CHAPTER XXVIII

AN INTERNATIONAL CRISIS

The Administrator did nothing towards reducing the army which,

including those in the Philippines and elsewhere, totalled five hundred

thousand. He thought this hardly sufficient considering international

conditions, and one of his first acts was to increase the number of men

to six hundred thousand and to arm and equip them thoroughly.

For a long period of years England had maintained relations with the

United States that amounted to an active alliance, but there was

evidence that she had under discussion, with her old-time enemy,

Germany, a treaty by which that nation was to be allowed a free hand in

South America.

In return for this England was to be conceded all German territory in

Africa, and was to be allowed to absorb, eventually, that entire

continent excepting that part belonging to France.

Japan, it seemed, was to be taken into the agreement and was to be given

her will in the East. If she desired the Philippines, she might take

them as far as European interference went. Her navy was more powerful

than any the United States could readily muster in the far Pacific, and

England would, if necessary, serve notice upon us that her gunboats were

at Japan's disposal in case of war.

In return, Japan was to help in maintaining British supremacy in India,

which was now threatened by the vigorous young Republic of China.

The latter nation did not wish to absorb India herself, but she was

committed to the policy of "Asia for the Asiatics," and it did not take

much discernment to see that some day soon this would come about.

China and Japan had already reached an agreement concerning certain

matters of interest between them, the most important being that Japan

should maintain a navy twice as powerful as that of China, and that the

latter should have an army one-third more powerful than that of Japan.

The latter was to confine her sphere of influence to the Islands of the

Sea and to Korea, and, in the event of a combined attack on Russia,

which was contemplated, they were to acquire Siberia as far west as

practicable, and divide that territory. China had already by purchase,

concessions and covert threats, regained that part of her territory once

held by England, Germany and France. She had a powerful array and a navy

of some consequence, therefore she must needs to be reckoned with.

England's hold upon Canada was merely nominal, therefore, further than

as a matter of pride, it was of slight importance to her whether she

lost it or not. Up to the time of the revolution, Canada had been a

hostage, and England felt that she could at no time afford a rupture

with us. But the alluring vision that Germany held out to her was

dazzling her statesmen. Africa all red from the Cape to the

Mediterranean and from Madagascar to the Atlantic was most alluring. And

it seemed so easy of accomplishment. Germany maintained her military

superiority, as England, even then, held a navy equal to any two powers.

Germany was to exploit South America without reference to the Monroe

Doctrine, and England was to give her moral support, and the support of

her navy, if necessary. If the United States objected to the extent of

declaring war, they were prepared to meet that issue. Together, they

could put into commission a navy three times as strong as that of the

United States, and with Canada as a base, and with a merchant marine

fifty times as large as that of the United States, they could convey

half a million men to North America as quickly as Dru could send a like

number to San Francisco. If Japan joined the movement, she could occupy

the Pacific Slope as long as England and Germany were her allies.

The situation which had sprung up while the United States was putting

her own house in order, was full of peril and General Dru gave it his

careful and immediate attention.

None of the powers at interest knew that Dru's Government had the

slightest intimation of what was being discussed. The information had

leaked through one of the leading international banking houses, that had

been approached concerning a possible loan for a very large amount, and

the secret had reached Selwyn through Thor.

Selwyn not only gave General Dru this information, but much else that

was of extreme value. Dru soon came to know that at heart Selwyn was not

without patriotism, and that it was only from environment and an

overweening desire for power that had led him into the paths he had

heretofore followed. Selwyn would have preferred ruling through the

people rather than through the interests and the machinations of corrupt

politics, but he had little confidence that the people would take enough

interest in public affairs to make this possible, and to deviate from

the path he had chosen, meant, he thought, disaster to his ambitions.

Dru's career proved him wrong, and no one was quicker to see it than

Selwyn. Dru's remarkable insight into character fathomed the real man,

and, in a cautious and limited way, he counseled with him as the need

arose.

Philip Dru: Administrator; A Story of Tomorrow, 1920-1935 · 第 28 / 53 章