Customs of the Tagalogs

(_Two Relations by Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F._)

After receiving your Lordship's letter, I wished to reply immediately;

but I postponed my answer in order that I might first thoroughly

inform myself in regard to your request, and to avoid discussing

the conflicting reports of the Indians, who are wont to tell what

suits their purpose. Therefore, to this end, I collected Indians from

different districts--old men, and those of most capacity, all known

to me; and from them I have obtained the simple truth, after weeding

out much foolishness, in regard to their government, administration

of justice, inheritances, slaves, and dowries. [25] It is as follows:

_Customs of the Tagalogs_

This people always had chiefs, called by them _datos_, who governed

them and were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and

reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them,

or spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as

a hundred houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal

gathering is called in Tagalo a _barangay_. It was inferred that the

reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they

are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when

they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat,

thus called--as is discussed at length in the first chapter of the

first ten chapters--became a _dato_. And so, even at the present day,

it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of

parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of these

barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did

not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to

one another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in

their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there

were three castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the

free-born whom they call _maharlica_. They did not pay tax or tribute

to the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The

chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided

the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he

summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had

to be fed for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to

clear up his lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were

divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion,

and thus each one knew his own. No one belonging to another barangay

would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands

on the _tingues_, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in

common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest,

any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come

from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it,

and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as,

for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas,

paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this

was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied

the lands, which the new chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own

gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable

land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But

now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided.

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established

limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could

fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege,

unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village.

The commoners are called _aliping namamahay_. They are married, and

serve their master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their

cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied

him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live

in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their

children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children,

then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves

(_sa guiguilir_) nor can either parents or children be sold. If they

should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who

was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from

their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their

native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.

The slaves are called _aliping sa guiguilir_. They serve their master

in his house and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master

grants them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited

through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they

may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born in the

house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of

captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields.

Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby

themselves making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a

slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person among those

who were made slaves (_sa guiguilir_)--through war, by the trade of

goldsmith, or otherwise--happened to possess any gold beyond the sum

that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus

a _namamahay_, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom

was never less than five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave

ten or more taels, as they might agree, he became wholly free. An

amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having divided all

the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of

his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of

these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left,

they parted it in the middle.

The difference between the _aliping namamahay_ and the _aliping sa

guiguilir_, should be noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms,

many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing

that the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom

of taking away the children of the _aliping namamahay_, making use

of them as they would of the _aliping sa guiguilir_, as servants in

their households, which is illegal, and if the _aliping namamahay_

should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an _aliping_ as

well as his father and mother before him and no reservation is made

as to whether he is _aliping namamahay_ or _atiping sa guiguilir_. He

is at once considered an _alipin_, without further declaration. In

this way he becomes a _sa guiguilir_, and is even sold. Consequently,

the alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone

asks for his _alipin_, to which class he belongs, and to have the

answer put in the document that they give him.

In these three classes, those who are _maharlicas_ on both the father's

and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that

they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon

explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the

children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children

by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to

give her master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of death,

and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such a case

half of the child was free--namely, the half belonging to the father,

who supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed

that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the latter

was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they

were all free, provided he were not her husband.

If two persons married, of whom one was a _maharlica_ and the other

a slave, whether _namamahay_ or _sa guiguilir_, the children were

divided: the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father,

as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth

fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father were

free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave,

all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to

the mother. If there should not be more than one child he was half

free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division,

whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell

under the category of servitude which was their parent's, either

namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children,

the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to

ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of

children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of

these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the

namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred. However,

they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided

they remained in the same village.

The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to

another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain

fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller

according to the inclination of the different villages, running from

one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure

to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which

the person left and the one which he entered. This applied equally

to men and women, except that when one married a woman of another

village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two

barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief,

which is no longer the case--because, if the dato is energetic and

commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him

and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them

and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they now

prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need

of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place

in the presence of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants

felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from

another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since

they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men,

who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the

controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war,

they also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if

the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony

they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.

They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth

who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches,

and others of the same class.

They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the

death-penalty. As for the witches, they killed them, and their

children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had

made some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses

were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness,

exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the

person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in

the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all their produce

belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and

clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time

as he might amass enough money to pay the fine. If the father should

by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and

clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept

possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last

was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had

some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render

the latter half his service until he was paid--not, however, service

within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently,

as aliping namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise,

the culprit had to pay the double of what was lent him. In this way

slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the

master to whom the judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they

served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of

usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession;

for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the

one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits

until he pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil;

and thus borrowers become slaves, and after the death of the father

the children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be

paid. This system should and can be reformed.

As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother

inherited equally, except in the case where the father and mother

showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold taels,

or perhaps a jewel.

When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to

marry him to a chief's daughter, the dowry was greater than the

sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole

property to be divided. But any other thing that should have been

given to any son, though it might be for some necessity, was taken

into consideration at the time of the partition of the property,

unless the parents should declare that such a bestowal was made

outside of the inheritance. If one had had children by two or more

legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of

his mother, with its increase, and that share of his father's estate

which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one of his

slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in

the inheritance; but the legitimate children were bound to free the

mother, and to give him something--a tael or a slave, if the father

were a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the

unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he had

also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given

but who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as

natural children, although the child by the unmarried woman should

have been begotten after his marriage. Such children did not inherit

equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For

example, if there were two children, the legitimate one had two parts,

and the one of the _inaasava_ one part. When there were no children

by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or

_inaasava_, the latter inherited all. If he had a child by a slave

woman, that child received his share as above stated. If there were

no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether

there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance went only

to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of the

deceased, who gave to the slave-child as above stated.

In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was

married, if the husband punished the adulterer this was considered

a dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the

inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing

more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest

relatives inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not

punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter

was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It

should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored

by the punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By

the punishment of the father the child was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the

double of what was paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold

tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died,

the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. But if this child

should die first, his children do not inherit from the second father,

for the arrangement stops at that point.

This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being

protected as a child. On this account this manner of adoption common

among them is considered lawful.

Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are

living, they enjoy the use of it. At their death, provided the dowry

has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate,

equally among the children, except in case the father should care to

bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the

time of her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents,

she enjoys her dowry--which, in such a case, belongs to no other

relative or child. It should be noticed that unmarried women can own

no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors

accrues to their parents.

In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left

the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and

an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him,

and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband

left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was

returned to him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce,

the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for

them by their grandparents or other responsible relatives.

I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon

the death of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children,

the parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had

died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the

dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained

that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that

when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their

sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given

immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal

more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he

who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the

practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine

was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter

should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or

her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received

was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they

paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design

to separate the children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning

customs observed among these natives in all this Laguna and the

tingues, and among the entire Tagalo race. The old men say that a

dato who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and,

in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned them

and adjudged them wicked.

Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving

aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them,

a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending

the account in this clear and concise form because I had received no

orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is

certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-mayor,

accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be

found in their opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in

every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your

Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would

be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlán,

October 21, 1589.

_Fray Juan de Plasencia_ [26]

_Relation of the Worship of the Tagalogs, Their Gods, and Their

Burials and Superstitions_

In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands,

there are no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices,

the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It

is true that they have the name _simbahan_, which means a temple or

place of adoration; but this is because, formerly, when they wished to

celebrate a festival, which they called _pandot_, or "worship," they

celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed,

for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed

on each side of the house, with a roof, called _sibi_, to protect the

people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house

that it might contain many people--dividing it, after the fashion

of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they

set small lamps, called _sorihile_; in the center of the house they

placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought

into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and

small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was

usually four days. During this time the whole barangay, or family,

united and joined in the worship which they call _nagaanitos_. The

house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.

Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they

especially worshiped. The title seems to signify "all powerful,"

or "maker of all things." They also worshiped the sun, which, on

account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by

heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon, especially when it was new,

at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it

welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not

know them by their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the

planets--with the one exception of the morning star, which they called

Tala. They knew, too, the "seven little goats" [the Pleiades]--as

we call them--and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they

call Mapolon; and Balatic, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed

many idols called _lic-ha_, which were images with different shapes;

and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored,

as did the Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and

endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for

protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian

masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols

called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands

and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water-lizards called by them

_buaya_, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. They were

even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they

carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it

upon the bank.

They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they

witnessed. For example, if they left their house and met on the

way a serpent or rat, or a bird called _Tigmamanuguin_ which was

singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed,

they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an

augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their

journey--especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had

two different forms: in the one case it was considered as an evil

omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their

journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons,

such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their

possessor whenever occasion should offer.

These natives had no established division of years, months, and days;

these are determined by the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons,

and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers,

fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. The

winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time--the

latter term designating winter in those regions, where there is no

cold, snow, or ice.

It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the

seasons are not quite the same, for at Christmas it gets somewhat

cooler. The years, since the advent of the Spaniards, have been

determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper

names, and they have been divided into weeks.

Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer

to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of the idol,

which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet,

or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it

in poetic songs sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who

is called _catolonan_. The participants made responses to the song,

beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they

were in need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all

became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were accustomed

to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the

cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without

having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into

the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance,

filled her with so great arrogance--he being the cause of it--that

she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a

fearful sight to those beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance

and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when

in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form

of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions,

to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him. This,

however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats,

fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid before

the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice

until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and

the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol;

and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos--which is a

small fruit [27] wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally

eaten in these regions--as well as fried food and fruits. All the

above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the

heads [of the animals], after being "offered," as they expressed it,

were cooked and eaten also.

The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition

to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick

person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good

harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful

delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this

took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.

In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their

eyes were blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime,

the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of food and

drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl

to the water, bathed her and washed her head, and removed the bandage

from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the

girls might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to

their taste, who would not leave them widows in their youth.

The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows:

The first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or a

woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and was

held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all

the islands.

The second they called _mangagauay_, or witches, who deceived by

pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced maladies by

their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the

witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished

to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year

by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the

devil, or at least his substance. This office was general throughout

the land. The third they called _manyisalat_, which is the same as

magagauay. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to

lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in

fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the latter. If

the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring

sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge

blood and matter. This office was also general throughout the land.

The fourth was called _mancocolam_, whose duty it was to emit fire

from himself at night, once or oftener each month. This fire could

not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest

wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he

who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit

this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.

The fifth was called _hocloban_, which is another kind of witch, of

greater efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine,

and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they

chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by

their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they

wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they

were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes,

an island off the upper part of Luzon.

The sixth was called _silagan_, whose office it was, if they saw anyone

clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his

death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let

no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they

tore out in this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish

notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Mérida.

The seventh was called _magtatangal_, and his purpose was to show

himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In

such wise the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry,

his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his

body--remaining, as before, alive. This seems to me to be a fable,

although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil

probably caused them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.

The eighth they called _osuang_, which is equivalent to "sorcerer;"

they say that they have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and

ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos

these did not exist.

The ninth was another class of witches called _mangagayoma_. They

made charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would

infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people, although

sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their

ends.

The tenth was known as _sonat_, which is equivalent to "preacher." It

was his office to help one to die, at which time he predicted the

salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the

functions of this office to be fulfilled by others than people of

high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was held. This

office was general throughout the islands.

The eleventh, _pangatahojan_, was a soothsayer, and predicted the

future. This office was general in all the islands.

The twelfth, _bayoguin_, signified a "cotquean," a man whose nature

inclined toward that of a woman.

Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was

buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath

a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before

interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him

on a boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the

porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave. In place of rowers,

various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned

a place at the oar by twos--male and female of each species being

together--as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was

the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had

been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in

this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay;

and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing

dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied

of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This

was a custom of the Tagalos.

The Aetas, [28] or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had

also a form of burial, but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular

hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head

or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was

to serve him as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some Indian,

whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To

this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their

necks until some one of them procured the death of the innocent one.

These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of

rest which they called _maca_, just as if we should say "paradise,"

or, in other words, "village of rest." They say that those who go

to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived

without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They

said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place

of punishment, grief, and affliction, called _casanaan_, which was

"a place of anguish;" they also maintained that no one would go to

heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, "the maker of all things,"

who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed

more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan;

they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt

the demons, whom they called _sitan_.

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has

been stated: _catolonan; sonat_ (who was a sort of bishop who ordained

priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as

before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him);

_mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal,

osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan_. [29]

There were also ghosts, which they called _vibit_; and phantoms,

which they called _Tigbalaang_. They had another deception--namely,

that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered

punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This

was called _patianac_. May the honor and glory be God our Lord's,

that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left; and that

those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to

the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 07 of 55 1588-1591 Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century · 第 21 / 45 题