I saw the doubt in your mind seeing the difference in the demand, and
as you say there is reason for suspicion, not so much on account of
the differences as because it is evident the Duke [of Milan] is not
straightforward in this matter, so I wish you to try and discover what
the difference is, especially about these affairs at Bergamo and what
they mean, and also those of Valcamonica, which seem to me of small
account unless there is something concealed. As matters stand here,
one would not desire to move for so small a thing, and so I trust
you will do your utmost to prevent a rupture; we shall do the like,
and see whether it is not possible to refer these differences to the
Cardinal [di Santa Croce] like the others. The shame would be great to
fall out just when every one expects peace to be made. Franceschino
of Macerata was here yesterday, and from what I could gather had not
heard what was to be done in this affair; this I tell you for your
guidance, as it seems to me very suspicious, although I think the
Cardinal for his own interest will do all that is possible. About the
wheat business, as I said in my last, do not overburden yourself, else
you will have trouble; as it is, it has been a convenience. Ser P.,
the godfather,[12] of whom there was no mention last time, is now in
a strong position, and godfather and godmother are united. This is,
however, no reason for neglecting to take precautions, and we shall
take them; but as we are agreed about other matters, we do not wish
to draw back on this point alone, and perhaps our companion thinks
the same. Now let God lead us on the right path. As to the affairs
of Bordoni, let 24 florins be sent for the wool to the people of
Lombardy, and send again to those of the Riviera, thus setting all in
order; and directly after Easter the rest shall be sent, so that the
same can be written to the Marquess. I think if this had been done a
month ago, things would be in a better condition than they are now.
Towards Genoa things go on as usual, although I think they are hard
pressed; they have again lost a castle between Genoa and Savona, so
that all the western Riviera is under arms, and there is no doubt that
were we to do what we could do the province would rebel, but it is
better not to put it to the proof. I write no more, as I am pressed
for time. Christ guard you.--In Florence on the 1st day of April 1428.
Cosimo.[13]
The letters written by Cosimo de’ Medici to his cousin Averardo de’
Medici, in October and November of 1430 and February of 1431, relate to
the costly and disastrous war waged against Lucca, and require a few
explanatory sentences.
The war was proposed to the Commune of Florence by the impetuous
young leader of the aristocratic party in the city, and Cosimo, who
after the death of his father Giovanni was the recognised head of the
democracy, supported the proposals of his opponent and rival, Rinaldo
degl’ Albizzi. The war was popular. The Florentines believed that they
had secured the acquiescence of the Duke of Milan and of the Pope. All
things seemed to favour them (letter of February). The plan of the
Florentine generals in the field was to starve Lucca into surrender
by seizing on the districts of Camaiore and Pietrasanta, whence the
Lucchesi drew their supplies. The “Ten of the Balìa” or Florentine war
committee countermanded this prudent plan of campaign and their troops
could effect nothing against Lucca. The Lucchesi were hard pressed,
however, and appealed to the Duke of Milan. He permitted Francesco
Sforza to take service under Lucca, and that great general soon reduced
the Florentines to extremities. In their need they resolved to bribe
Sforza, and on receiving 50,000 florins he abandoned the Lucchesi. The
“tyrant” of Lucca, Paolo Guinigi, was overthrown; the city became a
Republic, and sued for peace. But Florence resolved to prosecute the
war, and engaged Count Guido Antonio di Montefeltro, Lord of Urbino,
as their general. Thereupon the Lucchesi again appealed to the Duke
of Milan, who permitted Niccolò Piccinino and his troops to take
service under Lucca. The continual interference of the “Ten” with their
generals in the field resulted in one defeat after another. In these
circumstances Cosimo wrote his October letter. He recognises that the
conduct of the war by Florence had been disastrous; sees, when too late
(for the Milanese troops prevented it), that Lucca ought to have been
starved into surrender; and declares that the only way out of their
difficulties is for Florence to induce Venice to attack Milan from
the north. As the “Ten” from their gross mismanagement of the war had
occurred great opprobrium in the city, and as there was little prospect
of matters improving without aid from Venice, the astute Cosimo advises
that none of his prominent friends shall stand as candidate for
election to the Balìa. The letter of December relates to a proposed
embassy to Venice to urge the great Republic to attack Milan.
The war went on for three years longer, and though we have no more
comments of Cosimo on the matter its course may be indicated. Venice
did at length yield to the prayers of the Tuscan Republic, and this
brought her rival Genoa into the fray. At last all parties were weary
of the strife and desired peace. The Marquesses Ettore of Este and
Lodovico of Saluzzo were named arbiters. The Cardinal di Santa Croce
again worked for harmony. A general peace was concluded on April 26,
1433, and its publication in Florence on May 10th was celebrated with
all manner of popular rejoicings.
In the midst of these wars and intrigues it is pleasant to see the good
Contessina careful only that her boys should be brought up in the old
Florentine fashion and that her husband should be properly clad.
Cosimo evidently continued to “be chary with ink and paper,” at all
events to his wife; as when he was again absent at Ferrara with their
two sons, Contessina corresponded with Giovanni, the youngest, who was
barely fourteen.
Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _at Ferrara_
I wrote to thee a few days ago, so have but little to say. By a letter
from Ser Alexo I gather you are all well, God be thanked. We are the
same, thanks be to God. I hear that thou desirest to come home and
dost not like the place. Thou shouldest be glad to be there, if only
to be in the bank and to learn something. Besides it is not healthy
here. Therefore, my son, I beg thee not to think of returning until
the plague has ceased, and say the same to Piero. Let me know what
clothes he has had made as I do not know what he wore when he left,
and he has not asked me to send his coat lined with cloth. It has
been very hot here for several days, and I suppose will have been the
same there; so be careful and keep cool. I do not know why Cosimo
has not told me to send his summer clothes, but I think he intends
to return any day. Do thy best to please him in all things, and see
that he wants for nothing; though they tell me he is quite fat, which
is all that is needful. Commend me to madonna Dina and salute monna
Ginevra and thank them from me; Ser Alano tells me they treat you
both as though you were their brothers. I should also like much to
know whether thou art working in the bank, thou or Piero, and whether
Cosimo makes use of Piero. Mind and write this to me. I add no more.
Christ guard thee.--At Castelluccio, 6th June 1430.
Thy Contessina.[14]
In the autumn of the same year Cosimo again left Florence, partly on
account of the plague, but probably also on account of the bitter
party strife in the city. He writes to his cousin from Verona and then
from Ostiglia, where he heard the news of the defeat of the Florentine
troops near Lucca.
Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Averardo de’ Medici _at Pisa_
During the last few days I have written thee several letters; this
morning I received thine of the 18th and with it some letters received
by thee from Florence; I have understood, &c. &c., and reply herewith.
I see thou hast been at Florence and understand thou hast to go there
again; the death of Francesco di Tomaso is a great loss, but if the
plague increases I advise thee not to think of business but of saving
thy life.
The affairs of Lucca do not appear to turn out as we expected, which
displeases me; and the money spent on Count Francesco [Sforza] was
thrown away. Every one laughs at us because he could not remain on
account of the plague, and only consumed the provisions of the people.
It is clear that all that happened and is happening at Lucca has been
done with the knowledge and by the orders of the Duke [of Milan],
particularly as the principal fortresses are in his hands; it appears
to me therefore that there is no hope of getting them by treaty or by
any way save famine, and I suspect the Duke has known how to grasp
fortune, and his troops being near, has provisioned Pietrasanta. The
war will thus last longer than we wished, and all because we would
not when we could. May God forgive those who are the cause. If some
of the present Signori had not enough sense to be of the Ten of the
Balia, instead of ten they should be made nine ... as I already told
thee. It does not seem to me advisable to be one of the Ten of the
Balia this time, partly to let others have their turn, partly because,
on account of party divisions, I do not think the affairs of our
city can prosper; things will go as they did before or even worse on
account of events in Lombardy, for if the enemy is not attacked from
there, it is useless to expect help from here. I am therefore writing
to the Gonfalonier and to Antonio di Ser Tomaso to beg that neither
Lorenzo[15] nor I should be nominated, and I advise thee to do the
same. There are Messer Niccolò Valori and Luca di Messer Maso who
would do well and be pleased.
In my last I told thee that Lorenzo and the children were going to
Venice, as there are some cases of plague here; now they are gone.
If it continues I suppose we must also leave.... No more at present.
Christ guard thee.--Verona, 21st October 1430.[16]
Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Averardo de’ Medici
I arrived here late this evening and found thy letter of the 4th
telling me about the affairs of Lucca; right glad was I to get it,
as yesterday on the road to Venice I heard far worse news. God be
thanked. We certainly seem to have shown but little prudence; we will
talk of this when we meet. Our people ought to hear what is said of us
and how little we are esteemed; if we go on thus we shall be treated
like Jews. I just hear that I have been elected ambassador together
with Francesco Tornabuoni, and have understood about future movements.
I was on the point of coming back on account of our own affairs and
also about this nomination, of which I have only now been told, for it
will be most inconvenient if I have to go, on account of our private
affairs and also because I am not properly prepared, being away from
home. I have therefore determined to come back at once and try to be
exonerated. I think our friends will be willing to serve us if thou
bestirrest thyself. Thou writest as though my going was certain, so
perhaps I shall receive orders and have to start without returning
home, which would be most awkward. If it be so tell Bernardo de’
Medici to send me those suits which are at home, for as thou knowest
we are in mourning and I have no clothes with me; also I shall have to
provide myself with attendants and horses, I have but seven, and must
have twelve at least. I write this, not because I have made up my mind
to go, for this journey would be most irksome, but because if it is
absolutely necessary I must go in a manner befitting the honour of the
Commune.... No more. Christ guard thee.--In Ostilia [near Rimini] on
the 10th day of December 1430.
_P.S._--I intend taking the road by Ravenna and Faenza.[17]
Cosimo did not go, and Francesco Tornabuoni was sent alone to Venice.
Cosimo de’ Medici _at Florence to_ Averardo de’ Medici _at Pisa_
I wrote to thee the other day by Pietro Chaetano, and have had no
letter from thee since. This will be given to thee by Battista of
Verrazano, who was it seems once employed in thy office, and is, I am
told, a worthy man: he asks me to recommend him to thee, and I do so.
About the affairs of Lucca I say nothing, because where thou art thou
wilt hear them sooner than I. There are those who, hoping to see
injury and infamy inflicted on others, would inflict injury and infamy
on the Commune, and try with all their might to bring this about;
which shows an evil nature. Nevertheless I think this enterprise is
generally popular, and seeing things have gone so far as to implicate
the honour of the Commune, every one ought to favour it as much as
possible; and this I am doing here, and advise thee, although I know
there is no need, to act likewise.
Letters have come from the Duke displaying great affection for this
Commune and promising every help in this affair. There are also
letters from our ambassador at Rome, saying that the Pope and all the
Cardinals are of the same mind, so it appears to me that they are
abandoned by all, and if they are wise will submit.
From Lorenzo[18] I have a letter of the 80th, and by what he says
he must now have left Venice for Milan together with Messer Andrea
Contarini. They have hopes of doing good business during this year,
particularly as I understand the Duke is in need. Thou shalt hear as
soon as I know anything.
I hear thou hast had a few cases of plague, which grieves me: here
also in the last two or three days there have been some cases, which
makes one fear it may increase. The loss and damage to the city will
be great. I have been thinking where to go, and as far as I can learn
there are three places, either Arezzo in thy house near Anghiari,
Bologna or Modena, or some distance into the Venetian territory, where
it appears to be perfectly healthy. It does not seem to me wise to
come there [Pisa] or to go near Siena or Perugia, for they are all
suspect, as is the Romagna and the Malatesta district, where also
they are preparing for war. As I said it is a serious matter, and
I should like to have thy advice. No more at present. Christ guard
thee.--February 1430 (1431).[19]
In April 1433 the war with Lucca came to an end, leaving things
very much as they were before, and the bitter hatred between Cosimo
de’ Medici and Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi grew in intensity. The nobles
accused Cosimo of using his riches to buy popularity, and he withdrew
almost entirely from public life and retired to Cafaggiuolo, his
fortress-villa in the Mugello. What followed is best told in his own
words, translated from his diary.
On the election of the new Signory (September 1433) it was rumoured
that during their rule great changes were to be made. News was sent
to me in the Mugello, where I had been for some months in order
to escape from the contests and divisions in the city, that my
presence was necessary. So on the 4th of September I returned, and
on the same day visited the Gonfalonier and the others, as well as
Giovanni dello Scelto who I thought was my friend, and who was under
obligations to me, as were also the others. When I told them what
I had heard, they denied it, and told me to be of good cheer, as
they hoped to leave the city in the same condition as they found it
when their time was up. On the 5th they called a council of eight
citizens, saying they desired their advice on certain matters. They
were Messer Giovanni Guicciardini, Bartolommeo Ridolfi, Ridolfo
Peruzzi, Tommaso di Lapo Corsi, Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Giovanni
di Messer Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, Messer Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi, and
myself, Cosimo. So although, as has been said, it was reported that a
revolution was imminent, yet, having their assurances and believing
them to be my friends, I did not credit it. On the morning of the
7th, under colour of the said council, they sent for me; and when I
arrived at the Palace I found most of my companions and we talked
together. After some time I was told by order of the Signory to go
upstairs, and by the captain of the infantry I was put into a room
called the Barbaria,[20] and locked in. On hearing this the whole
city rose. During the day a council was held by the citizens who had
been summoned, and the Gonfalonier told them I had been detained for
a good reason, which would be explained another time, and that the
Signory desired no advice on this point, and so dismissed them. And
the Signori banished me to Padua for a year. This decision was at
once made known to my brother Lorenzo, who was in the Mugello, and
to Averardo, my cousin, who was at Pisa. The news was also sent to
Niccolò da Tolentino, captain of the Commune, who was my good friend.
Lorenzo came to Florence that same day, and the Signori sent for him,
but he being warned why they wanted him, left at once, and returned
to Trebbio.[21] Averardo also left Pisa in haste, as they had given
orders to seize him. Had they taken us all three, we should have been
in evil plight. Niccolò da Tolentino, on hearing the news, came to
Lastra with his company, intending to raise the city, so that I might
be released. At the same time, when it was known in the mountains of
the Romagna and in other places, great numbers of foot-soldiers went
to Lorenzo. But the captain and Lorenzo were advised not to make a
disturbance, or evil might befall me, so they desisted. Although this
advice was given by relations and friends, and in all sincerity, yet
it was not good, for had they advanced at once I should have been
free, and he who was the cause of all would have been undone. We
may, however, say that all was for the best, as in the end good came
of it, and more honour to me, as I shall relate hereafter. My friends
being averse, as I have said, to create any disturbance, the captain
returned to his quarters, pretending that he had come for another
reason, and Lorenzo went to Venice with my sons, taking with him
all he could of money and small valuables. And the Signori banished
Lorenzo to Venice for a year, myself to Padua for five years, and
Averardo to Naples for five years. Then on the 9th the bell was rung
for a parliament, and those who had been the cause of all assembled
on the Piazza with much infantry. Twenty-three citizens were also
summoned, verily a small number, and but few of the people were
present, because in truth the mass of the citizens were ill-pleased.
The Oration of Cosimo de’ Medici to the Signory _when sentence of exile
was pronounced against him_.[22]
If I thought that this my misfortune and terrible ruin might serve
to bring peace to this blessed people, not only would exile be
acceptable, but I should even welcome death, if I were sure that my
descendants, O Signori, might pride themselves on my having been the
cause of the wished-for union of your Republic. As you have decided
that I am to go to Padua, I declare that I am content to go, and to
stay wherever you command, not only in the Trevisian State, but should
you send me to live amongst the Arabs, or any other people alien to
our customs, I would go most willingly; and if your Lordships command
me to discover the origin of the ill, as a beloved son is bound to
obey his father’s wishes and a good servant the orders of his master,
so would I obey you for the peace of your people. One thing I beg
of you, O Signori, that seeing you intend to preserve my life, you
take care that it should not be taken by wicked citizens, and thus
you be put to shame. I do not so much fear the pain of death as the
abominable infamy of undeserved assassination, for a violent death
is the manifest sign and outcome of a bad life, and I have not led
the life of a villain, but of an honest and good merchant. Even if
I have not been faultless, I have always tried to merit the love of
good men, because my actions were good. As, however, disaster comes to
me by your orders, I accept it as a boon, and as a benefit to me and
to my belongings. Have a care, O Signori, that those should not have
their way who are in the Piazza with arms in their hands and anxiously
desire my blood, without regard for my innocence. My pain would be
small, because such a death being over in a short time cannot be very
painful or hard to bear; nothing is so brief as death. But you would
earn perpetual infamy by having made me a promise which was broken
by villainous citizens: infamy is worse than an innocent death. If
I go to the Trevisian State, I leave my heart and my soul with you,
and shall only be happy when I can do something for the good of your
people, as I pray you and every good citizen to do. Every trouble will
be easy to bear as long as I know that my adversity will bring peace
and happiness to the city. I know, and this is no small comfort to me,
that I never permitted wrong to be done to any one. I never frequented
the Palace[23] save when I was summoned; I never roused hatred of
the Republic amongst your subalterns, because I never ill-treated
them; I always declined to be nominated an official, which is often
prejudicial to the body and hurtful to the soul; with no small pride
I affirm that none can say my ill-behaviour ever caused a city to
rebel or to be taken from you; on the contrary, our money bought
several: ask your soldiers how many times they were paid by me for the
Commune with my own money, to be returned to me when convenient to
the Commune. Never have I been found wanting when the Commune could be
enlarged, and although I am exiled, I shall ever be ready at the call
of this people. In conclusion, O Signori, I pray God to keep you in
his grace and in happiness in this fortunate Republic, and to give me
patience to bear my unhappy life.
* * * * *
Balìa was given by the parliament to certain citizens and I was
banished to Padua for ten years, Lorenzo to Venice for five, Averardo
to Naples for ten, Orlando de’ Medici to Ancona for ten years, and
Giovanni di Andrea di Messer Alamanno and Bernardo d’Alamanno de’
Medici to Rimini. My branch of the family were created Grandi (_i.e._
incapable of holding any magisterial office), with the exception of
the sons of Messer Vieri, and the sons of Antonio di Giovenco de’
Medici, because Bernardetto was much beloved by the Captain of War,
and in deference to the Captain, Averardo and his brothers were passed
over. We were more rigorously dealt with, particularly in that I was
forbidden to sell any possessions or to touch my money in the Monte,
and I was kept in the Palace until the 3rd day of October.
When this was known in Venice three ambassadors were sent here, who
left no means untried to procure my liberation, offering to keep me
in Venice, and promising that I would do nothing against the Signory,
and would obey all orders. Though they could not obtain my freedom
yet their advent was most useful, for there were those who desired
my death, and they secured a promise that no harm should be done to
my person. In like manner the Marquess of Ferrara sent orders to the
Captain of the Balìa, who was Messer Lodovico del Ronco of Modena, a
subject of his, that if I were put in his hands he was to treat me as
though I were Messer Lionardo his son, and that if he fled with me he
was to fear nothing.
They kept me, as has been said, until the 3rd of October for two
reasons; first, to obtain permission from the Balìa to rule the city
according to their pleasure, threatening to kill me if it was not
given; thus those of my friends and relations who were in the Balìa
were fain to agree to all they wished. Secondly, they thought to
ruin us by preventing me from making use of what was mine. But in
this they failed, for we lost no credit, and many foreign merchants
and gentlemen offered to us, and even sent to Venice, large sums of
money. Finding at length that their plan of making us bankrupt did
not succeed, Bernardo Guadagni (the Gonfalonier), being offered money
by two persons, 500 florins by the Captain of War, and 500 by the
treasurer of S. Maria Nuova, which were paid him in cash, and Mariotto
Balduinetto being offered 800 florins by Baccio d’Antonio di Baccio,
they took me out of the Palace and accompanied me beyond the Porta
S. Gallo. They had small intelligence, for they might have had ten
thousand or more for allowing me to escape from peril.