CHAPTER XXII.

DESCENT OF THE MATTERHORN.

Hudson and I again consulted as to the best and safest arrangement of

the party. We agreed that it would be best for Croz to go first,[78]

and Hadow second; Hudson, who was almost equal to a guide in sureness

of foot, wished to be third; Lord F. Douglas was placed next, and old

Peter, the strongest of the remainder, after him. I suggested to Hudson

that we should attach a rope to the rocks on our arrival at the

difficult bit, and hold it as we descended, as an additional

protection. He approved the idea, but it was not definitely settled

that it should be done. The party was being arranged in the above order

whilst I was sketching the summit, and they had finished, and were

waiting for me to be tied in line, when some one remembered that our

names had not been left in a bottle. They requested me to write them

down, and moved off while it was being done.

[78] If the members of the party had been more equally efficient, Croz

would have been placed _last_.

A few minutes afterward I tied myself to young Peter, ran down after

the others, and caught them just as they were commencing the descent of

the difficult part.[79] Great care was being taken. Only one man was

moving at a time: when he was firmly planted, the next advanced, and so

on. They had not, however, attached the additional rope to rocks, and

nothing was said about it. The suggestion was not made for my own sake,

and I am not sure that it even occurred to me again. For some little

distance we two followed the others, detached from them, and should

have continued so had not Lord F. Douglas asked me, about 3 P.M. to tie

on to old Peter, as he feared, he said, that Taugwalder would not be

able to hold his ground if a slip occurred.

[79] Described upon pp. 388-9.

A few minutes later a sharp-eyed lad ran into the Monte Rosa hotel to

Seiler, saying that he had seen an avalanche fall from the summit of

the Matterhorn on to the Matterhorngletscher. The boy was reproved for

telling idle stories: he was right, nevertheless, and this was what he

saw.

Michel Croz had laid aside his axe, and in order to give Mr. Hadow

greater security was absolutely taking hold of his legs and putting his

feet, one by one, into their proper positions.[80] As far as I know, no

one was actually descending. I cannot speak with certainty, because the

two leading men were partially hidden from my sight by an intervening

mass of rock, but it is my belief, from the movements of their

shoulders, that Croz, having done as I have said, was in the act of

turning round to go down a step or two himself: at this moment Mr.

Hadow slipped, fell against him and knocked him over. I heard one

startled exclamation from Croz, then saw him and Mr. Hadow flying

downward: in another moment Hudson was dragged from his steps, and Lord

F. Douglas immediately after him.[81] All this was the work of a

moment. Immediately we heard Croz’s exclamation, old Peter and I

planted ourselves as firmly as the rocks would permit:[82] the rope was

taut between us, and the jerk came on us both as on one man. We held,

but the rope broke midway between Taugwalder and Lord Francis Douglas.

For a few seconds we saw our unfortunate companions sliding downward on

their backs, and spreading out their hands, endeavoring to save

themselves. They passed from our sight uninjured, disappeared one by

one, and fell from precipice to precipice on to the Matterhorngletscher

below, a distance of nearly four thousand feet in height. From the

moment the rope broke it was impossible to help them.

[80] Not at all an unusual proceeding, even between born mountaineers.

I wish to convey the impression that Croz was using all pains, rather

than to indicate extreme inability on the part of Mr. Hadow. The

insertion of the word ‘absolutely’ makes the passage, perhaps, rather

ambiguous. I retain it now, in order to offer the above explanation.

[81] At the moment of the accident, Croz, Hadow, and Hudson, were all

close together. Between Hudson and Lord F. Douglas the rope was all

but taut, and the same between all the others who were _above_. Croz

was standing by the side of a rock which afforded good hold, and if he

had been aware, or had suspected, that anything was about to occur, he

might and would have gripped it, and would have prevented any

mischief. He was taken totally by surprise. Mr. Hadow slipped off his

feet on to his back, his feet struck Croz in the small of the back,

and knocked him right over, head first. Croz’s axe was out of his

reach, and without it he managed to get his head uppermost before he

disappeared from our sight. If it had been in his hand I have no doubt

that he would have stopped himself and Mr. Hadow.

Mr. Hadow, at the moment of the slip, was not occupying a bad

position. He could have moved either up or down, and could touch

with his hand the rock of which I have spoken. Hudson was not so

well placed, but he had liberty of motion. The rope was not taut

from him to Hadow, and the two men fell ten or twelve feet before

the jerk came upon him. Lord F. Douglas was not favourably placed,

and could neither move up nor down. Old Peter was firmly planted,

and stood just beneath a large rock which he hugged with both arms.

I enter into these details to make it more apparent that the

position occupied by the party at the moment of the accident was

not by any means excessively trying. We were compelled to pass over

the exact spot where the slip occurred, and we found—even with

shaken nerves—that _it_ was not a difficult place to pass. I have

described the _slope generally_ as difficult, and it is so

undoubtedly to most persons; but it must be distinctly understood

that Mr. Hadow slipped at an easy part.

[82] Or, more correctly, we held on as tightly as possible. There was

no time to change our position.

[Illustration: ROPE BROKEN ON THE MATTERHORN.]

So perished our comrades! For the space of half an hour we remained on

the spot without moving a single step. The two men, paralyzed by

terror, cried like infants, and trembled in such a manner as to

threaten us with the fate of the others. Old Peter rent the air with

exclamations of “Chamounix!—oh, what will Chamounix say?” He meant, Who

would believe that Croz could fall?

The young man did nothing but scream or sob, “We are lost! we are

lost!” Fixed between the two, I could move neither up nor down. I

begged young Peter to descend, but he dared not. Unless he did, we

could not advance. Old Peter became alive to the danger, and swelled

the cry, “We are lost! we are lost!” The father’s fear was natural—he

trembled for his son; the young man’s fear was cowardly—he thought of

self alone. At last old Peter summoned up courage, and changed his

position to a rock to which he could fix the rope: the young man then

descended, and we all stood together. Immediately we did so, I asked

for the rope which had given way, and found, to my surprise—indeed, to

my horror—that it was the weakest of the three ropes. It was not

brought, and should not have been employed, for the purpose for which

it was used. It was old rope, and, compared with the others, was

feeble. It was intended as a reserve, in case we had to leave much rope

behind attached to rocks. I saw at once that a serious question was

involved, and made them give me the end. It had broken in mid-air, and

it did not appear to have sustained previous injury.

For more than two hours afterward I thought almost every moment that

the next would be my last, for the Taugwalders, utterly unnerved, were

not only incapable of giving assistance, but were in such a state that

a slip might have been expected from them at any moment. After a time

we were able to do that which should have been done at first, and fixed

rope to firm rocks, in addition to being tied together. These ropes

were cut from time to time, and were left behind.[83] Even with their

assurance the men were afraid to proceed, and several times old Peter

turned with ashy face and faltering limbs, and said with terrible

emphasis, _“I cannot!”_

[83] These ends, I believe, are still attached to the rocks, and mark

our line of ascent and descent.

About 6 P.M. we arrived at the snow upon the ridge descending toward

Zermatt, and all peril was over. We frequently looked, but in vain, for

traces of our unfortunate companions: we bent over the ridge and cried

to them, but no sound returned. Convinced at last that they were within

neither sight nor hearing, we ceased from our useless efforts, and, too

cast down for speech, silently gathered up our things and the little

effects of those who were lost, preparatory to continuing the descent.

When lo! a mighty arch appeared, rising above the Lyskamm high into the

sky. Pale, colorless and noiseless, but perfectly sharp and defined,

except where it was lost in the clouds, this unearthly apparition

seemed like a vision from another world, and almost appalled we watched

with amazement the gradual development of two vast crosses, one on

either side. If the Taugwalders had not been the first to perceive it,

I should have doubted my senses. They thought it had some connection

with the accident, and I, after a while, that it might bear some

relation to ourselves. But our movements had no effect upon it. The

spectral forms remained motionless. It was a fearful and wonderful

sight, unique in my experience, and impressive beyond description,

coming at such a moment.[84]

[84] See Frontispiece. I paid very little attention to this remarkable

phenomenon, and was glad when it disappeared, as it distracted our

attention. Under ordinary circumstances I should have felt vexed

afterwards at not having observed with greater precision an occurrence

so rare and so wonderful. I can add very little about it to that which

is said above. The sun was directly at our backs; that is to say, the

fog-bow was opposite to the sun. The time was 6.30 P.M. The forms were

at once tender and sharp; neutral in tone; were developed gradually,

and disappeared suddenly. The mists were light (that is, not dense),

and were dissipated in the course of the evening.

It has been suggested that the crosses are incorrectly figured in

the Frontispiece, and that they were probably formed by the

intersection of other circles or ellipses, as shown in the annexed

diagram. I think this suggestion is very likely correct; but I have

preferred to follow my original memorandum.

In Parry’s _Narrative of an Attempt to reach the North Pole_, 4to,

1828, there is, at pp. 99-100, an account of the occurrence of a

phenomenon analogous to the above-mentioned one. “At half-past five

P.M. we witnessed a very beautiful natural phenomenon. A broad

white fog-bow first appeared opposite to the sun, as was very

commonly the case,” etc. I follow Parry in using the term fog-bow.

It may be observed that, upon the descent of the Italian guides

(whose expedition is noticed upon p. 393, and again in the

Appendix), upon July 17th, 1865, the phenomenon commonly termed the

Brocken was observed. The following is the account given by the

Abbé Amé Gorret in the _Feuille d’Aoste_, October 31, 1865:—“Nous

étions sur l’épaule (the ‘shoulder’) quand nous remarquâmes un

phénomène qui nous fit plaisir; le nuage était très-dense du côté

de Valtornanche, c’était serein en Suisse; nous nous vîmes au

milieu d’un cercle aux couleurs de l’arc-en-ciel; ce mirage nous

formait à tous une couronne au milieu de laquelle nous voyions

notre ombre.” This occurred at about 6.30 to 7 P.M., and the

Italians in mention were at about the same height as

ourselves—namely, 14,000 feet.

[Illustration]

[Illustration: FOG-BOW SEEN FROM THE MATTERHORN ON JULY 14, 1885.]

I was ready to leave, and waiting for the others. They had recovered

their appetites and the use of their tongues. They spoke in patois,

which I did not understand. At length the son said in French,

“Monsieur.” “Yes.” “We are poor men; we have lost our Herr; we shall

not get paid; we can ill afford this.”[85] “Stop!” I said, interrupting

him—“that is nonsense: I shall pay you, of course, just as if your Herr

were here.” They talked together in their patois for a short time, and

then the son spoke again: “We don’t wish you to pay us. We wish you to

write in the hotel-book at Zermatt and to your journals that we have

not been paid.” “What nonsense are you talking? I don’t understand you.

What do you mean?” He proceeded: “Why, next year there will be many

travelers at Zermatt, and we shall get more _voyageurs._”

[85] They had been travelling with, and had been engaged by, Lord F.

Douglas, and so considered him their employer, and responsible to

them.

[Illustration: MONSIEUR ALEX. SEILER.]

Who would answer such a proposition? I made them no reply in words,[86]

but they knew very well the indignation that I felt. They filled the

cup of bitterness to overflowing, and I tore down the cliff madly and

recklessly, in a way that caused them, more than once, to inquire if I

wished to kill them. Night fell, and for an hour the descent was

continued in the darkness. At half-past nine a resting-place was found,

and upon a wretched slab, barely large enough to hold the three, we

passed six miserable hours. At daybreak the descent was resumed, and

from the Hörnli ridge we ran down to the châlets of Buhl and on to

Zermatt. Seiler met me at his door, and followed in silence to my room:

“What is the matter?” “The Taugwalders and I have returned.” He did not

need more, and burst into tears, but lost no time in useless

lamentations, and set to work to arouse the village. Ere long a score

of men had started to ascend the Hohlicht heights, above Kalbermatt and

Z’Mutt, which commanded the plateau of the Matterhorngletscher. They

returned after six hours, and reported that they had seen the bodies

lying motionless on the snow. This was on Saturday, and they proposed

that we should leave on Sunday evening, so as to arrive upon the

plateau at daybreak on Monday. Unwilling to lose the slightest chance,

the Rev. J. M’Cormick and I resolved to start on Sunday morning. The

Zermatt men, threatened with excommunication by their priests if they

failed to attend the early mass, were unable to accompany us. To

several of them, at least, this was a severe trial, and Peter Perm

declared with tears that nothing else would have prevented him from

joining in the search for his old comrades. Englishmen came to our aid.

The Rev. J. Robertson and Mr. J. Phillpotts offered themselves and

their guide, Franz Andermatten: another Englishman lent us Joseph Marie

and Alexandre Lochmatter. Frédéric Payot and Jean Tairraz of Chamounix

also volunteered.

[86] Nor did I speak to them afterwards, unless it was absolutely

necessary, so long as we were together.

[Illustration: THE MANILA ROPE[87]]

[87] The three ropes have been reduced by photography to the same

scale.

We started at 2 A.M. on Sunday, the 16th, and followed the route that

we had taken on the previous Thursday as far as the Hörnli. From thence

we went down to the right of the ridge, and mounted through the

_séracs_ of the Matterhorngletscher. By 8.30 we had got to the plateau

at the top of the glacier, and within sight of the corner in which we

knew my companions must be. As we saw one weather-beaten man after

another raise the telescope, turn deadly pale and pass it on without a

word to the next, we knew that all hope was gone. We approached. They

had fallen below as they had fallen above—Croz a little in advance,

Hadow near him, and Hudson some distance behind, but of Lord F. Douglas

we could see nothing.[88] We left them where they fell, buried in snow

at the base of the grandest cliff of the most majestic mountain of the

Alps.

[88] A pair of gloves, a belt, and boot that had belonged to him were

found. This, somehow, became publicly known, and gave rise to wild

notions, which would not have been entertained had it been also known

that the _whole_ of the boots of those who had fallen _were off_, and

were lying upon the snow near the bodies.

All those who had fallen had been tied with the Manila, or with the

second and equally strong rope, and consequently there had been only

one link —that between old Peter and Lord F. Douglas—where the weaker

rope had been used. This had a very ugly look for Taugwalder, for it

was not possible to suppose that the others would have sanctioned the

employment of a rope so greatly inferior in strength when there were

more than two hundred and fifty feet of the better qualities still out

of use.[89] For the sake of the old guide (who bore a good reputation),

and upon all other accounts, it was desirable that this matter should

be cleared up; and after my examination before the court of inquiry

which was instituted by the government was over, I handed in a number

of questions which were framed so as to afford old Peter an opportunity

of exculpating himself from the grave suspicions which at once fell

upon him. The questions, I was told, were put and answered, but the

answers, although promised, have never reached me.[90]

[89] I was one hundred feet or more from the others whilst they were

being tied up, and am unable to throw any light on the matter. Croz

and old Peter no doubt tied up the others.

[90] This is not the only occasion upon which M. Clemenz (who presided

over the inquiry) has failed to give up answers that he has promised.

It is greatly to be regretted that he does not feel that the

suppression of the truth is equally against the interests of

travellers and of the guides. If the men are untrustworthy, the public

should be warned of the fact; but if they are blameless, why allow

them to remain under unmerited suspicion?

Old Peter Taugwalder is a man who is labouring under an unjust

accusation. Notwithstanding repeated denials, even his comrades and

neighbours at Zermatt persist in asserting or insinuating that he

_cut_ the rope which led from him to Lord F. Douglas. In regard to

this infamous charge, I say that he _could_ not do so at the moment

of the slip, and that the end of the rope in my possession shows

that he did not do so beforehand. There remains, however, the

suspicious fact that the rope which broke was the thinnest and

weakest one that we had. It is suspicious, because it is unlikely

that any of the four men in front would have selected an old and

weak rope when there was abundance of new, and much stronger, rope

to spare; and, on the other hand, because if Taugwalder thought

that an accident was likely to happen, it was to his interest to

have the weaker rope where it was placed.

I should rejoice to learn that his answers to the questions which

were put to him were satisfactory. Not only was his act at the

critical moment wonderful as a feat of strength, but it was

admirable in its performance at the right time. I am told that he

is now nearly incapable for work—not absolutely mad, but with

intellect gone and almost crazy; which is not to be wondered at,

whether we regard him as a man who contemplated a scoundrelly

meanness, or as an injured man suffering under an unjust

accusation.

In respect to young Peter, it is not possible to speak in the same

manner. The odious idea that he propounded (which I believe

emanated from _him_) he has endeavoured to trade upon, in spite of

the fact that his father was paid (for both) in the presence of

witnesses. Whatever may be his abilities as a guide, he is not one

to whom I would ever trust my life, or afford any countenance.

Meanwhile, the administration sent strict injunctions to recover the

bodies, and upon the 19th of July twenty-one men of Zermatt

accomplished that sad and dangerous task. Of the body of Lord Francis

Douglas they too saw nothing: it is probably still arrested on the

rocks above.[91] The remains of Hudson and Hadow were interred upon the

north side of the Zermatt church, in the presence of a reverent crowd

of sympathizing friends. The body of Michel Croz lies upon the other

side, under a simpler tomb, whose inscription bears honorable testimony

to his rectitude, to his courage and to his devotion.[92]

[91] This, or a subsequent party, discovered a sleeve. No other traces

have been found.

[92] At the instance of Mr. Alfred Wills, a subscription list was

opened for the benefit of the sisters of Michel Croz, who had been

partly dependent upon his earnings. In a short time more than £280

were raised. This was considered sufficient, and the list was closed.

The proceeds were invested in French Rentes (by Mr. William Mathews),

at the recommendation of M. Dupui, at that time Maire of Chamounix.

[Illustration: THE SECOND ROPE]

So the traditional inaccessibility of the Matterhorn was vanquished,

and was replaced by legends of a more real character. Others will essay

to scale its proud cliffs, but to none will it be the mountain that it

was to its early explorers. Others may tread its summit-snows, but none

will ever know the feelings of those who first gazed upon its marvelous

panorama, and none, I trust, will ever be compelled to tell of joy

turned into grief, and of laughter into mourning. It proved to be a

stubborn foe; it resisted long and gave many a hard blow; it was

defeated at last with an ease that none could have anticipated, but,

like a relentless enemy conquered but not crushed, it took terrible

vengeance. The time may come when the Matterhorn shall have passed

away, and nothing save a heap of shapeless fragments will mark the spot

where the great mountain stood, for, atom by atom, inch by inch, and

yard by yard, it yields to forces which nothing can withstand. That

time is far distant, and ages hence generations unborn will gaze upon

its awful precipices and wonder at its unique form. However exalted may

be their ideas and however exaggerated their expectations, none will

come to return disappointed!

The play is over, and the curtain is about to fall. Before we part, a

word upon the graver teachings of the mountains. See yonder height!

’Tis far away—unbidden comes the word “Impossible!” “Not so,” says the

mountaineer. “The way is long, I know: it’s difficult—it may be

dangerous. It’s possible, I’m sure: I’ll seek the way, take counsel of

my brother mountaineers, and find how they have gained similar heights

and learned to avoid the dangers.” He starts (all slumbering down

below): the path is slippery—maybe laborious too. Caution and

perseverance gain the day—the height is reached! and those beneath cry,

“Incredible! ’tis superhuman!”

We who go mountain-scrambling have constantly set before us the

superiority of fixed purpose or perseverance to brute force. We know

that each height, each step, must be gained by patient, laborious toil,

and that wishing cannot take the place of working: we know the benefits

of mutual aid—that many a difficulty must be encountered, and many an

obstacle must be grappled with or turned; but we know that where

there’s a will there’s a way; and we come back to our daily occupations

better fitted to fight the battle of life and to overcome the

impediments which obstruct our paths, strengthened and cheered by the

recollection of past labors and by the memories of victories gained in

other fields.

I have not made myself an advocate or an apologist for mountaineering,

nor do I now intend to usurp the functions of a moralist, but my task

would have been ill performed if it had been concluded without one

reference to the more serious lessons of the mountaineer. We glory in

the physical regeneration which is the product of our exertions; we

exult over the grandeur of the scenes that are brought before our eyes,

the splendors of sunrise and sunset, and the beauties of hill, dale,

lake, wood and waterfall; but we value more highly the development of

manliness, and the evolution, under combat with difficulties, of those

noble qualities of human nature—courage, patience, endurance and

fortitude.

Some hold these virtues in less estimation, and assign base and

contemptible motives to those who indulge in our innocent sport.

Be thou chaste as ice, as pure as snow, thou shalt not escape calumny.

Others, again, who are not detractors, find mountaineering, as a sport,

to be wholly unintelligible. It is not greatly to be wondered at—we are

not all constituted alike. Mountaineering is a pursuit essentially

adapted to the young or vigorous, and not to the old or feeble. To the

latter toil may be no pleasure, and it is often said by such persons,

“This man is making a toil of pleasure.” Toil he must who goes

mountaineering, but out of the toil comes strength (not merely muscular

energy—more than that, an awakening of all the faculties), and from the

strength arises pleasure. Then, again, it is often asked, in tones

which seem to imply that the answer must at least be doubtful, “But

does it repay you?” Well, we cannot estimate our enjoyment as you

measure your wine or weigh your lead: it is real, nevertheless. If I

could blot out every reminiscence or erase every memory, still I should

say that my scrambles amongst the Alps have repaid me, for they have

given me two of the best things a man can possess—health and friends.

The recollections of past pleasures cannot be effaced. Even now as I

write they crowd up before me. First comes an endless series of

pictures, magnificent in form, effect and color. I see the great peaks

with clouded tops, seeming to mount up for ever and ever; I hear the

music of the distant herds, the peasant’s jodel and the solemn

church-bells; and I scent the fragrant breath of the pines; and after

these have passed away another train of thoughts succeeds—of those who

have been upright, brave and true; of kind hearts and bold deeds; and

of courtesies received at stranger hands, trifles in themselves, but

expressive of that good-will toward men which is the essence of

charity.

Still, the last sad memory hovers round, and sometimes drifts across

like floating mist, cutting off sunshine and chilling the remembrance

of happier times. There have been joys too great to be described in

words, and there have been griefs upon which I have not dared to dwell;

and with these in mind I say, Climb if you will, but remember that

courage and strength are naught without prudence, and that a momentary

negligence may destroy the happiness of a lifetime. Do nothing in

haste, look well to each step, and from the beginning think what may be

the end.

[Illustration]

APPENDIX.

A. SUBSEQUENT ASCENTS OF THE MATTERHORN.

Mr. Craufurd Grove was the first traveler who ascended the Matterhorn

after the accident. This was in August, 1867. He took with him as

guides three mountaineers of the Val Tournanche—J.-A. Carrel, J. Bich

and S. Meynet, Carrel being the leader. The natives of Val Tournanche

were, of course, greatly delighted that his ascent was made upon their

side. Some of them, however, were by no means well pleased that J.-A.

Carrel was so much regarded. They feared, perhaps, that he would

acquire the monopoly of the mountain. Just a month after Mr. Grove’s

ascent, six Val Tournanchians set out to see whether they could not

learn the route, and so come in for a share of the good things which

were expected to arrive. They were three Maquignazes, Cæsar Carrel (my

old guide), J.-B. Carrel, and a daughter of the last named! They left

Breuil at 5 A.M. on September 12, and at 3 P.M. arrived at the hut,

where they passed the night. At 7 A.M. the next day they started again

(leaving J.-B. Carrel behind), and proceeded along the “shoulder” to

the final peak; passed the cleft which had stopped Bennen, and

clambered up the comparatively easy rocks on the other side until they

arrived at the base of the last precipice, down which we had hurled

stones on July 14, 1865. They (young woman and all) were then about

three hundred and fifty feet from the summit! Then, instead of turning

to the left, as Carrel and Mr. Grove had done, Joseph and J.-Pierre

Maquignaz paid attention to the cliff in front of them, and managed to

find a means of passing up, by clefts, ledges and gullies, to the

summit. This was a shorter (and it appears to be an easier) route than

that taken by Carrel and Grove, and it has been followed by all those

who have since then ascended the mountain from the side of Breuil.

Subsequently, a rope was fixed over the most difficult portions of the

final climb.

In the mean time they had not been idle upon the other side. A hut was

constructed upon the eastern face at a height of 12,526 feet above the

sea, near to the crest of the ridge which descends toward Zermatt

(north-east ridge). This was done at the expense of Monsieur Seller and

of the Swiss Alpine Club. Mons. Seller placed the execution of the work

under the direction of the Knubels, of the village of St. Nicholas, in

the Zermatt valley; and Peter Knubel, along with Joseph Marie

Lochmatter of the same village, had the honor of making the second

ascent of the mountain upon the northern side with Mr. Elliott. This

took place on July 24 and 25, 1868. Since then numerous ascents have

been made, and of these the only one which calls for mention is that by

Signer Giordano, on September 3-5, 1868. This gentleman came to Breuil

several times after his famous visit in 1865, with the intention of

making the ascent, but he was always baffled by weather. In July, 1866,

he got as high as the “cravate” (with J.-A. Carrel and other men), and

_was detained there five days and nights, unable to move either up or

down!_ At last, upon the above-named date, he was able to gratify his

desires, and accomplished the feat of ascending the mountain upon one

side and descending it upon the other. Signor Giordano is, I believe,

the only geologist who has ascended the Matterhorn. He spent a

considerable time in the examination of its structure, and became

benighted on its eastern face in consequence.

[Illustration: PINNACLES NEAR SACHAS IN THE VALLEY OF THE DURANCE,

FORMED FROM AN OLD MORAINE.]

B. DENUDATION IN THE VALLEY OF THE DURANCE.

In the summer of 1869, whilst walking up the valley of the Durance from

Mont Dauphin to Briançon, I noticed, when about five kilometres from

the latter place, some pinnacles on the mountain-slopes to the west of

the road. I scrambled up, and found the remarkable natural pillars

which are represented in the annexed engraving. They were formed out of

an unstratified conglomerate of gritty earth, boulders and stones. Some

of them were more thickly studded with stones than a plum-pudding

usually is with plums, whilst from others the stones projected like the

spines from an echinoderm. The earth (or mud) was extremely hard and

tenacious, and the stones embedded in it were extricated with

considerable difficulty. The mud adhered very firmly to the stones that

were got out, but it was readily washed away in a little stream near at

hand. In a few minutes I extracted fragments of syenite, mica-schist,

several kinds of limestone and conglomerates, and some fossil plants

characteristic of carboniferous strata. Most of the fragments were

covered with scratches, which told that they had traveled underneath a

glacier. The mud had all the character of glacier-mud, and the hillside

was covered with drift. From these indications, and from the situation

of the pinnacles, I concluded that they had been formed out of an old

moraine. The greatest of them were sixty to seventy feet high, and the

moraine had therefore been at least that height. I judged from

appearances that the moraine was a frontal-terminal one of a glacier

which had been an affluent of the great glacier that formerly occupied

the valley of the Durance, and which during retrogression had made a

stand upon this hillside near Sachas. This lateral glacier had flowed

down a nameless _vallon_ which descends toward the east-south-east from

the mountain called upon the French government map Sommet de l’Eychouda

(8740 feet).

Only one of all the pinnacles that I saw was _capped_ by a stone (a

small one), and I did not notice any boulders lying in their immediate

vicinity of a size sufficient to account for their production in the

manner of the celebrated pillars near Botzen. The readers of Sir

Charles Lyell’s Principles (10th ed., vol. i., p. 338) will remember

that he attributes the formation of the Botzen pillars chiefly to the

protection which boulders have afforded to the underlying matter from

the direct action of rain. This is no doubt correct: the Botzen

pinnacles are mostly capped by boulders of considerable dimensions. In

the present instance this does not appear to have been exactly the

case. Running water has cut the moraine into ridges (shown upon the

right hand of the engraving), and has evidently assisted in the work of

denudation. The group of pinnacles here figured belonged, in all

probability, to a ridge which had been formed in this way, whose crest,

in course of time, became sharp, perhaps attenuated. In such a

condition very small stones upon the crest of the ridge would originate

little pinnacles: whether these would develop into larger ones would

depend upon the quantity of stones embedded in the surrounding

moraine-matter. I imagine that the largest of the Sachas pinnacles owe

their existence to the portions of the moraine out of which they are

formed having been studded with a greater quantity of stones and small

boulders than the portions of the moraine which formerly filled the

gaps between them; and, of course, primarily, to the facts that

glacier-mud is extremely tenacious when dry, and is readily washed

away. Thus, the present form of the pinnacles is chiefly due to the

direct action of rain, but their production was assisted, in the first

instance, by the action of running water.

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