VI.

It is no exaggeration, but a literal truth, to say that, by the

Constitution--_not as I interpret it, but as it is interpreted by those

who pretend to administer it_--the properties, liberties, and lives of

the entire people of the United States are surrendered unreservedly into

the hands of men who, it is provided by the Constitution itself, shall

never be "questioned" as to any disposal they make of them.

Thus the Constitution (Art. I, Sec. 6) provides that, "for any speech or

debate (or vote), in either house, they (the senators and

representatives) shall not be questioned in any other place."

The whole law-making power is given to these senators and

representatives (when acting by a two-thirds vote)[e]; and this

provision protects them from all responsibility for the laws they make.

The Constitution also enables them to secure the execution of all their

laws, by giving them power to withhold the salaries of, and to impeach

and remove, all judicial and executive officers, who refuse to execute

them.

Thus the whole power of the government is in their hands, and they are

made utterly irresponsible for the use they make of it. What is this but

absolute, irresponsible power?

It is no answer to this view of the case to say that these men are under

oath to use their power only within certain limits; for what care they,

or what should they care, for oaths or limits, when it is expressly

provided, by the Constitution itself, that they shall never be

"questioned," or held to any responsibility whatever, for violating

their oaths, or transgressing those limits?

Neither is it any answer to this view of the case to say that the

particular individuals holding this power can be changed once in two or

six years; for the power of each set of men is absolute during the term

for which they hold it; and when they can hold it no longer, they are

succeeded only by men whose power will be equally absolute and

irresponsible.

Neither is it any answer to this view of the case to say that the men

holding this absolute, irresponsible power, must be men chosen by the

people (or portions of them) to hold it. A man is none the less a slave

because he is allowed to choose a new master once in a term of years.

Neither are a people any the less slaves because permitted periodically

to choose new masters. What makes them slaves is the fact that they now

are, and are always hereafter to be, in the hands of men whose power

over them is, and always is to be, absolute and irresponsible.[f]

The right of absolute and irresponsible dominion is the right of

property, and the right of property is the right of absolute,

irresponsible dominion. The two are identical; the one necessarily

implying the other. Neither can exist without the other. If, therefore,

Congress have that absolute and irresponsible law-making power, which

the Constitution--according to their interpretation of it--gives them,

it can only be because they own us as property. If they own us as

property, they are our masters, and their will is our law. If they do

not own us as property, they are not our masters, and their will, as

such, is of no authority over us.

But these men who claim and exercise this absolute and irresponsible

dominion over us, dare not be consistent, and claim either to be our

masters, or to own us as property. They say they are only our servants,

agents, attorneys, and representatives. But this declaration involves an

absurdity, a contradiction. No man can be my servant, agent, attorney,

or representative, and be, at the same time, uncontrollable by me, and

irresponsible to me for his acts. It is of no importance that I

appointed him, and put all power in his hands. If I made him

uncontrollable by me, and irresponsible to me, he is no longer my

servant, agent, attorney, or representative. If I gave him absolute,

irresponsible power over my property, I gave him the property. If I gave

him absolute, irresponsible power over myself, I made him my master, and

gave myself to him as a slave. And it is of no importance whether I

called him master or servant, agent or owner. The only question is, what

power did I put into his hands? Was it an absolute and irresponsible

one? or a limited and responsible one?

For still another reason they are neither our servants, agents,

attorneys, nor representatives. And that reason is, that we do not make

ourselves responsible for their acts. If a man is my servant, agent, or

attorney, I necessarily make myself responsible for all his acts done

within the limits of the power I have intrusted to him. If I have

intrusted him, as my agent, with either absolute power, or any power at

all, over the persons or properties of other men than myself, I thereby

necessarily make myself responsible to those other persons for any

injuries he may do them, so long as he acts within the limits of the

power I have granted him. But no individual who may be injured in his

person or property, by acts of Congress, can come to the individual

electors, and hold them responsible for these acts of their so-called

agents or representatives. This fact proves that these pretended agents

of the people, of everybody, are really the agents of nobody.

If, then, nobody is individually responsible for the acts of Congress,

the members of Congress are nobody's agents. And if they are nobody's

agents, they are themselves individually responsible for their own acts,

and for the acts of all whom they employ. And the authority they are

exercising is simply their own individual authority; and, by the law of

nature--the highest of all laws--anybody injured by their acts, anybody

who is deprived by them of his property or his liberty, has the same

right to hold them individually responsible, that he has to hold any

other trespasser individually responsible. He has the same right to

resist them, and their agents, that he has to resist any other

trespassers.

No Treason, Vol. VI.: The Constitution of No Authority · 第 10 / 27 题