The Massacre of Glencoe is an event which neither can nor ought to be
forgotten. It was a deed of the worst treason and cruelty--a barbarous
infraction of all laws, human and divine; and it exhibits in their
foulest perfidy the true characters of the authors and abettors of the
Revolution.
After the battle of Killiecrankie the cause of the Scottish royalists
declined, rather from the want of a competent leader than from any
disinclination on the part of a large section of the nobility and gentry
to vindicate the right of King James. No person of adequate talents or
authority was found to supply the place of the great and gallant Lord
Dundee; for General Cannon, who succeeded in command, was not only
deficient in military skill, but did not possess the confidence, nor
understand the character of the Highland chiefs, who, with their
clansmen, constituted by far the most important section of the army.
Accordingly no enterprise of any importance was attempted; and the
disastrous issue of the battle of the Boyne led to a negotiation which
terminated in the entire disbanding of the royal forces. By this treaty,
which was expressly sanctioned by William of Orange, a full and
unreserved indemnity and pardon was granted to all of the Highlanders
who had taken arms, with a proviso that they should first subscribe the
oath of allegiance to William and Mary, before the 1st of January, 1692,
in presence of the Lords of the Scottish Council, "or of the Sheriffs or
their deputies of the respective shires wherein they lived." The letter
of William addressed to the Privy Council, and ordering proclamation to
be made to the above effect, contained also the following significant
passage:--"That ye communicate our pleasure to the Governor of
Inverlochy, and other commanders, that they be exact and diligent in
their several posts; but that they show no more zeal against the
Highlanders after their submission, _than they have ever done formerly
when these were in open rebellion_."
This enigmatical sentence, which in reality was intended, as the sequel
will show, to be interpreted in the most cruel manner, appears to have
caused some perplexity in the Council, as that body deemed it necessary
to apply for more distinct and specific instructions, which, however,
were not then issued. It had been especially stipulated by the chiefs,
as an indispensable preliminary to their treaty, that they should have
leave to communicate with King James, then residing at St. Germains, for
the purpose of obtaining his permission and warrant previous to
submitting themselves to the existing government. That article had been
sanctioned by William before the proclamation was issued, and a special
messenger was despatched to France for that purpose.
In the mean time, troops were gradually and cautiously advanced to the
confines of the Highlands, and, in some instances, actually quartered on
the inhabitants. The condition of the country was perfectly tranquil. No
disturbances whatever occurred in the north or west of Scotland;
Locheill and the other chiefs were awaiting the communication from St.
Germains, and held themselves bound in honour to remain inactive; whilst
the remainder of the royalist forces (for whom separate terms had been
made) were left unmolested at Dunkeld.
But rumours, which are too clearly traceable to the emissaries of the
new government, asserting the preparation made for an immediate landing
of King James at the head of a large body of the French, were
industriously circulated, and by many were implicitly believed. The
infamous policy which dictated such a course is now apparent. The term
of the amnesty or truce granted by the proclamation expired with the
year 1691, and all who had not taken the oath of allegiance before that
term, were to be proceeded against with the utmost severity. The
proclamation was issued upon the 29th of August: consequently, only four
months were allowed for the complete submission of the Highlands.
Not one of the chiefs subscribed until the mandate from King James
arrived. That document, which is dated from St. Germains on the 12th of
December 1691, reached Dunkeld eleven days afterwards, and,
consequently, but a very short time before the indemnity expired. The
bearer, Major Menzies, was so fatigued that he could proceed no farther
on his journey, but forwarded the mandate by an express to the commander
of the royal forces, who was then at Glengarry. It was therefore
impossible that the document could be circulated through the Highlands
within the prescribed period. Locheill, says Drummond of Balhaldy, did
not receive his copy till about thirty hours before the time was out,
and appeared before the sheriff at Inverara, where he took the oaths
upon the very day on which the indemnity expired.
That a general massacre throughout the Highlands was contemplated by the
Whig government, is a fact established by overwhelming evidence. In the
course of the subsequent investigation before the Scots Parliament,
letters were produced from Sir John Dalrymple, then Master of Stair, one
of the secretaries of state in attendance upon the court, which too
clearly indicate the intentions of William. In one of these, dated 1st
December 1694,--_a month_, be it observed, before the amnesty
expired--and addressed to Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, there are the
following words:--"The winter is the only season in which we are sure
the Highlanders cannot escape us, _nor carry their wives, bairns_, and
cattle to the mountains." And in another letter, written only two days
afterwards, he says, "It is the only time that they cannot escape you,
for human constitution cannot endure to be long out of houses. _This is
the proper season to maule them, in the cold long nights_." And in
January thereafter, he informed Sir Thomas Livingston that the design
was "to destroy entirely the country of Lochaber, Locheill's lands,
Keppoch's, Glengarry's, Appin, and Glencoe. I assure you," he continues,
"your power shall be full enough, _and I hope the soldiers will not
trouble the Government with prisoners_."
Locheill was more fortunate than others of his friends and neighbours.
According to Drummond,--"Major Menzies, who, upon his arrival, had
observed the whole forces of the kingdom ready to invade the Highlands,
as he wrote to General Buchan, foreseeing the unhappy consequences, not
only begged that general to send expresses to all parts with orders
immediately to submit, but also wrote to Sir Thomas Livingston, praying
him to supplicate the Council for a prorogation of the time, in regard
that he was so excessively fatigued, that he was obliged to stop some
days to repose a little; and that though he should send expresses, yet
it was impossible they could reach the distant parts in such time as to
allow the several persons concerned the benefit of the indemnity within
the space limited; besides, that some persons having put the Highlanders
in a bad temper, he was confident to persuade them to submit, if a
further time were allowed. Sir Thomas presented this letter to the
Council on the 5th of January, 1692, but they refused to give any
answer, and ordered him to transmit the same to Court."
The reply of William of Orange was a letter, countersigned by Dalrymple,
in which, upon the recital that "several of the chieftains and many of
their clans had not taken the benefit of our gracious indemnity," he
gave orders for a general massacre. "To that end, we have given Sir
Thomas Livingston orders to employ our troops (which we have already
conveniently posted) to cut off these obstinate rebels _by all manner of
hostility_; and we do require you to give him your assistance and
concurrence in all other things that may conduce to that service; and
because these rebels, to avoid our forces, may draw themselves, _their
families_, goods, or cattle, to lurk or be concealed among their
neighbours: therefore, we require and authorise you to emit a
proclamation to be published at the market-crosses of these or the
adjacent shires where the rebels reside, discharging upon the highest
penalties the law allows, any reset, correspondence, or intercommuning
with these rebels." This monstrous mandate, which was in fact the
death-warrant of many thousand innocent people, no distinction being
made of age or sex, would, in all human probability, have been put into
execution, but for the remonstrance of one high-minded nobleman. Lord
Carmarthen, afterwards Duke of Leeds, accidentally became aware of the
proposed massacre, and personally remonstrated with the monarch against
a measure which he denounced as at once cruel and impolitic. After much
discussion, William, influenced rather by an apprehension that so
savage and sweeping an act might prove fatal to his new authority, than
by any compunction or impulse of humanity, agreed to recall the general
order, and to limit himself, in the first instance, to a single deed of
butchery, by way of testing the temper of the nation. Some difficulty
seems to have arisen in the selection of the fittest victim. Both
Keppoch and Glencoe were named, but the personal rancour of Secretary
Dalrymple decided the doom of the latter. The Secretary wrote
thus:--"Argyle tells me that Glencoe hath not taken the oath, at which I
rejoice. It is a great work of charity to be exact in rooting out that
damnable set." The final instructions regarding Glencoe, which were
issued on 16th January, 1692, are as follows:--
"William R.--As for M'Ian of Glencoe, and that tribe,
if they can be well distinguished from the rest of the
Highlanders, it will be proper for public justice to extirpate
that set of thieves." "W.R."
This letter is remarkable as being signed and countersigned by William
alone, contrary to the usual practice. The Secretary was no doubt
desirous to screen himself from after responsibility, and was further
aware that the royal signature would insure a rigorous execution of the
sentence.
Macdonald, or, as he was more commonly designed, M'Ian of Glencoe, was
the head of a considerable sept or branch of the great Clan-Coila, and
was lineally descended from the ancient Lords of the Isles, and from
the royal family of Scotland--the common ancestor of the Macdonalds
having espoused a daughter of Robert II. He was, according to a
contemporary testimony, "a person of great integrity, honour, good
nature, and courage; and his loyalty to his old master, King James, was
such, that he continued in arms from Dundee's first appearing in the
Highlands, till the fatal treaty that brought on his ruin." In common
with the other chiefs, he had omitted taking the benefit of the
indemnity until he received the sanction of King James: but the copy of
that document which was forwarded to him, unfortunately arrived too
late. The weather was so excessively stormy at the time that there was
no possibility of penetrating from Glencoe to Inverara, the place where
the sheriff resided, before the expiry of the stated period; and M'Ian
accordingly adopted the only practicable mode of signifying his
submission, by making his way with great difficulty to Fort-William,
then called Inverlochy, and tendering his signature to the military
Governor there. That officer was not authorised to receive it, but at
the earnest entreaty of the chief, he gave him a certificate of his
appearance and tender, and on New-Year's day, 1692, M'Ian reached
Inverara, where he produced that paper as evidence of his intentions,
and prevailed upon the sheriff, Sir James Campbell of Ardkinglass, to
administer the oaths required. After that ceremony, which was
immediately intimated to the Privy Council, had been performed, the
unfortunate gentleman returned home, in the full conviction that he had
thereby made peace with government for himself and for his clan. But his
doom was already sealed.
A company of the Earl of Argyle's regiment had been previously quartered
in Glencoe. These men, though Campbells, and hereditarily obnoxious to
the Macdonalds, Camerons, and other of the loyal clans, were yet
countrymen, and were kindly and hospitably received. Their captain,
Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, was connected with the family of Glencoe
through the marriage of a niece, and was resident under the roof of the
chief. And yet this was the very troop selected for the horrid service.
Special instructions were sent to the major of the regiment, one
Duncanson, then quartered at Ballachulish--a morose, brutal, and savage
man--who accordingly wrote to Campbell of Glenlyon in the following
terms:--
Ballacholis, 12 _February_, 1692.
"SIR,--You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels,
the M'Donalds of Glencoe, and putt all to the sword under
seventy. You are to have special care that the old fox and
his sons doe upon no account escape your hands. You are
to secure all the avenues, that no man escape. This you
are to put in execution att five o'clock in the morning
precisely, and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll
strive to be att you with a stronger party. If I doe not
come to you at five, you are not to tarry for me, but to fall
on. This is by the king's speciall command, for the good
and safety of the country, that these miscreants be cutt off
root and branch. See that this be putt in execution without
feud or favour, else you may expect to be treated as not
true to the king's government, nor a man fitt to carry a
commission in the king's service. Expecting you will not
faill in the fulfilling hereof as you love yourself, I subscribe
these with my hand." ROBERT DUNCANSON.
"_For their Majestys' service.
To Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon_."
This order was but too literally obeyed. At the appointed hour, when the
whole inhabitants of the glen were asleep, the work of murder began.
M'Ian was one of the first who fell. Drummond's narrative fills up the
remainder of the dreadful story.
"They then served all within the family in the same manner, without
distinction of age or person. In a word--for the horror of that
execrable butchery must give pain to the reader--they left none alive
but a young child, who, being frightened with the noise of the guns, and
the dismal shrieks and cries of its dying parents, whom they were
a-murdering, got hold of Captain Campbell's knees, and wrapt itself
within his cloak; by which, chancing to move compassion, the captain
inclined to have saved it, but one Drummond, an officer, arriving about
the break of day with more troops, commanded it to be shot by a file of
musqueteers. Nothing could be more shocking and horrible than the
prospect of these houses bestrewed with mangled bodies of the dead,
covered with blood, and resounding with the groans of wretches in the
last agonies of life.
"Two sons of Glencoe's were the only persons that escaped in that
quarter of the country; for, growing jealous of some ill designs from
the behaviour of the soldiers, they stole from their beds a few minutes
before the tragedy began, and, chancing to overhear two of them
discoursing plainly of the matter, they endeavoured to have advertised
their father, but, finding that impracticable, they ran to the other end
of the country and alarmed the inhabitants. There was another accident
that contributed much to their safety; for the night was so excessively
stormy and tempestuous, that four hundred soldiers, who were appointed
to murder these people, were stopped in their march from Inverlochy, and
could not get up till they had time to save themselves. To cover the
deformity of so dreadful a sight, the soldiers burned all the houses to
the ground, after having rifled them, carried away nine hundred cows,
two hundred horses, numberless herds of sheep and goats, and every thing
else that belonged to these miserable people. Lamentable was the case of
the women and children that escaped the butchery; the mountains were
covered with a deep snow, the rivers impassable, storm and tempest
filled the air and added to the horrors and darkness of the night, and
there were no houses to shelter them within many miles."[1]
Such was the awful massacre of Glencoe, an event which has left an
indelible and execrable stain upon the memory of William of Orange. The
records of Indian warfare can hardly afford a parallel instance of
atrocity: and this deed, coupled with his deliberate treachery in the
Darien scheme, whereby Scotland was for a time absolutely ruined, is
sufficient to account for the little estimation in which the name of the
"great Whig deliverer" is still regarded in the valleys of the North.