agreement in my house, which I quite believe he will observe. In the
document there is no mention, either for good or for evil, of Niccolò
Piccinino, so I have nothing to do with him, and am much astonished
at the things he demands of me. Now either he does this with the
knowledge and consent of the Duke or not. If with the Duke’s consent
it is done with the intent that this affair should go on and that
your Signoria should break the promises and contracts with me, which
I do not believe; if done without the Duke’s knowledge it is most
probable he will take another course. In so doing he would give us
every right to oppose him, and he might in many cases be a loser, in
one among others which would bring infinite loss and ignominy upon
him, that is his Company, for eight out of ten of the men have wives
or children, so that what would happen I know not, and do not see that
Niccolò would gain either profit or honour. My opinion, which I have
not breathed to man alive, is that the Duke has consented to Niccolò
putting forward these demands, not seeing how to refuse him permission
to make them, but not with the intention that we should come to blows.
And you will see that Niccolò will eventually follow the course traced
out by the Duke, and that all these intrigues and demonstrations, and
loud talk, wherein Niccolò shows such valour, are rather scarecrows
to frighten people; but scarecrows are good for frightening kites and
such-like birds of prey, I do not heed them, being the son of a Sforza
and not of a kite. Let what will happen, as long as none can say that
I have been the cause of any troubles. I am not; and I believe I shall
be held guiltless by God and by the world. But whoso tries to take
from me what is mine will find it far harder and more thorny than to
demand it, as at present. I have replied to the Marquess, so there is
no more to say.--Given in my Camp near Arezzo, 28th May 1438.[37]
Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
_Magnifice tanquam Pater carissime_,--I have received your letter in
cipher and have understood what you say about the affairs of Florence,
Venice, and Macerata; I need say no more, because Messer Rinaldo will
inform you of everything. I thank you for the news about Lombardy. I
had heard something of the sort here, and that the Venetian troops
were as though they did not exist, so little are they esteemed by
those of the Duke of Milan. The arrival of the person sent by the
magnificent Signoria of Florence will be most welcome to me, the
sooner he comes the better I shall be pleased.
Piero Gian Paolo [Orsini] passed through here and sent to tell me
that if I wished he would join me, as he is disengaged, and says he
has been badly treated with regard to money, and also that others no
better than himself, such as Tagliano and Luigi del Verme, have been
set above him and have received more honours, so nothing will induce
him to remain there, which may be useful. It would be good in every
respect to have him, but you know what are my expenses, so that I
cannot alone undertake to engage him. Therefore I wish the Signoria
of Florence would do so at the rate of 8 ducats a month and 1 for
commission, whereas the Signoria pays 12 for each man. I pray you let
me know quickly as to the intentions of the Signoria, so that I may
know what to do. Until I have your reply I shall keep the affair in
suspense, although I am not sure whether he really means what he says
or not. If he does, the thing may be arranged; if he does not, it will
fall of itself, and at any rate we may discover why he came here. For
it is better to be forewarned and on one’s guard against the craft
of others. I have no more to say save that I am advancing into the
Marches and shall be near there.--_Paratus ad omnia_, 11th August 1438.
Francesco Sforza Vicecomes,
_Comes et Marchie_, _&c._[38]
Count Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
_Magnifice tanquam Pater carissime_,--The honourable Alamano is going
to inform the Signoria exactly how things are, and from him you will
have ample information. And as I think you will discuss whether
it will be better to side with the Signoria of Venice as has been
suggested, or with Niccolò Piccinino, as you will see in the despatch
brought by the said Alamano, I hereby give you my opinion. Seeing that
the Signoria of Venice are up to their throats in water, and that
their State is half ruined, and that now, when the need is great, they
do nothing; and also considering that to remedy this state of things
they will need much time, and will delay when quickness is necessary;
and also considering that the Signoria of Florence, yourself,
and others, were always advised to ally yourselves with the said
Piccinino, I conceive that it is far more dangerous to steer a middle
course than to side with one or the other. For these reasons it is far
better to side with Niccolò Piccinino, particularly as the Duke of
Milan has several times advised me to do so, and has just written me
duplicate instructions, saying he will never give me Madonna Bianca,
or anything else I desire from him, unless I am in perfect accord with
and make an alliance with Niccolò Piccinino. This can be done to avoid
all trouble. So I send Battista my secretary with my conclusions for
you to see, and have taken time enough to answer for the reply to come
from Florence; for whatever you decide is to be done, will be well
done. In case you do not agree, take the course that seems best to
that Magnificent Commune, only let me know; for what I once said I say
again, that my wishes are those of that Magnificent Commune. Only I
wanted to give my opinion. If the Magnificent Commune and you decide
for Niccolò Piccinino, you can tell Battista to write at once without
referring to me, and to follow his instructions, because the Commune
is contented with what I have done. Despatch the courier to Mantua,
for he knows that road, and in case he has not passed through let him
wait. But if the alliance with Niccolò Piccinino does not please you
do not write there, but to me here as quickly as possible. In any
case negotiations with Venice must be kept open, and if you write to
Battista be so good as to tell me at once, so that I may know how
things go.--Given in our Camp, 22nd August 1438.
Francesco Sforza,
_Vicecomes et Marchio_, _&c._[39]
The careful, rather fussy nature of Contessina is shown in this letter
to her son, who was evidently staying, together with his younger
brother Giovanni, with his uncle Lorenzo, perhaps at Trebbio, the old
castle on a hill above Cafaggiuolo in the Mugello.
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici
Most dear Son,--Thou tellest me to send thee the grey cape lined with
lynx, because thou hast suffered from the cold. But why? For hadst
thou asked for it before I should have sent it as I did the other. It
appears to me you have all decided not to return to Careggi on Monday
where, thanks be to God, we are all well. It will be a happy hour, for
it seems to me a thousand years till you come home again. I am sure
you are all very busy there, particularly Ginevra,[40] so help her in
every way that thou knowest and canst, and keep thy things in order
and don’t leave one thing here and another there, and tell the other
boy to do the same. It would be well that both of you should order a
pair of shoes from P. Thou hast a pair of hose with the shoes, but he
has not. So I send thee a pair of his oldest hose which button on to
the shoes. Tell the bearer who it was that sent thee those new shoes
which do not fit, and he will inform Francesco Martelli who ordered
them for thee. If thou hast aught to send in the bag of Antonio
Martelli’s messenger do so, unless it is something that has to pay
duty. I was going to send some cloth hose, but as thou art coming back
so soon I shall not trouble about them. Let me know what thou sendest
by the messenger. No more. God guard thee.--Florence, the 14th day of
October 1438.[41]
The two following documents relate to the celebrated Council of the
Church which met at Florence during Cosimo’s second term of office as
Gonfalonier, or chief magistrate. The Œcumenical Council of Basel had
actually come into conflict with Pope Eugenius, in the end deposed him,
and declared the papal chair vacant. Whereupon Eugenius ordered the
Council to transfer its sittings to Ferrara, excommunicated all its
members who refused to obey and packed the assembly with his adherents.
But a pestilence broke out at Ferrara, and proposals were made to bring
the assembled ecclesiastics to Florence. The citizens were eagerly
excited, for both the Patriarch and the Emperor of Constantinople
were expected to attend. The Pope arrived in Florence on January 2nd,
1439-40, the Patriarch on the 12th, and the Emperor John Palæologus
on the 15th February (the entry of the latter is represented in the
fresco in the chapel of the Riccardi palace), and were all sumptuously
lodged. The essential findings of this Council are important, for they
were reproduced in the Canons of Trent. It was supposed to unite the
Greek and Latin Churches, but its real result was to introduce the
Italians to ancient Greek literature, and, if such things can be dated,
it marks the beginning of the Italian Renaissance.
Cosimo’s brother Lorenzo de’ Medici was sent to Ferrara in December
1438 to arrange with the Pope about transferring the Œcumenic Council
to Florence. The instructions given by the Signory are curious and show
how burdensome the Councils were to the cities in which they were held.
Commissio Laurentii de’ Medicis, _3 Decembris 1438_
Thou art to go to Ferrara and present thyself at the feet of H.H.
Pope Eugenius, commending to him our city, and this Signoria and our
whole people, as faithful and devout sons of Holy Church and of His
Holiness, offering our city and our people to His Holiness.
To descend now to substantial matters; thou wilt say that this
Signoria has heard that His Holiness is inclined to come to Florence
with his Court, and the Greeks, and the other members of the Council
gathered together there. Having heard this the Signoria send thee to
H.H. to devoutly offer our city as the residence and the abode of H.H.
and his Court and the others above mentioned; being moved thereto, as
in all matters, by their special devotion towards H.H.
Should His Sanctity ask anything special for the Greeks thou wilt
answer that we shall willingly provide houses for them gratis,
without demanding any rent, and that we shall strive to render the
houses suitable for their various degrees of nobility. If money for
the maintenance of the Greeks is mentioned, which we hear amounts to
1500 florins a month, thou art to say that our Commune is very short
of money on account of the long war, &c., and for this reason our
Commune would be most grateful not to be burdened, but nevertheless
if absolutely necessary we are ready to lend H.H. the said amount of
1500 florins, or of ducats, every month, on receipt of a promise and
valid security as to repayment at a given date, to be agreed upon by
both parties. For as the Greeks come on business of the Church, it is
only reasonable that the Church should pay and bear the burden. It is
enough if we advance the money every month, which will only be repaid
after some time. Otherwise it would seem as though we had bought his
visit, which would not be at all to the honour of our Commune, and we
are certain His Sanctity does not desire us to do anything which would
be dishonourable to our Commune.
We consent to begin the payment of 1500 florins, or ducats, per month,
from the day the Greeks leave Ferrara, and to continue it while they
are in Florence, but not for more than eight months.
If agreements and conventions for the Court are mentioned, such as
taxes on houses, jurisdiction, immunity from excise duties in and out
of the town and such things, and houses for the Lord Cardinals, &c.,
thou art to say we are ready to concede everything that is reasonable
and just, and that the last time H.H. was at Florence with his Court,
agreements and conventions were made, and the same thing can be done
now. When H.H. is here we can settle, and add or correct whatever is
reasonable on one side and the other.
_Additio facta Commissioni Laurentii de’ Medicis_
Lorenzo, thou seest the commissions we have given thee in the full
instructions. Strive to carry them out. But if the Pope insists
on having money for the expenses of the Greeks without giving any
security or promise to repay, reduce the various amounts as much as
possible, so as not to exceed 1500 ducats a month, or at the utmost
1700; to begin when the Court arrives here, or, that being impossible,
when they leave Ferrara, and then only promise money for eight months
and no longer.
If the Pope will not consent to the agreements about his Court
mentioned in thy instructions being drawn up here, ask what he
demands, and look at the conventions conceded to him when he was here
last, and act upon those within certain limits, for some of them need
revision. The necessary changes have been noted at the end of each
article.
The Signoria think the Pope ought gladly to promise and to give
security for the repayment of the money used for the expenses of the
Greeks; reason and justice demand this, therefore do thy best in this
matter, so shalt thou reap honour and the Republic benefit by thy
intelligence and industry. Should the Pope ask for any security for
his own person or that of others, see that thou understandest clearly
the nature of such security and write to us here; we will then do what
His Sanctity wishes.[42]
Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici
_Magnifice vir et tanquam Pater honorandissime_,--If I have erred
in writing my humble opinion to Your Magnificence, I beg you will
not attribute it to presumption, but rather to my fidelity, and to
affection for the State of our Lord the Pope and for your Commune.
I do not deal in occult secrets, but speak of what I have seen
in the past while weighing present events, which are by no means
clear. Believe me, Cosimo, my motives are not dictated by passion,
because I am the devoted and faithful servant of our Holy Father, of
Holy Church, and especially of Monsignore the Florentine Cardinal,
therefore I think the present opposition of His Reverence to the
Lord of Foligno is, _sententia mea_, not only untimely but dangerous
to the State of His Holiness and may be also to yours. I do not say
this to excuse the errors of the said Lord, indeed if it were of any
use I would blame him, but to try and ward off imminent danger. You
know the position of Foligno, her Lord can do much damage with even
a small number of men. The Perugians are suspicious, and suspicion
is a malady one cannot doctor, so that a great disaster and much
trouble may arise in the land, and it is ill fighting with desperate
men. Believe me that other lords and communes are as suspicious as
the Perugians, each one is intent on guarding his own State, and
the discords of parties here are not good for the State of our Holy
Father, for Holy Church, or for your Commune. It seems to me that for
the common good Monsignore the Cardinal should rather attend to the
conquest of Romagna; he could do nothing more useful, it would cut the
passage of the Ducal troops, and it is no longer a good frontier for
the League or for you gentlemen of Florence. If ever the possession
of Romagna was necessary it is so now, considering the action of the
Council towards His Sanctity; although from what I hear it will not
lead to much, still it unsettles the minds of the people, and Italy
is altogether in a disturbed condition, as you see. The establishment
of Romagna as a barrier would be a great boon to the State of His
Holiness, to the Church, and to yourselves; if we do not strike when
we can, when we wish to do so it will be too late. Remember that the
last time we fell out with the Lord of Foligno he obtained help from
troops in Romagna; had they been in Lombardy they would not have
come, indeed they could not. I pass over many things which it would
be difficult to answer, but I beg of you, Cosimo, to think over this,
which touches your Republic very closely, and of all the troubles
which are brewing or which may brew from the Alps downwards; do your
best to find a remedy, and you will be the author of peace and quiet
in all Tuscany. You may rest assured, Cosimo, that I write in all
sincerity and truth, without subterfuge, if you will believe me. Not
only my small faculties but my life is at the service of our Holy
Father and of Holy Church, and also at that of your Commune. One thing
I will not conceal, and that is that I suspect this enterprise of
Foligno is distasteful to the Illustrious Count, and having entered
with such goodwill and liberality into the affair, great caution must
be used not to do anything he would dislike. I write all this not
with the desire of pleasing or of displeasing any one, but to satisfy
myself, as I conceive it to be my bounden duty, seeing the affection
shown me by His Holiness and by Monsignore your Cardinal, and the
great benefits I have received from your Commune. I should be very
glad if you would impart what I have written, if it so pleases you, to
Neri di Gino and to Piero di Messer Luigi. Be assured, Cosimo, that
for good reasons I do not mention many things which I well understand.
Offering myself, &c.--Siena, July 20, 1439, _manu propria_.[43]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _at the Baths of Petriolo_
[_near Siena_]
Most dear Son,--The reason I write is that this morning at table
Cosimo told me that Maestro Mariotto had gone to spend eight days with
thee, and said that when Maestro M. returns he will let me come to
be with thee, so I pray thee to ask him to remain with thee as long
as thou art there, as I think thou hast need of him, and also Cosimo
is well pleased that he should remain, and bids thee arrange so that
he may be content. Let me know, for if he comes away nothing shall
prevent my coming, for on no account will I permit thee to be there
without him or me, so tell me his intentions. Had I known when he left
I would have saved him the trouble and come myself. Tell me whether
thou hadst rain on the day of thy departure, and if thou hast need of
anything write to me. I say no more. Christ protect thee.--In Florence
on the 13th day of September 1443.
Mona Contessina di Cosimo.[44]
Karissimo figliuolo, la chagione di questa si è che essendo io stamane
a tavola Chosimo mi disse che maestro Mariotto era venuto chostà per
stare techo otto dì et Chosimo dicie che tornando qua il maestro M.,
ch’ elli si contenta ch’ io venghi costà a star techo Sicchè io ti
priegho che ttu lo prieghi ch’ elli stia techo tanto quanto tu chè mi
pare che ttu n’abbia nicissità et anche Chosimo si chontenterebbe ch’
elli stesse techo et profferali che ttu lo provederaj per modo che da
sarà contento Avisambti che sse delli torna che rimosso ogni chagione
io verrò costà ch’a niun modo io voglio che ttu stij chostì sanza
lui et sanza me sicchè avisami di sua intenzione che ss’ io l’avessi
saputo quando di qui si partì non bisogniava che delli pigliasse
questa faticha che io sarei venuta chostà Avisami se avesti dell’aqua
il dì che andasti et se vuoi nulla schrivimelo Altro no dicho Xpo ti
guardi. In Firenze a dì XIII di settembre MCCCCXLIII.
M^a Chontessina di Chosimo.[45]
[Illustration]
Alberto Averardo de’ Alberti, _from Rome, to_ Giovanni de’ Medici
The condition of this city thou must have heard from others, so I
shall be brief. There are many splendid palaces, houses, tombs, and
temples, and other edifices in infinite number, but all are in ruins;
much porphyry and marble from ancient buildings, and every day these
marbles are destroyed by being burnt for lime in scandalous fashion.
What is modern is poor stuff, that is to say the buildings; the beauty
of Rome lies in what is in ruin. The men of the present day, who call
themselves Romans, are very different in bearing and in conduct from
the ancient inhabitants. _Breviter loquendo_, they all look like
cowherds. Their women are generally handsome in face; all the rest is
uncommonly dirty; the reason, they tell me, is that they all cook.
They seem agreeable, but one seldom sees them. Amusements there are
none, save to go to these pardons (indulgences) which are perpetual,
and in these days of Lent the women frequent them, as well as those
who, like me, have nothing else to do.
_Ex Urbe delacerata_ (From the ruined City), 22nd March 1443 (1444).
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _in Rome_
Since thy departure I have no news of thee save from one who saw thee
when leaving Siena, and who said thou wert well. I know not how thou
hast fared, as the weather has not been favourable, but by now thou
must be near Rome. I trust God has guided thee in safety; this week
has seemed to me like a year. Therefore I pray thee let me know how
thou art, and whether the journey has fatigued thee. Remember above
all to have care of thyself, and if thou needest aught from here let
me know. We are all well, thanks be to God. I say no more. God protect
thee.--The 21st day of February 1444 (1445).
Mona Contessina.[46]
_The Same to the Same_
To-day I received thy letter, and see that thou art well: please God
to preserve thee so. It has been told me that fever has begun there as
it did last summer; I pray thee if there be any danger come away, for
Roman fevers are bad. Remember Bartolommeo di Nanni di Nettolo, he had
enough of them: do not wait to fall ill, as Piero did at Ferrara.
I have a jar of excellent raisins, and will send it in a few days;
when it arrives see that it is given to Monsignore di Capora.
Lucrezia is well, she is stouter and altogether improved; she bids me
remind you of her salve. Shouldst thou need anything I can do for thee
tell me. Pray to those holy relics and to the Pardons, especially to
the Holy Face (_Sudario_), to give thee holiness.
Tell Riccio his people are well, and that I caused capons, spices,
saffron, and comfits to be given to the women for the confinement;
and Matteo, who has just come from the Mugello, says that he has sent
stakes for his vineyard. No more at present: Christ guard thee.--In
Florence, 20th March 1444 (1445).
Mona Contessina.[47]
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero
I have thy letter asking for the rose-coloured lucco[48] lined with
down, a jacket, and the boots. The hat I sent thee by Benedetto
Altoviti. The other things I will send next week. I have received
the steaks, the hams and the salted meat thou hast sent. I write so
shortly because the messenger is going off in haste. No more. God keep
thee.--From Florence on the 11th day of April 1445.
La Contessina.[49]
The following is the first letter from Lucrezia, the devoted wife
of Piero de’ Medici (the Gouty). She was the daughter of Cosimo de’
Medici’s intimate friend, Francesco Tornabuoni, and must have been a
remarkable woman. Cosimo had a high opinion of her ability; after his
death in 1464 her husband consulted her on all political questions, and
when she was absent kept her minutely informed about passing events.
She corresponded with many of the literary men of her time, was no mean
poetess, and many of her sacred plays and lauds were very popular.
Niccolò Valori praises her rare eloquence and her translations from
Holy Writ into the vulgar tongue. She was also an excellent housewife,
and by her tact, goodness, and kindly manners did much to preserve the
pre-eminence of the Medici. The education of her children occupied her
greatly, and few princes of that day were brought up like Lorenzo and
Giuliano. Lucrezia’s deep religious feeling was tempered by a joyous,
merry nature, which comes out in her letters, and accounts for the
affection she inspired in so many and such different people. It is
strange that no authentic portrait of her is known. One cannot help
thinking she must be depicted in Ghirlandajo’s fresco in the choir of
S. Maria Novella representing the life of S. John the Baptist, which
she narrated in her poem _La Vita di San Giovanni Battista_. The more
so that the fresco was commissioned by her brother Giovanni Tornabuoni,
and contains many portraits of his family and of friends and dependants
of the Medici. It is true it was painted a few years after her death,
still her image cannot have faded so rapidly from recollection.
Lucrezia de’ Medici, _at the Baths of Petriolo, to her husband_ Piero
_at Florence_
Lord and Master mine,--Yesterday I had a letter from thee advising
me what to do about the baths. I had already settled to do all thou
sayest in thy letter and whatever Maestro Giovanni orders; nothing
will seem fatiguing or irksome to me for regaining my health, which I
believe by the grace of God will improve, so I think you will all be
well pleased.
I see thou hast purged thyself and art going to the villa, of which I
am glad; be careful to keep well and do not give way to melancholy,
for I shall return cured and do honour to Maestro Giovanni, to whom I
show much attention, for he deserves it.