CHAPTER XLIII

THE RULE OF THE BOSSES

General Dru was ever fond of talking to Senator Selwyn. He found his

virile mind a never-failing source of information. Busy as they both

were they often met and exchanged opinions. In answer to a question

from Dru, Selwyn said that while Pennsylvania and a few other States had

been more completely under the domination of bosses than others, still

the system permeated everywhere.

In some States a railroad held the power, but exercised it through an

individual or individuals.

In another State, a single corporation held it, and yet again, it was

often held by a corporate group acting together. In many States one

individual dominated public affairs and more often for good than for

evil.

The people simply would not take enough interest in their Government to

exercise the right of control.

Those who took an active interest were used as a part of the boss'

tools, be he a benevolent one or otherwise.

"The delegates go to the conventions," said Selwyn, "and think they

have something to do with the naming of the nominees, and the making of

the platforms. But the astute boss has planned all that far in advance,

the candidates are selected and the platform written and both are 'forced'

upon the unsuspecting delegate, much as the card shark forced his cards

upon his victim. It is all seemingly in the open and above the boards, but

as a matter of fact quite the reverse is true.

"At conventions it is usual to select some man who has always been

honored and respected, and elect him chairman of the platform committee.

He is pleased with the honor and is ready to do the bidding of the man

to whom he owes it.

"The platform has been read to him and he has been committed to it

before his appointment as chairman. Then a careful selection is made of

delegates from the different senatorial districts and a good working

majority of trusted followers is obtained for places on the committee.

Someone nominates for chairman the 'honored and respected' and he is

promptly elected.

"Another member suggests that the committee, as it stands, is too

unwieldy to draft a platform, and makes a motion that the chairman be

empowered to appoint a sub-committee of five to outline one and submit

it to the committee as a whole.

"The motion is carried and the chairman appoints five of the 'tried and

true.' There is then an adjournment until the sub-committee is ready to

report.

"The five betake themselves to a room in some hotel and smoke, drink and

swap stories until enough time has elapsed for a proper platform to be

written.

"They then report to the committee as a whole and, after some wrangling

by the uninitiated, the platform is passed as the boss has written it

without the addition of a single word.

"Sometimes it is necessary to place upon the sub-committee a

recalcitrant or two. Then the method is somewhat different. The boss'

platform is cut into separate planks and first one and then another of

the faithful offers a plank, and after some discussion a majority of the

committee adopt it. So when the sub-committee reports back there stands

the boss' handiwork just as he has constructed it.

"Oftentimes there is no subterfuge, but the convention, as a whole,

recognizes the pre-eminent ability of one man amongst them, and by

common consent he is assigned the task."

Selwyn also told Dru that it was often the practice among corporations

not to bother themselves about state politics further than to control

the Senate.

This smaller body was seldom more than one-fourth as large as the

House, and usually contained not more than twenty-five or thirty

members.

Their method was to control a majority of the Senate and let the House

pass such measures as it pleased, and the Governor recommend such laws

as he thought proper. Then the Senate would promptly kill all

legislation that in any way touched corporate interests.

Still another method which was used to advantage by the interests where

they had not been vigilant in the protection of their "rights," and when

they had no sure majority either in the House or Senate and no influence

with the Governor, was to throw what strength they had to the stronger

side in the factional fights that were always going on in every State

and in every legislature.

Actual money, Selwyn said, was now seldom given in the relentless

warfare which the selfish interests were ever waging against the people,

but it was intrigue, the promise of place and power, and the ever

effectual appeal to human vanity.

That part of the press which was under corporate control was often able

to make or destroy a man's legislative and political career, and the

weak and the vain and the men with shifty consciences, that the people

in their fatuous indifference elect to make their laws, seldom fail to

succumb to this subtle influence.

Philip Dru: Administrator; A Story of Tomorrow, 1920-1935 · 第 43 / 53 章