VARIOUS OCCURRENCES
The Shrewsbury pair started the year 1575 in different fashion. She was
in the Tower and not at all in a happy mood. He also in a
fortress—Sheffield—but as warder and not prisoner, and more unhappy,
because in the larger things he was always the more conscientious, yet
bestirred himself to send a diplomatic present of rich gold plate to
Lord Burghley, and was himself in the usual manner the recipient of
bounties from his friends and tenants. Burghley acknowledges the present
and his indebtedness in highly satisfactory terms to the master of
Sheffield Castle:—
“And now, my Lord, I find such continuance or rather increase, of your
good will to me, by your costly gift of plate this new year, as you may
account me greatly in your debt and yet ready with my heart and service
to acquit you. I humbly therefore pray your Lordship to make proof of my
good will where my power may answer the same, and I trust you shall find
the best disposed debtor that your Lordship hath to acquit my debt.”
Lodge prints immediately before this letter from the Lord Treasurer a
fragment (also from the Talbot manuscripts) in which Lord Shrewsbury
lays his financial case emphatically before the Queen, and there is no
doubt that his appeal and the present of gold plate to her Lord
Treasurer were incidents closely related:—
“Your Majesty was minded to allow me for the keeping of this Lady but
£30 a week. When I received her into my charge at your Majesty’s hands,
I understood very well it was a most dangerous service, and thought
overhard to perform, without some great mischief to himself at least,
and as it seemed most hard and fearful to others and every man shrunk
from it, so much the gladder was I to take it upon me, thereby to make
appear to your Majesty my zealous mind to serve you in place of greatest
peril; and I thought it was the best proof your Majesty could make of
me. I demanded not great allowance, nor did stick for anything as all
men used to do. My Lords of your Council, upon good deliberation,
assigned by your Majesty’s commandment, a portion of £52 every week
(less by the half than your Majesty paid before she came to me) which I
took, and would not in that doubtful time have refused your Majesty’s
service of trust so committed to me, if my lands and life had lain
thereon; and how I have passed my service, and accomplished your trust
committed to me, with quiet, surety——”
That sudden break in the appeal, whatever its cause, has its own
dramatic force.
As regards Court matters, a long letter from Francis Talbot, the eldest
son, who apparently wrote so rarely, belongs to the beginning of this
year. It gives a picture of Queen Elizabeth in a mood of anxiety,
depression, and perplexity in regard to foreign politics, especially
touching the all-important decision as to whether or not she should
accept the offer of the suzerainty of the Netherland States:—
“Her Majesty is troubled with these causes which maketh her very
melancholy; and seemeth greatly to be out of quiet. What shall be done
in these matters as yet is unknown, but here are ambassadors of all
sides who labour greatly one against another.”
To this year also belongs a kindly letter—this time on purely family
matters—from the wife of Francis Talbot, Lady Ann, _née_ Herbert,
daughter of William, Earl Pembroke, to the Countess of Shrewsbury. In
this the forthcoming “prograce” is mentioned, and the visit of Queen
Elizabeth to the then Countess of Pembroke, her sister-in-law, _née_
Catherine Talbot, and married to Henry, Earl Pembroke:—
“Good Madame, I am to crave pardon for not writing to my Lord’s man
Harry Grace. The cause I willed him to declare to your La. which was the
extremity that my sister of Pembroke was in at that time; which hath
continued till Thursday last. Since that day she hath been out of her
swooning, but not able to stand or go. Her greatest grief is now want of
sleep, and not able to away with the sight of meat; but considering her
estate before we think ourselves happy of this change, hoping that
better will follow shortly. The Queen Majesty hath been here with her
twice; very late both times. The last time it was ten of the clock at
night ere her Majesty went hence, being so great a mist as there were
divers of the barges and boats that waited for her lost their ways, and
landed in wrong places, but thanks be to God her Majesty came well home
without cold or fear. For the holding of the progress I am sure your La.
heareth; for my part I can write no certainty, but as I am in all other
matters, as I have always professed and as duty doth bind me, ready at
your La. command; and in anything I may show it either at this time or
when occasion serveth, if I be not as willing thereto as any child of
your own, then let me be condemned according to my deserts; otherwise I
humbly crave your La. good opinion of me not to decrease, remembering
your La. commandment heretofore, to write to you as often as I could,
which now in this place I shall have better means than I have had in the
country, and thereupon presuming to lengthen my letter upon any
occasion, although I count this of my sister very evil news, yet
considering her recovery, I hope my long scribbling will the less
trouble your La. And so with my most humble duty of my Lord and your La.
I humbly take my leave. From Baynards Castle the 8th of May.
“Your La. assured loving daughter to command,
“ANNE TALBOT.
“My sister of Pembroke hath willed to remember her humble duty to my
Lord and you, with desire of his daily blessing. As soon as she is able
she will do it herself.
“To the right honourable and my assured good Lady
and mother, the Countess of Shrewsbury.”
That “my sister Pembroke” recovered from her swoonings and her
convalescence is stated at the close of a long letter from Gilbert
Talbot, in February, to both his parents.
During the whole of the spring the Earl’s correspondence was large. Sir
Francis Walsingham and others kept him informed of all State events and
possibilities which could affect politics. In a paper which the Earl
endorses “Occurrences, from Mr. Secretary Walsingham” is contained the
news of the disappearance from the French Court of Henry of Navarre, the
overtures made to him by the French King, the gradual increase of his
adherents among the Protestants, the multifarious schemes of the Duke of
Guise, and all the details which made for civil war. The belief in magic
seems to have had sufficient hold upon a statesman like Walsingham to
induce him to include a note such as this:—
“There is secret report, and that very constantly affirmed by men of
credit, that a day or two before the King of Navarre departed, it
happened the Duke of Guise and him to play at dice, upon a very smooth
board, in the King’s cabinet; and that, after they had done, there
appeared suddenly upon the board certain great and round drops of blood
that astonished them marvellously, finding no cause in the blood of the
world, but, as it were, a very prodigy.”
Another letter of this year is very interesting, as it shows the
indefatigable Lady Shrewsbury once more at her match-making, and once
again seeking to ally her family with one which could most assist it at
Court—the family of Lord Burghley. Lord Shrewsbury’s letter making the
proposal as suggested by his wife is not forthcoming, but Lord
Burghley’s reply is full and detailed, and breathes caution in every
word. His excuses for declining the offer are quite reasonable. At the
same time he must have had sufficient insight into her Ladyship’s
masterful character to strengthen his refusal. He accentuates his fear
of the Queen’s distrust by instancing the absurd reports circulated
about him when he merely went to Buxton to drink the waters, and he
concludes with a quaintly sententious condemnation of “human learning”
in wishing well to the boy whom he did not desire for his son-in-law.
“My very good Lord,—My most hearty and due commendations done, I cannot
sufficiently express in words the inward hearty affection that I
conceive by your Lordship’s friendly offer of the marriage of your
younger son; and that in such a friendly sort, by your own letter, and
as your Lordship writes, the same proceeding of yourself. Now, my Lord,
as I think myself much beholden to you for this your Lordship’s
kindness, and manifest argument of a faithful goodwill, so must I pray
your Lordship to accept mine answer, with assured opinion of my
continuance in the same towards your Lordship. There are specially two
causes why I do not in plain terms consent by way of conclusion hereto;
the one, for that my daughter is but young in years; and upon some
reasonable respects, I have determined (notwithstanding I have been very
honourably offered matches) not to treat of marrying her, if I may live
so long, until she be above fifteen or sixteen, and if I were of more
likelihood myself to live longer than I look to do, she should not, with
my liking, be married before she were near eighteen or twenty. The
second cause why I differ to yield to conclusion with your Lordship is
grounded upon such a consideration as, if it were not truly to satisfy
your Lordship, and to avoid a just offence which your Lordship might
conceive of my forbearing, I would not by writing or message utter, but
only by speech to your Lordship’s self. My Lord, it is over true and
over much against reason that upon my being at Buxton last, advantage
was sought by some that loved me not to confirm in her Majesty a former
conceit which had been laboured to put into her head, that I was of late
become friendly to the Queen of Scots, and that I had no disposition to
encounter her practices; and now at my being at Buxton, her Majesty did
directly conceive that my being there was, by means of your Lordship and
my Lady, to enter into intelligence with the Queen of Scots; and hereof
at my return to her Majesty’s presence I had very sharp reproofs for my
going to Buxton with plain charging of me for favouring the Queen of
Scots; and that in so earnest a sort I never looked for, knowing my
integrity to her Majesty; but especially knowing how contrariously the
Queen of Scots conceived of me for many things past to the offence of
the Queen of Scots. And yet, true it is, I never indeed gave just cause
by any private affection of my own, or for myself, to offend the Queen
of Scots; but whatsoever I did was for the services of mine own
sovereign Lady and Queen, which if it were yet again to be done I would
do. And though I know myself subject to contrary workings of displeasure
yet will I not, for remedy of any of them both, decline from the duty I
owe to God and my sovereign Queen; for I know and do understand, that I
am in this contrary sort maliciously depraved, and yet in secret sort;
on the one part, and that of long time, that I am the most dangerous
enemy and evil willer to the Queen of Scots; on the other side that I am
also a secret well willer to her and her title, and that I have made my
party good with her. Now, my Lord, no man can make both these true
together; but it sufficeth such as like not me in doing my duty to
deprave me, and yet in such sort is done in darkness, as I cannot get
opportunity to convince them in the light. In all these crossings, my
good Lord, I appeal to God who knoweth, yea (I thank him infinitely),
who directeth my thoughts to intend principally the service and honour
of God, and jointly with it the surety and greatness of my sovereign
Lady the Queen’s Majesty; and for any other respect but it may tend to
those two, I appeal to God to punish me if I have any. As for the Queen
of Scots, truly I have no spot of evil meaning to her. Neither do I mean
to deal with any titles to the Crown. If she shall intend any evil to
the Queen’s Majesty, my sovereign, for her sake I must and will mean to
impeach her; and therein I may be her unfriend, or worse.
“Well now, my good Lord, your Lordship seeth I have made a long
digression from my answer, but I trust your Lordship can consider what
moveth me thus to digress. Surely it behoveth me not only to live
uprightly, but to avoid all probable arguments that may be gathered to
render me suspected to her Majesty whom I serve with all dutifulness and
sincerity; and therefore I gather this, that if it were understood that
there were a communication or a purpose of marriage between your
Lordship’s son and my daughter I am sure there would be an advantage
sought to increase these former suspicions. Considering the young years
of our two children ... if the matter were fully agreed betwixt us, the
parents, the marriage could not take effect, I think it best to refer
the motion in silence, and yet so to order it with ourselves that, when
time shall hereafter be more convenient, we may (and then also with less
cause of vain suspicion) renew it. And in the meantime I must confess
myself much bounden to your Lordship ... wishing your Lordship’s son all
the good education may be meet to teach him to fear God, love your
Lordship, his natural father, and to know his friends; without any
curiosity of human learning, which, without the fear of God, I see doeth
great hurt to all youth in this time and age. My Lord, I pray you bear
with me scribbling, which I think your Lordship shall hardly read, and
yet I would not use my man’s hand in such a matter as this.
“From Hampton Court, 24th December, 1575.
“Your Lordship’s most assured commandment,
“W. BURGHLEY.”
The boy in question was Edward Talbot, the Earl’s fourth son. His
matrimonial chances did not suffer by this just refusal, for in after
years he married one of the twin heiresses of Lord Ogle of
Northumberland, and eventually, after the death of his two elder
brothers, succeeded to his father’s earldom.
A single bill of items of the Earl’s expenditure in the year 1575
amounting to £300 is of a nature which shows how many and extensive were
the purchases justifying his constant appeals to the Treasury. All these
items he had to import from France by special messenger. Hogshead after
hogshead of French wine was required for Mary’s use. Her household drank
it in preference to the heavier English brew of ale. Moreover, she was
accustomed to use it for her bath, especially when indisposed. Buckram
and canvas, damask and sheeting, vinegar and live quails (“with cages
for the said quails”), paper and hempseed, “comfitures and other
sugar-works,” and even “fourteen pounds of sleyed silk for my Lady,
being of all colours,” go to this long bill of goods from Rouen.
My Lady meanwhile was properly reinstated in the English Queen’s
confidence. It would please Bess Shrewsbury well to know that this
letter from the Earl of Leicester, written early in 1576 to her husband,
has come down to posterity:—
“My Lord,—For that this bearer is so well known and trusted of you I
will leave to trouble you with any long letters, and do commit the more
to his report, for that he is well able to satisfy your Lordship fully
of all things here. And, touching one part of your letter sent lately to
me, about the access of my Lady, your wife, to the Queen there, I find
the Queen’s Majesty well pleased that she may repair at all times, and
not forbear the company of that Queen, having not only very good opinion
of my Lady’s wisdom and discretion, but thinks how convenient it is for
that Queen to be accompanied and pass the time rather with my Lady than
meaner persons. I doubt not but your Lordship shall hear in like sort
also from her Majesty touching the same, and yet I may well signify thus
much, as from herself, to your Lordship. The rest I commend to this
bearer, and your Lordship, with my good Lady, to the Almighty. In haste,
this first of May.
“Your Lordship’s assured kinsman,
“R. LEICESTER.”
Soon after, in June, Lord Shrewsbury, at Buxton with his “charge,” asks
that he may remove her, not to Tutbury as suggested, but back to
Sheffield Lodge. There was a “bruit” that Lord Leicester was going to
Buxton for the waters, and it was necessary, seeing that his going would
probably attract others in the world of fashion, not to allow Mary to
linger at the baths. A letter from Gilbert Talbot, in July, 1576, full
of the usual delightful chit-chat about Queen and Court, mentions the
Buxton expedition in connection with the magnificent Leicester:—
“My duty most humbly remembered, right honourable my singular good Lord
and father. Since my coming hither to the Court there hath been sundry
determinations of her Majesty’s progress this summer. Yesterday it was
set down that she would go to Grafton[35] and Northampton, Leicester,
and to Ashby, my Lord Huntingdon’s house, and there to have remained
twenty-one days, to the end the water of Buxton might have been daily
brought thither for my Lord of Leicester, or any other, to have used;
but late yesternight this purpose altered, and now at this present her
Majesty thinketh to go no further than Grafton; howbeit there is no
certainty, for these two or three days it hath changed every five hours.
The physicians have fully resolved that wheresoever my Lord Leicester be
he must drink and use Buxton water twenty days together. My Lady Essex
and my Lady Sussex will be shortly at Buxton, and my Lady Norris shortly
after; I cannot learn of any others that come from hence.
“This day Mr. Secretary Walsingham has gotten the Bill signed for the S.
Q.’s diet, and to-morrow early it shall be sent to the Exchequer, that
as soon as possible we may receive the money, which shall be disposed
according to your Lordship’s commandment in payment of all your debts
here.
“I have bespoken two pair of little flagons, for there are none ready
made, and I fear they will not be finished before my departure hence. I
have seen many fair hangings, and your Lordship may have all prices,
either two shillings a stick or seven groats, three, four, five, or six
shillings the stick, even as your Lordship will bestow; but there is of
five shillings the stick that is very fair. But unless your Lordship
send up a measure of what depth and breadth you would have them, surely
they will not be to your Lordship’s liking; for the most of them are
very shallow, and I have seen none that I think deep enough for a guest
chamber, but for lodgings.
“I have had some talk with my Lord of Leicester since my coming, whom I
find most assuredly well affected towards your Lordship and yours. I
never knew man in my life more joyful for their friend than he at my
Lady’s noble and wise government of herself at her late being here;
saying that he heartily thanked God of so good a friend and kinsman of
your Lordship, and that you are matched with so noble and good a wife. I
saw the Queen’s Majesty yesternight in the garden; but for that she was
talking with my Lord Hunsden, she spake nothing to me, but looked very
earnestly on me. I hear her Majesty conceiveth somewhat better of me
than heretofore;[36] and my Lord of Leicester doubteth not in time to
bring all well again.
“I can learn no certain news worthy to write to your Lordship’s
Secretary. William Winter hath not yet sent my resolute answer from the
Flushingers and Prince of Orange touching our merchants’ ships and
goods; for other matters of France. I know Mr. Secretary Walsingham’s
wonted manner is to send your Lordship’s occurrents that come thence.
Mr. Secretary Smith lieth still in hard case at his house in Essex, and,
as I hear, this day or to-morrow setteth towards the baths in
Somersetshire; the use of his tongue is clean taken from him that he
cannot be understood, such is the continuance of the rheum that
distilleth from his head downwards.
“Thus, not knowing wherewith else to trouble your Lordship, I most
humbly beseech your blessing, with my wonted prayer for your Lordship’s
long continuance in all honour, and most perfect health.
“From the Court this Friday at night, the 6th of July, 1576.
“Your Lordship’s most humble and
obedient loving son,
“GILBERT TALBOT.”
Otherwise the family affairs of the Shrewsburys were engrossing enough.
The Lennox baby, born at Chatsworth, had, as stated, altered their
domestic and social world considerably. My Lady was now the grandmother
of a possible queen, a creature having equal right on her father’s side
to the crowns of Scotland and England. It was very important that while
Lady Shrewsbury still kept up towards the child’s aunt, Mary, a show of
friendliness, she should curry favour on every occasion with the English
Queen, who supported the rule of young James of Scotland. It was a nice
and delicate game to play, and must have pleased her well. It was not
likely now that Mary would ever come into power. Still, strange things
happened. If Elizabeth died suddenly Mary might have her day at last,
and every act of the Shrewsburys towards her in her captivity would be
weighed in her judgment and awards as soon as she was in the seat of
government. The two women had hitherto grown very friendly. All manner
of confidences must have passed between them, and my Lady’s alert ears
had supplied her quick tongue with many a bit of scandal which she could
retail for the amusement of the royal “guest.”
From this period, however, she would practise greater caution. She had
recently steered clear of great danger, and was toiling hard for the
Queen’s smiles. It was well known that those who favoured and fêted Lord
Leicester fêted the Queen in proxy. The visit of Leicester to Buxton in
1576 presented itself therefore as a great social chance.