the arrival of so many

“volunteers” at the capital, but the volunteering was a very transparent

myth. A current anecdote was of a conscript officer who wrote to the

Secretary of War from the Interior: “I send you forty more volunteers.

Please return me the ropes with which their hands and legs are tied, as

I shall need to bind the quota from the next town.”

In the city of San Salvador many of the merchants closed their stores,

and concealed themselves to avoid the payment of forced loans. The

Government called a “Junta,” or meeting of the wealthy residents, each

one being personally notified by an officer that his attendance was

required, and there the Secretary of War announced that a million

dollars for the equipment of troops must be raised instantly. The

Government, he said, was assured of the aid of foreign powers to defeat

the plans of Barrios, but until the armies and navies of Europe and the

United States could reach the coast the republic must protect itself.

Each merchant and _estancianado_ was assessed a certain amount, to make

the total required, and was required to pay it into the Treasury within

twenty-four hours. Some responded promptly, others procrastinated, and a

few flatly refused. The latter were thrust into jail, and the

confiscation of their property threatened unless they paid. In one or

two cases the threat was executed; but, with cold sarcasm, the day after

the meeting the _Official Gazette_ announced that the patriotic citizens

of San Salvador had voluntarily come to the assistance of the Government

with their arms and means, and had tendered financial aid to the amount

of one million dollars, the acceptance of which the President was now

considering.

Barrios, knowing that the army of Salvador would invade Guatemala and

commence an offensive campaign, so as to occupy the attention of the

people, ordered a detachment of troops to the frontier, and decided to

accompany them. The evening before he started there was what is called

“a grand _funcion_” at the National Theatre. All of the military bands

assembled at the capital--a dozen or more--were consolidated for the

occasion, and between the acts performed a march composed by a local

musician in honor of the Union of Central America, and dedicated to

General Barrios. A large screen of sheeting was elaborately painted with

the inscription,

“_All hail the Union of the Republic!_”

“_Long live the Dictator and the Generalissimo,_”

“_J. Rufino Barrios!_”

This was attached to heavy rollers, to be dropped in front of the stage

instead of the regular curtain at the end of the second act of the play,

for the purpose of creating a sensation; and a sensation it did

create--an unexpected and frightful one.

As the orchestra commenced to play the new march the curtain was lowered

slowly, and the audience greeted it with tremendous applause, rising to

their feet, shouting, and waving their hats and handkerchiefs. But

through the blunder of the stage carpenter the weights were too heavy

for the cotton sheeting; the banner split, and the heavy rollers at the

bottom fell over into the orchestra, severely wounding several of the

musicians. As fate would have it, the rent was directly through the name

of Barrios. The people, naturally superstitious, were horrified, and

stood aghast at this omen of disaster. The cheering ceased instantly,

and a dead silence prevailed, broken only by the noise of the musicians

under the wreck struggling to recover their feet. A few of the more

courageous friends of the President attempted to revive the applause,

but met with a miserable failure. Strong men shuddered, women fainted,

and Mrs. Barrios left the theatre, unable to control her emotion. The

play was suspended; the audience departed to discuss the omen, and

everybody agreed that Barrios’s _coup-d’état_ would fail.

The President left the city at the head of his army for the frontier of

San Salvador, his wife accompanying him a few miles on the way. A few

days later a small detachment of the Guatemala army, commanded by a son

of Barrios, started out on a scouting expedition, and were attacked by

an overwhelming force of Salvadorians. The young captain was killed by

the first volley, and his company were stampeded. Leaving his body on

the field, they retreated in confusion to headquarters. When Barrios

heard of the disaster he leaped upon his horse, called upon his men to

follow him, and started in pursuit of the men who had killed his son.

The Salvadorians, expecting to be pursued, lay in ambush, and the

Dictator, while galloping down the road at the head of a squadron of

cavalry, was picked off by a sharpshooter and died instantly. His men

took his body and that of his son, which was found by the roadside, and

carried them back to camp. A courier was despatched to the nearest

telegraph station with a message to the capital conveying the sad news.

It was not unexpected; since the omen at the theatre, no one supposed

the Dictator would return alive. All but himself had lost confidence,

and it transpired that even he went to the front with a presentiment of

disaster, for among his papers was found this peculiar will, written by

himself a few moments before his departure.

THE WILL OF BARRIOS.

“I am in full campaign, and make my declaration as a soldier.

“My legitimate wife is Donna Francisca Apaucio vel Vecusidario de

Quezaltenanzo.

“During our marriage we have had seven children, as follows:

Elaine, Luz, José, Maria, Carlos, Rufino, and Francisca.

“Donna Francisca is the sole owner of all my properties and

interest whatsoever. She will know how much to give our children

when they arrive at maturity, and I have full confidence in her.

“She may give to my nephew, Luciano Barrios, in two or three

instalments, $25,000, for the kindness which this nephew has

rendered to me, and which I doubt not he will continue to render to

my wife Donna Francisca.

“She will continue to provide for the education of Antonio Barrios,

who is now in the United States of America.

“She is empowered to demand and collect all debts due to me in this

country and abroad. The overseers and administrators of my

properties, wherever they may be, shall account only to Donna

Francisca or the person whom she may name.

“It is five o’clock in the morning. At this moment I start forth to

Jutiapa, where the army is.

“J. RUFINO BARRIOS.

“MONDAY, _March 23, 1885_.”

The attempt to reunite the republic ended with the death of the

Dictator, and the whole country was thrown into confusion. In Guatemala

City anarchy prevailed. The enemies of Barrios did not fear a dead lion,

and kicked his body. They came out in force, stoned his house, and his

beautiful wife was forced to seek the protection of the United States

minister, whose secretary escorted her to San José, where she took a

steamer for San Francisco, and has since resided in New York.

Señor Sinibaldi, the Vice-president of the republic, called the Congress

together, and a new election was ordered, at which Señor Barrillas, a

man of excellent ability and wise discretion, was chosen President of

the republic.

COMAYAGUA.

THE CAPITAL OF HONDURAS.

In 1540 Cortez, the Conqueror of Mexico, directed Alonzo Caceres, one of

his lieutenants, to proceed with an army of one thousand men to the

Province of Honduras, which had been subdued by Alvarado a few years

before, and select a suitable site for a city midway between the two

oceans. Caceres was a pioneer of most excellent discretion, and so good

a judge of distance was he that if a straight line were drawn from the

Atlantic to the Pacific, the centre would be just three miles north of

the plaza of Comayagua. A modern engineer, with all the scientific

appliances at his disposal, could not have obeyed instructions more

accurately; and as for location, there are few finer sites in the world

than the elevated plain upon which the little capital of Honduras

stands. A semicircle of mountains enclose it, with a wall of peaks six

and seven thousand feet high upon one side, while upon the other a great

plain stretches away nearly forty miles, gradually sloping to the

eastward. The altitude of the city is about twenty-three hundred feet

above the sea, and the climate is a perpetual June, the thermometer

seldom varying more than twenty degrees during the entire year, and

averaging about 75° Fahrenheit. The soil is deep, rich, and fertile, and

the productions of the plain are tropical; but beyond the city, in the

foothills of the mountains and upon their slopes, corn, wheat, and other

staples of the temperate zones can be raised in enormous quantities with

a minimum of labor. The pineapple and the palm tree are growing within

two hours’ ride of waving wheat-fields, while orange and apple orchards

stand within sight of each other.

[Illustration: A CONSPICUOUS LANDMARK.]

The Capitals of Spanish America · 第 6 / 42 段