E-text prepared by an anonymous volunteer
Transcriber's note:
The chapter summaries in the Table of Contents are repeated
in the text at the start of each chapter.
Footnotes are at the end of the chapter (or section of a Table
of Congress), referenced by parenthesized numbers, e.g. (1).
The capitalization of hyphenated words is inconsistent,
following the text, as is the use of the comma in lists.
The tables of the 39th and 40th Congresses are moved to the
Appendices.
Line 2874: "gauge of battle" changed to "gage of battle"
Line 12981: missing numerator in "3/10" supplied from preceding text.
Non-standard spellings: domicil; hinderance; cotemporary]
TWENTY YEARS OF CONGRESS:
From Lincoln to Garfield
With a Review of the Events Which Led to the Political Revolution of 1860.
by
JAMES G. BLAINE.
Volume II.
Norwich, Conn.:
The Henry Bill Publishing Company.
1886.
Copyright, 1884,
by James G. Blaine.
All rights reserved.
Electrotyped and Printed
By Rand, Avery, and Company,
Boston, Mass
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.
CHAPTER I.
ANDREW JOHNSON INSTALLED AS PRESIDENT.--CABINET AND SENATORS WITNESSES
TO THE CEREMONY.--RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE NEW PRESIDENT DELICATE IN
CHARACTER.--REQUIRING THE HIGHEST ORDER OF STATESMANSHIP.--THE QUESTION
OF RECONSTRUCTION.--ITS PECULIAR DIFFICULTIES.--NEW AND PERPLEXING
QUESTIONS.--CHARACTER AND CAREER OF MR. JOHNSON.--BORN IN NORTH
CAROLINA.--MIGRATES TO TENNESSEE.--HIS RAPID PROMOTION IN THAT STATE.--
A TAILOR BY TRADE.--WITHOUT EDUCATION--TAUGHT TO READ AT FIFTEEN.--
MAYOR OF TOWN AT TWENTY-TWO.--IN THE LEGISLATURE AT TWENTY-SEVEN.--
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOR IN 1840 AT THIRTY-TWO.--IN CONGRESS AT THIRTY-
FIVE.--GOVERNOR FROM 1853 TO 1857.--HIS HOMESTEAD POLICY.--NECESSARY
ANTAGONISM WITH SLAVERY.--HIS IDEAL OF A RURAL POPULATION.--BOLDNESS OF
HIS POLITICAL COURSE IN TENNESSEE.--HIS LOYALTY TO THE UNION.--
SEPARATES FROM THE DEMOCRATIC CONSPIRATORS.--HIS CAREER IN THE CIVIL
WAR.--APPOINTED MILITARY GOVERNOR OF TENNESSEE.--HIS ABLE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE OFFICE.--FORESHADOWS A SEVERE POLICY AS
PRESIDENT.--CONTRAST WITH MR. LINCOLN.--ANALYSIS OF JOHNSON'S POSITION.
--HIS BRIEF INAUGURAL ADDRESS.--EFFECT PRODUCED BY IT.--HIS ADDRESS TO
AN ILLINOIS DELEGATION.--SIGNIFICANT INDICATION OF A HARSH POLICY
TOWARDS THE REBELS.--PRESTON KING'S INFLUENCE.--PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS TO
A CHRISTIAN COMMISSION.--TO LOYAL SOUTHERNERS.--TO A PENNSYLVANIA
DELEGATION.--PRESIDENT'S TONE GROWS STERNER TOWARDS "TRAITORS."--
STRIKING CONVERSATION WITH SENATOR WADE.--FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE
LATE PRESIDENT.--REMAINS CARRIED TO ILLINOIS.--IMPRESSIVE SCENE IN
BALTIMORE.--IN PHILADELPHIA.--BODY REPOSES IN INDEPENDENCE HALL.--
CONTRAST WITH FOUR YEARS BEFORE.--UNPARALLELED DISPLAY OF FEELING IN
NEW YORK.--ORATION BY GEORGE BANCROFT.--ELEGIAC ODE BY WILLIAM CULLEN
BRYANT.--INTERMENT IN ILLINOIS.--CEREMONIES COMPARED WITH THOSE OF
ROYALTY.--PROFOUND FEELING THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY.--PUBLIC
MANIFESTATION OF MOURNING.
CHAPTER II.
MILITARY REVIEW IN HONOR OF UNION VICTORY.--THE EASTERN AND WESTERN
ARMIES.--THEIR GREAT ACHIEVEMENTS.--SPECIAL INTEREST.--NUMBER OF
BATTLES DURING THE WAR.--NUMBER EACH YEAR.--STRUGGLE OF 1861-65.--
DISCIPLINE OF THE ARMY.--MORAL RESPONSIBILITY OF CONTINUING THE
CONTEST.--NEEDLESS SLAUGHTER OF MEN.--CONFEDERATE RESPONSIBILITY.--
SPEECH OF ROBERT M. T. HUNTER, FOLLOWED BY JUDAH P. BENJAMIN.--
EXTREME MEASURES ADVOCATED BY HIM.--HIS OVER-ZEAL.--MR. BENJAMIN SEEKS
REFUGE IN ENGLAND.--HIS SUCCESS THERE DUE TO ENGLISH SYMPATHY WITH THE
REBELLION.--HIS MALIGNITY TOWARDS THE UNION.--SOUTHERN CHARACTER.--ITS
STRONG POINTS AND ITS WEAK POINTS.--CONDUCT OF CONFEDERATE CONGRESS.--
THEIR INFLAMMATORY ADDRESS.--ITS EXTRAVAGANCE AND ABSURDITY.--JEFFERSON
DAVIS'S ADDRESS TO CONGRESS.--HIS LACK OF MORAL COURAGE.--DISBANDMENT
OF UNION ARMY, 1,00,516 MEN.--ANOTHER MILLION GONE BEFORE.--SELF-
SUPPORT AND SELF-ADJUSTMENT.--COMPARISON WITH THE ARMY OF THE
REVOLUTION.--UNION OFFICERS ALL YOUNG MEN.--AGES OF OFFICERS IN OTHER
WARS.--AGES OF REGULAR ARMY OFFICERS.--OF VOLUNTEER OFFICERS.--HARMONY
OF THE TWO.--SPECIAL EFFICIENCY OF THE VOLUNTEERS.--MAGNITUDE OF THE
UNION ARMY.--THE INFANTRY, CAVALRY, ARTILLERY.--NUMBER OF GENERALS.--
NUMBER OF REGIMENTS.--MILITARY RESOURCES OF THE REPUBLIC.--ITS SECURITY
IN TIME OF DANGER.
CHAPTER III.
THE RECONSTRUCTION PROBLEM.--THE PRESIDENT'S PUBLIC ADDRESSES.--TIME
FOR ACTION ARRIVED.--PROCLAMATION DECLARING HOSTILITIES CEASED.--MANNER
OF DEALING WITH INSURRECTIONARY STATES.--MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST EFFORTS AT
RECONSTRUCTION.--ELECTION IN LOUISIANA.--FLANDERS AND HAHN.--MR.
LINCOLN'S NOTE TO GENERAL SHEPLEY.--TO CUTHBERT BULLETT.--MR. LINCOLN'S
DEFINITE PLAN.--"ONE-TENTH" OF VOTERS TO ORGANIZE LOYAL STATE
GOVERNMENT.--FREE-STATE CONVENTION IN LOUISIANA.--MICHAEL HAHN ELECTED
GOVERNOR.--CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.--MR. LINCOLN'S CONGRATULATIONS.--
SIMILAR ACTION IN ARKANSAS.--ISAAC MURPHY ELECTED GOVERNOR.--
REPRESENTATION IN CONGRESS DENIED TO THESE STATES.--MR. SUMNER'S
RESOLUTION.--ADOPTED BY SENATE.--SIMILAR ACTION IN HOUSE.--CONFLICT
BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS.--CONGRESSIONAL PLAN OF
RECONSTRUCTION.--THREE FUNDAMENTAL CONDITIONS.--BILL PASSED JULY 4,
1864.--NOT APPROVED BY THE PRESIDENT.--HIS REASONS GIVEN IN A PUBLIC
PROCLAMATION.--SENATOR WADE AND H. WINTER DAVIS CRITICISE THE
PROCLAMATION.--THEIR PROTEST.--SUBSEQUENT RESOLUTION OF CONGRESS.--THE
PRESIDENT'S REPLY TO IT.--MR. LINCOLN'S PROBABLE COURSE ON THE SUBJECT
OF RECONSTRUCTION.--RECONSTRUCTION OF THE GOVERNMENT OF TENNESSEE.--THE
QUICK PROCESS OF DOING.--RATIFIED BY POPULAR VOTE, 25,293 TO 48.--
PARSON BROWNLOW CHOSEN GOVERNOR.--PATTERSON AND FOWLER ELECTED
SENATORS.--JOHNSON'S INAUGURATION AS VICE-PRESIDENT.--HIS SPEECH.--WERE
THE REBEL STATES OUT OF THE UNION?--JOHNSON'S VIEWS.--MR. LINCOLN'S
VIEWS.--RADICAL AND CONSERVATIVE.--EXTRA SESSION DEBATED.--ADVERSE
DECISION.--ILL-LUCK OF EXTRA SESSIONS.
CHAPTER IV.
PRESIDENT JOHN AND THE CABINET.--EFFECT OF VICE-PRESIDENT'S ACCESSION.
--EXAMPLE OF TYLER IN 1841 AND FILLMORE IN 1850.--A VICE-PRESIDENT'S
DIFFICULT POSITION.--PERSONNEL OF CABINET IN 1865.--ITS NEARLY EVEN
DIVISION ON RECONSTRUCTION ISSUES.--PRESUMED POSITION OF EACH MEMBER.--
STANTON, HARLAN, AND DENNISON RADICAL.--WELLES, McCULLOCH, AND SPEED
CONSERVATIVE.--MR. SEWARD'S RELATION TO THE PRESIDENT.--HIS POSITION
EXPLAINED.--MR. SEWARD REGAINS HIS HEALTH.--DISPLAY OF HIS PERSONAL
POWER.--CHARACTERISTICS OF MR. SEWARD.--SUPERIORITY OF HIS MIND.--
TENDENCY OF THE PRESIDENT'S MIND.--SOCIAL INFLUENCES AT WORK UPON HIM.
--HIS RADICAL CHANGE OF POSITION.--PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION MAY 29.--
AMNESTY AND PARDON TO REBELS.--THIRTEEN EXCEPTED CLASSES.--THE "TWENTY-
THOUSAND-DOLLAR" DISABILITY.--WARMLY OPPOSED BY MR. SEWARD.--CLEMENCY
PROMISED TO EXCEPTED CLASSES.--PARDONS APPLIED FOR.--FOURTEEN THOUSAND
GRANTED IN NINE MONTHS.--ANOTHER PROCLAMATION OF SAME DATE.--
PROVISIONAL GOVERNORS APPOINTED.--FIRST FOR NORTH CAROLINA.--EXISTING
GOVERNMENTS IN VIRGINIA, LOUISIANA, ARKANSAS, AND TENNESSEE
RECOGNIZED.--PRESIDENT'S RECONSTRUCTION POLICY.--NOW FULLY DISCLOSED.--
OATH OF ALLEGIANCE PRESCRIBED.--PROVISIONAL GOVERNORS TO ASSEMBLE
CONVENTIONS.--THE CONVENTIONS TO FORM CONSTITUTIONS.--LEGISLATURES THEN
TO ASSEMBLE.--WHOLE MACHINERY OF GOVERNMENT IN MOTION.--REBELS IN
POSSESSION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS.--COLORED MEN EXCLUDED FROM ALL
PARTICIPATION.--SUFFRAGE LEFT TO THE STATES.--PRESIDENT'S PERSONAL
POSITION ON SUFFRAGE.--RECONSTRUCTION SCHEME COMPLETE IN JULY.--THE
PRESIDENT AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.--HIS BELIEF THAT THE PARTY WOULD
FOLLOW HIM.--HIS HOSTILITY TO RADICALS.--PRESIDENT DEPENDS ON CONDUCT
OF THE SOUTH.--PUBLIC INTEREST TRANSFERRED TO THAT SECTION.
CHAPTER V.
GREAT OPPORTUNITY GIVEN TO THE SOUTH.--THEIR RESPONSE TO THE
PRESIDENT'S TREATMENT.--NORTHERN DESIRE FOR RESTORATION OF THE UNION.--
SOUTH DOES NOT RESPOND TO IT.--SOUTHERN RECONSTRUCTION CONVENTIONS.--
INCOMPLETE AND ILL-DIGESTED PROCEEDINGS.--REBELS APPLY FOR SEATS IN
CONGRESS.--IRON-CLAD OATH IN THEIR WAY.--THEY DENOUNCE IT AS
UNCONSTITUTIONAL.--COURSE OF ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.--SOUTHERN FEELING
TOWARDS THE UNION.--THEIR CONVENTIONS EXHIBIT HATRED.--HOSTILE
MANIFESTATIONS.--EXPRESSIONS OF PRESS AND STUMP ORATORS.--LEADING
REBELS NOMINATED FOR OFFICE.--SOUTH DESCRIBED BY MR. FESSENDEN'S
COMMITTEE.--SOUTH MISLED BY NORTHERN DEMOCRACY IN 1865.--FORMER
CALAMITY FROM SAME CAUSE IN 1861.--WHAT CONGRESS WOULD DEMAND OF THE
SOUTH.--THREE INDISPENSABLE REQUIREMENTS.--SOUTHERN LEGISLATURES
DEFIANTLY RESIST.--CHARACTER OF THOSE LEGISLATURES.--PRACTICAL
RE-ENACTMENT OF THE SLAVE-CODE.--CRUELTY OF ALABAMA STATUTES.--
FRAUDULENT IN THEIR NATURE.--COURSE OF THE CITY OF MOBILE.--STATUTES
OF FLORIDA STILL WORSE.--UNFAIR TAXATION.--POLL-TAX OF THREE DOLLARS.--
A LIEN UPON THE NEGRO'S LABOR.--OPPRESSION OF THE NEGRO.--ENACTMENTS IN
SOUTH CAROLINA.--CHARACTERIZED BY RANK INJUSTICE.--PENAL ENACTMENTS IN
MISSISSIPPI.--ATROCIOUS PROVISIONS.--LAWS OF LOUISIANA WORST OF ALL.--
CAPITATION TAX IN THE SOUTH.--ITS UNJUST EFFECT.--SCHOOL LAWS.--
EDUCATION PRACTICALLY DENIED TO THE NEGRO.-HE IS TAXED FOR THE
EDUCATION OF THE WHITES.--DISPROPORTION OF BURDENS PLACED UPON HIM.--
REVIEW OF THE BLACK CODE.--SOME DETAILS OF ITS PROVISIONS.--INCREDIBLY
CRUEL.--THE SOUTH WITHOUT EXCUSE FOR ITS ENACTMENT.--THEIR
DETERMINATION TO VINDICATE SLAVERY.--TO BRING REPROACH ON THE NORTH.--
INFLUENCE OF THESE PROCEEDINGS ON MR. SEWARD.--HIS MODE OF SELF-
JUSTIFICATION.--SEVERELY CENSURED BY HIS OLD SUPPORTERS.--MISLED BY THE
COURSE OF EVENTS.--HIS LOSS OF POPULARITY.
CHAPTER VI.
MEETING OF THE THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS.--RE-ELECTION OF SPEAKER COLFAX.--
HIS ADDRESS ON TAKING THE CHAIR.--THADDEUS STEVENS MOVES FOR A
COMMITTEE OF RECONSTRUCTION.--RESISTED BY DEMOCRATS.--REBEL CONTESTANTS
DENIED ADMISSION TO THE FLOOR.--MUCH FEELING ON THE QUESTION.--
PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE.--PROPOSITIONS OF MR. SUMNER.--ANNUAL MESSAGE
OF THE PRESIDENT.--OUTLINE OF ITS CONTENTS.--APPARENTLY CONSERVATIVE IN
TONE.--NOT PERSONALLY AGGRESSIVE.--LEADING MEN OF THE THIRTY-NINTH
CONGRESS.--DEATH OF BOTH VERMONT SENATORS.--NEW SENATORS.--NEW MEMBERS
OF THE HOUSE.--SKETCHES OF PROMINENT SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES.--
PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S PATRONAGE.--UNPRECEDENTED VOLUME OF IT DUE LARGELY
TO THE WAR.--DANGER OF ITS USE AGAINST REPUBLICANS.--APPREHENSIONS OF
REPUBLICANS.--RECONSTRUCTION RESOLUTION IN THE SENATE.--AMENDED IN THAT
BODY.--CONCURRENCE OF HOUSE.--APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEE.--STRONG
CHARACTER OF ITS MEMBERS.--HOUSE RESOLUTIONS.--DEBATE ON
RECONSTRUCTION.--LONGEST DEBATE IN THE HISTORY OF CONGRESS.--OPENED BY
MR. STEVENS.--VERY RADICAL IN ITS TONE.--HE SKETCHES CHANGED BASIS OF
REPRESENTATION.--GIVES OFFENSE TO THE ADMINISTRATION.--MR. HENRY J.
RAYMOND.--HIS REPLY TO MR. STEVENS.--HIS STRONG ATTACHMENT TO MR.
SEWARD.--THEORY OF DEAD STATES.--SPEECH OF MR. SPALDING.--MR.
SHELLABARGER REPLIES TO MR. RAYMOND.--EXHAUSTIVE SPEECH.--GAVE HIM A
LEADING PLACE IN THE HOUSE.--SEVERE ATTACK ON THE SOUTH.--RESOLUTIONS
OF MR. VOORHEES SUSTAINING ADMINISTRATION.--SPEECH IN SUPPORT OF THEM.
--MR. BINGHAM'S REPLY.--HOUSE REFUSES TO INDORSE THE ADMINISTRATION.--
TWO REPUBLICANS JOIN DEMOCRATIC VOTE.--DISAPPOINTMENT OF MR. RAYMOND.--
THINKS DEMOCRATIC SUPPORT A MISFORTUNE.--CHARACTER OF MR. RAYMOND.--HIS
GREAT ABILITY.--HIS LIFE SHORTENED.--DIED AT FORTY-NINE.
CHAPTER VII.
SENATE DEBATE ON RECONSTRUCTION.--SPEECH OF MR. WILSON.--DENOUNCES THE
PRO-SLAVERY STATUTES OF SOUTHERN STATES.--REPLY OF REVERDY JOHNSON.--
MR. SUMNER SUSTAINS MR. WILSON.--SPEECHES OF WILLARD SAULSBURY AND MR.
COWAN.--EARNEST DEBATE BEFORE HOLIDAYS.--EMBARRASSMENT OF THE
REPUBLICAN PARTY.--THE PRESIDENT'S PRESUMED STRENGTH.--POSITION OF
COMMERCIAL MEN.--FIRMNESS OF REPUBLICAN MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.--
CONTRASTED WITH CONDUCT OF WHIGS IN 1841.--COVODE AND SCHURZ CALLED
FOR.--PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE.--SENDS REPORT OF MR. SCHURZ AND
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT.--CALLS SPECIAL ATTENTION TO GENERAL GRANT'S
REPORT.--REPORT APPARENTLY SUSTAINS THE ADMINISTRATION.--MR. SUMNER
DENOUNCES PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.--COMPARES JOHNSON TO PIERCE.--MR.
SCHURZ'S REPORT SUBMITTED.--HIS PICTURE OF THE SOUTHERN CONDITION.--HIS
RECOMMENDATIONS.--FAVORS NEGRO SUFFRAGE.--HOW MR. SCHURZ WAS SELECTED.
--EXTENT OF HIS TOUR IN THE SOUTH.--DIVERGENT CONCLUSIONS OF THE TWO.--
SUBSEQUENT CHANGE OF POSITION OF BOTH.--INTERESTING CASE IN THE UNITED-
STATES SENATE.--JOHN P. STOCKTON SWORN IN AS SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY.--
PROTEST AGAINST HIS RIGHT TO A SEAT.--JUDICIARY COMMITTEE REPORT IN HIS
FAVOR.--DEBATE IN THE SENATE.--MR. CLARKE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.--ABLE
SPEECH OF MR. FESSENDEN.--HE EXAMINES THE CONSTITUTIONAL GROUND.--HIS
CONCLUSIVE REASONING.--LONG DEBATE.--DECISION AGAINST MR. STOCKTON.--
IMPORTANT RESULTS FLOWING FROM IT.--CONGRESS REGULATES TIME AND MANNER
OF ELECTING SENATORS.--CHANGE FROM STATE CONTROL TO NATIONAL CONTROL.--
ALEXANDER G. CATTELL SUCCEEDS MR. STOCKTON.--DEATH OF MR. WRIGHT.--
FREDERICK T. FRELINGHUYSEN SUCCEEDS HIM.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE PRESIDENT OFFENDED.--ADVERSE VOTE IN CONGRESS SURPRISES HIM.--
FREEDMEN'S BUREAU ESTABLISHED.--MAJOR-GENERAL HOWARD APPOINTED
COMMISSIONER.--HIS CHARACTER.--DEFICIENCY OF THE BUREAU.--SUPPLEMENTARY
ACT.--ITS PROVISIONS.--CONFLICT WITH STATE POWER.--LONG DEBATE.--SPEECH
OF IGNATIUS DONNELLY.--THE PRESIDENT'S VETO.--SEVERE ATTACK UPON THE
POLICY.--EXPENSE OF THE BUREAU.--SENATE FAILS TO PASS BILL OVER VETO.--
ANOTHER BILL TO SAME EFFECT PASSED.--MORE GUARDED IN ITS PROVISIONS.--
PRESIDENT VETOES THE SECOND BILL.--SENATE AND HOUSE PASS IT OVER THE
VETO.--UNPOPULARITY OF THE MEASURE.--SENATOR TRUMBULL INTRODUCES CIVIL
RIGHTS BILL.--ITS PROVISIONS.--RADICAL IN THEIR EFFECT.--SPEECH OF
REVERDY JOHNSON.--DEBATE IN THE HOUSE.--PRESIDENT VETOES THE BILL.--
MAKES ELABORATE ARGUMENT AGAINST IT.--EXCITING DEBATE ON VETO.--MR.
TRUMBULL'S SPEECH.--SEVERE REVIEW OF PRESIDENT'S COURSE.--EXCITING
SPEECH OF MR. WADE.--ILLNESS OF MR. WRIGHT.--SEVERE REMARKS OF MR.
McDOUGAL AND MR. GUTHRIE.--DEBATE IN THE HOUSE.--BOTH BRANCHES PASS
BILL OVER VETO.--RADICAL CHARACTER OF THE MEASURE.--RELATIONS OF
PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS.--OPENLY HOSTILE.--POPULAR MEETING IN
WASHINGTON.--PRESIDENT'S ACTION APPROVED.--PRESIDENT' SPEECH 22D OF
FEBRUARY.--ITS UNDIGNIFIED AND VIOLENT CHARACTER.--CALLS MEN BY NAME.--
UNFAVORABLE IMPRESSION UPON THE COUNTRY.--THE PRESIDENT LOSING GROUND.
--REPUBLICANS IN CONGRESS ANXIOUS.--EXCITING PERIOD.--SENATOR LANE OF
KANSAS.--HIS POLITICAL DEFECTION.--HIS SUICIDE.--PERSONAL HISTORY.--HIS
PUBLIC SERVICES.--SUICIDE OF PRESTON KING.--SUPPOSED REASONS FOR THE ACT.
CHAPTER IX.
CONTEST BETWEEN PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS.--POINTS OF DIFFERENCE.--WHAT
CONGRESS INSISTED ON.--REQUIRED DEFINITION OF AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP.--
POLITICAL DISABILITIES.--THE PUBLIC CREDIT.--PROTECTION OF NATIONAL
PENSIONS.--REPUDIATION OF REBEL DEBT.--POSSIBLE PAYMENT FOR SLAVES.--
APPREHENSIONS OF CAPITALISTS.--DANGER HANGING OVER NATIONAL TREASURY.--
AMENDMENTS TO THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.--SHOULD REBEL STATES
PARTICIPATE.--MR. SEWARD'S VIEW.--MR. THADDEUS STEVENS'S VIEW.--
PROCEEDINGS OF RECONSTRUCTION COMMITTEE.--PROPOSED BASES OF
REPRESENTATION.--AMENDMENT PROPOSED BY MR. SPALDING.--BY MR. BLAINE.--
BY MR. CONKLING.--SPEECH OF MR. JENCKES OF RHODE ISLAND.--BY MR. BAKER
AND MR. INGERSOLL OF ILLINOIS.--BY MR. SHELLABARGER.--BY MR. PIKE OF
MAINE.--MR. SCHENCK'S AMENDMENT.--HOUSE ADOPTS AMENDMENT.--OPPOSED IN
THE SENATE.--LONG SPEECH OF MR. SUMNER.--REPLY OF MR. FESSENDEN.--
SPEECH OF SENATOR HENDERSON.--HIS RADICAL PROPOSITION.--SENATE DEFEATS
HOUSE AMENDMENT.--NEW PROPOSITION FROM THE RECONSTRUCTION COMMITTEE.--
FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION PROPOSED.--ITS ORIGINAL FORM.
--DEBATE IN THE HOUSE.--PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE.--LONG DEBATE.--
SPEECHES BY MR. HOWARD, MR. HENDRICKS, MR. SHERMAN, MR. REVERDY
JOHNSON, MR. DOOLITTLE.--FINAL ADOPTION OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT BY
BOTH BRANCHES.--NOTIFICATION TO THE STATES JUNE 16.--PROMPT ADOPTION BY
TENNESSEE.--TENNESSEE RE-ADMITTED TO REPRESENTATION.--ACTION OF SENATE
AND HOUSE THEREON.--REASONS ASSIGNED FOR PASSING THE BILL.--PRESIDENT
APPROVES THE BILL, BUT DISAPPROVES THE REASONS FOR ITS PASSAGE.--HIS
INGENIOUS CENSURE OF CONGRESS.--ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS.--IMPENDING
POLITICAL CONTEST.--STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS.
CHAPTER X.
A CABINET CRISIS.--RESIGNATION OF WILLIAM DENNISON, POSTMASTER-GENERAL,
JAMES SPEED, ATTORNEY-GENERAL, AND JAMES HARLAN, SECRETARY OF THE
INTERIOR.--SUCCEEDED RESPECTIVELY BY ALEXANDER W. RANDALL, HENRY
STANBURY, AND ORVILLE H. BROWNING.--POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1866.--FOUR
NATIONAL CONVENTIONS.--TWO FAVORING THE PRESIDENT; TWO ADVERSE.--
PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION, AUGUST 14, FAVORING THE PRESIDENT.--IMPRESSIVE
IN NUMBERS, DISTINGUISHED IN DELEGATES.--PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION OF
SEPTEMBER 13.--SOUTHERN LOYALISTS AND NORTHERN SYMPATHIZERS.--LIST OF
PROMINENT MEN IN ATTENDANCE.--MARKED EFFECT OF ITS PROCEEDINGS.--
SPEECH OF HONORABLE JAMES SPEED.--ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE.--WRITTEN BY
THE HONORABLE J. A. J. CRESWELL.--SOLDIERS' CONVENTION AT CLEVELAND.--
FAVORABLE TO THE PRESIDENT.--SPEECH OF GENERAL EWING.--CONVENTION
PRINCIPALLY DEMOCRATIC IN MEMBERSHIP.--ITS PROCEEDINGS INEFFECTIVE.--
SOLDIERS' CONVENTION AT PITTSBURG.--HOSTILE TO PRESIDENT.--GENERAL COX
PRESIDES.--DISTINGUISHED OFFICERS PRESENT.--TWENTY-FIVE THOUSAND
SOLDIERS PRESENT.--GREAT EFFECT FOLLOWED IT IN THE COUNTRY.--FOURTEENTH
AMENDMENT THE RALLYING-POINT.--POLITICAL EVENTS OF THE SUMMER.--HOSTILE
TO PRESIDENT.--NEW-ORLEANS RIOT OF JULY 30.--GREAT SLAUGHTER.--REBEL
OFFICERS IN LOUISIANA RESPONSIBLE.--INVESTIGATED BY CONGRESS.--ALSO BY
MILITARY AUTHORITIES.--REPORTS SUBSTANTIALLY AGREE.--CENSURE OF THE
PRESIDENT.--RESULT HURTFUL TO HIS ADMINISTRATION.--HIS FAMOUS TOUR.--
INJURIOUS TO HIS ADMINISTRATION.--REPUBLICANS VICTORIOUS IN ELECTIONS
THROUGHOUT THE NORTH.--DEMOCRATS VICTORIOUS THROUGHOUT THE SOUTH.--
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES REPUBLICAN BY THREE TO ONE.--PRESIDENT
DEPRESSED.--IMPORTANCE OF THE ELECTIONS OF 1866.--NEGRO SUFFRAGE.--THE
DIFFICULTY OF IMPOSING IT ON THE SOUTH.--FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT THE TEST
FOR RECONSTRUCTION.
CHAPTER XI.
SECOND SESSION THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS.--PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.--REPEATS
THE FORMER RECOMMENDATIONS.--MISCHIEVOUS EFFECT PRODUCED IN THE SOUTH.
--THE TEN CONFEDERATES STATES VOTE ON THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT.--
REJECTED BY EVERY ONE.--DEFIANCE TO CONGRESS.--MADNESS OF THE SOUTHERN
LEADERS.--DETERMINATION OF THE NORTH.--NEW PLAN OF RECONSTRUCTION.--
BILL REPORTED BY MR. STEVENS.--SOUTH DIVIDED INTO MILITARY DISTRICTS.--
BILL ELABORATELY DEBATED.--VIEWS OF LEADING MEMBERS.--EXTRACTS FROM
SPEECHES.--BLAINE AMENDMENT.--DEBATED IN THE HOUSE.--OPPOSED BY MR.
STEVENS.--REJECTED IN THE HOUSE.--ADOPTED IN DIFFERENT FORM IN THE
SENATE.--FINALLY INCORPORATED IN RECONSTRUCTION BILL.--PRESIDENT VETOES
THE BILL.--PASSED OVER HIS VETO.--CHARACTER OF THE MEASURE.--THE SOUTH
FORCES THE ADOPTION OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.--NOT CONTEMPLATED ORIGINALLY BY
THE NORTH.--CHARACTER OF THE STRUGGLE.--EXECUTIVE PATRONAGE.--
PRESIDENT'S POLICY TO BE SUSTAINED BY IT.--THE POWER OF REMOVAL.--EARLY
DECISION OF THE GOVERNMENT.--VIEWS OF MR. MADISON AND MR. WEBSTER.--OF
HAMILTON AND OF WASHINGTON.--REPUBLICAN LEADERS DETERMINED TO CURTAIL
THE POWER.--MR. WILLIAMS INTRODUCES TENURE OF OFFICE BILL.--SPEECHES
OF EDMUNDS, HOWE, AND OTHERS.--PRESIDENT VETOES THE BILL.--PASSED OVER
HIS VETO.--DOUBTFUL CHARACTER OF THE MEASURE.--REPUBLICAN DISTRUST OF
IT.--NEW STATES IN THE NORTH-WEST.--MR. LINCOLN'S POLICY SHOWN IN THE
CASE OF NEVADA.--INCREASE OF FREE TERRITORIES.--NEBRASKA AND COLORADO
APPLY FOR ADMISSION.--PRESIDENT JOHNSON VETOES THE BILL.--ADMISSION OF
COLORADO PREVENTED.--POWER OF PARDON AND AMNESTY BY PROCLAMATION TAKEN
FROM THE PRESIDENT.--SCANDALS REPORTED.
CHAPTER XII.
MEETING OF FORTIETH CONGRESS, MARCH 4TH, 1867.--CONSPICUOUS CHANGES IN
SENATE AND HOUSE.--CAMERON, CONKLING, MORTON, IN SENATE.--BUTLER,
PETERS, BECK, IN HOUSE.--MR. JAMES BROOKS OBJECTS TO THE ORGANIZATION
OF THE HOUSE.--SEVENTEEN STATES ASSENT.--THE CLERK DECLINES TO RECEIVE
HIS MOTION.--THIRD ELECTION OF MR. COLFAX AS SPEAKER.--SUPPLEMENTARY
RECONSTRUCTION ACT.--THE PRESIDENT'S PROMPT VETO.--PASSED OVER HIS
OBJECTIONS.--CONGRESS ADJOURNS TO JULY 3D.--SECOND SUPPLEMENTARY ACT OF
RECONSTRUCTION.--ANOTHER VETO.--OMINOUS WORDS FROM THE PRESIDENT.--
REPUBLICANS DISQUIETED.--CONGRESS ADJOURNS TO NOVEMBER.--THE SOUTH
PLACED UNDER MILITARY GOVERNMENT.--PRACTICAL RECONSTRUCTION.--
CONVENTIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES.--CONSTITUTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE
PEOPLE.--SECOND SESSION FORTIETH CONGRESS.--AGGRESSIVE MESSAGE FROM THE
PRESIDENT.--SOUTHERN STATES RE-ADMITTED TO REPRESENTATION.--ANOTHER
VETO FROM THE PRESIDENT.--RECONSTRUCTION CONTEST PRACTICALLY ENDED.--
REPRESENTATIVES AND SENATORS FROM THE SOUTH.--MISTAKES OF FORMER
SLAVE-HOLDERS.--UNFORTUNATE BLUNDERS.--PECULIAR MENTAL QUALITIES OF
PRESIDENT JOHNSON.--THE VETO POWER.--ITS INFREQUENT USE BY EARLIER
PRESIDENTS.--EXAMPLE OF JACKSON.--FOLLOWED BY HIS SUCCESSORS.--
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN DEMOCRATIC AND WHIG PRESIDENTS.--MR. TYLER AND MR.
JOHNSON.--RATIFICATION OF THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT.--PROCLAIMED BY MR.
SEWARD.--IMPORTANCE OF ITS PROVISIONS.--SINGULAR HOSTILITY OF THE
DEMOCRATS.--A NEW CHARTER OF FREEDOM.--SWEEPS AWAY OPPRESSION AND
EVERY DENIAL OF JUSTICE.--CREDIT OF IT CONCEDED TO THE REPUBLICANS.
CHAPTER XIII.
GOVERNMENT FINANCES AFTER THE WAR.--DIFFICULTIES OF THE SITUATION.--
INTREPIDITY OF CONGRESS.--ITS GREAT TASK.--$600,000,000 BILL.--SUMMARY
OF PUBLIC DEBT, DECEMBER, 1865.--FUNDED AND FLOATING OBLIGATIONS.--
AGGREGATE DEBT, JANUARY 1, 1866, $2,730,491,745.--$1,600,000,000
FLOATING OBLIGATIONS.--MR. McCULLOCH'S ESTIMATES.--HIS FINANCIAL
POLICY.--CONTRACTION THE LEADING FEATURE.--WAYS AND MEANS COMMITTEE
REPORT A FUNDING BILL.--HOUSE DEBATES THEREON.--SENATE DEBATE.--FINAL
PASSAGE.--REVENUE LAWS IN CONGRESS.--CONTRASTED WITH BRITISH
PARLIAMENT.--LARGE REDUCTION OF INTERNAL TAXES.--SECOND REDUCTION OF
INTERNAL TAXES.--CONTRACTION POLICY OPPRESSIVE.--INDIRECT RELIEF.--
HOSTILITY RAPIDLY INCREASES.--PROGRESS OF FUNDING BILL.--REPEAL OF
CONTRACTION BILL.--ITS EVIL EFFECTS.--FURTHER REDUCTION OF INTERNAL
TAXES.--FINANCIAL ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE GOVERNMENT.--LARGE REDUCTION OF
NATIONAL DEBT.--VALUABLE TREASURY OFFICIALS.--PURCHASE OF ALASKA.--
PRICE, $7,200,000 IN GOLD COIN.--PURCHASE AT FIRST UNPOPULAR.--
RESISTANCE IN THE HOUSE.--MR. WASHBURNE AND GENERAL BUTLER OPPOSE.--
TREATY ABLY SUSTAINED BY GENERAL BANKS.--INTERESTING DEBATE.--MANY
PARTICIPANTS.--POWER OF THE HOUSE RESPECTING TREATIES.--CHRONIC
CONTROVERSY.--THE BILL PASSED.--OPINION OF JUDGE McLEAN.--OF MR.
JEFFERSON.--EXTENT OF ALASKA.--VALUE OF IT.--ITS ELEMENTS OF WEALTH.--
FIRST NORTHERN TERRITORY ACQUIRED BY THE UNITED STATES.--NEGOTIATION
ABLY CONDUCTED BY MR. SEWARD.
CHAPTER XIV.
IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON.--FIRST MOVEMENT THERETO.--MR.
ASHLEY'S GRAVE CHARGES.--GENERAL GRANT'S IMPORTANT TESTIMONY.--
JUDICIARY COMMITTEE DIVIDE.--IMPEACHMENT DEFEATED, DECEMBER, 1867.--
ANALYSIS OF VOTE.--SUSPENSION OF MR. STANTON.--TENURE-OF-OFFICE LAW.--
SENATE DISAPPROVES MR. STANTON'S SUSPENSION.--MR. STANTON RESTORED AS
SECRETARY OF WAR.--AN UNWELCOME CABINET OFFICER.--PREVIOUS VIEWS OF
LEADING STATESMEN.--PRESIDENT'S ANOMALOUS SITUATION.--HE REMOVES MR.
STANTON.--APPOINTS LORENZO THOMAS _Ad Interim_.--SENATE CONDEMNS THE
PRESIDENT'S COURSE.--IMPEACHMENT MOVED IN THE HOUSE.--EXCITING DEBATE.
--IMPEACHMENT CARRIED.--MANAGERS APPOINTED.--ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT
PRESENTED TO THE SENATE.--THOMAS EWING NOMINATED FOR SECRETARY OF WAR.
--NOT CONFIRMED.--COURT OF IMPEACHMENT.--THE CHIEF JUSTICE.--THE
PRESIDENT'S COUNSEL.--JUDGE CURTIS.--MR. EVARTS.--MR. GROESBECK.--THE
PRESIDENT'S ANSWER.--GENERAL BUTLER'S ARGUMENT.--TESTIMONY PRESENTED BY
MANAGERS.--ARGUMENT OF JUDGE CURTIS.--THE PRESIDENT'S WITNESSES.--
REJECTION OF TESTIMONY BY SENATE.--TESTIMONY CONCLUDED.--ARGUMENT OF
GENERAL LOGAN.--OF MR. BOUTWELL.--OF MR. NELSON.--OF MR. GROESBECK.--
OF THADDEUS STEVENS.--OF THOMAS WILLIAMS.--OF MR. EVARTS.--OF MR.
STANBERY.--OF MR. BINGHAM.--TWENTY-NINE SENATORS FILE THEIR OPINIONS.--
FIRST VOTE ON LAST ARTICLE.--GENERAL INTEREST AND EXCITEMENT.--THE
RESULT.--ACQUITTAL OF PRESIDENT.--VIEWS OF REPUBLICANS.--CONDEMNATION
OF CERTAIN SENATORS.--SUBSEQUENT CHANGE OF OPINION.--THE PRESIDENT
UNWISELY IMPEACHED.--ACTUAL OFFENSES OF THE PRESIDENT.--THEIR GRAVITY.
--IMPEACHED ON OTHER GROUNDS.--THE REAL TEST.--NATURE OF AN IMPEACHABLE
OFFENSE.--LAWYERS DIFFER.--EFFECT ON MR. STANTON.--HIS POLITICAL
ATTITUDE.--HIS RESIGNATION.--APPOINTED SUPREME JUSTICE.--HIS DEATH.--
GENERAL SCHOFIELD SECRETARY OF WAR.--MR. EVARTS ATTORNEY-GENERAL.
CHAPTER XV.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1868.--REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION AT
CHICAGO.--GENERAL GRANT THE CLEARLY INDICATED CANDIDATE OF HIS PARTY.--
CONTEST FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY.--WADE, COLFAX, FENTON, WILSON, CURTIN.
--SPIRITED BALLOTING.--COLFAX NOMINATED.--PLATFORM.--DEMOCRATIC
NATIONAL CONVENTION.--MEETS IN NEW YORK, JULY 4.--NUMEROUS CANDIDATES.
--GEORGE H. PENDLETON MOST PROMINENT.--AN ORGANIZED MOVEMENT FOR CHIEF
JUSTICE CHASE.--HIS ALLIANCE WITH THE DEMOCRACY.--HIS EAGERNESS FOR THE
NOMINATION.--HIS FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH VALLANDINGHAM.--PRESIDENT
JOHNSON.--SEEKS DEMOCRATIC INDORSEMENT.--MR. AUGUST BELMONT'S OPENING
SPEECH.--HORATIO SEYMOUR PRESIDENT OF THE CONVENTION.--HIS ARRAIGNMENT
OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.--CHARACTER OF HIS MIND.--THE DEMOCRATIC
PLATFORM.--FAVORS PAYING THE PUBLIC DEBT IN PAPER MONEY.--DECLARES THE
RECONSTRUCTION ACTS TO BE USURPATIONS.--WADE HAMPTON'S PROMINENCE.--
VARIOUS NAMES PRESENTED FOR THE PRESIDENCY.--VARYING FORTUNES OF
CANDIDATES.--SEYMOUR NOMINATED.--THE VICE-PRESIDENCY.--FRANK BLAIR
NOMINATED BY ACCLAMATION.--AGGRESSIVE CAMPAIGN OF BOTH SIDES.--MR.
SEYMOUR'S POPULAR TOUR.--FINAL RESULT.--GENERAL GRANT'S ELECTION.
CHAPTER XVI.
REPUBLICAN VICTORY OF 1868 ANALYZED.--MR. SEYMOUR'S STRENGTH
UNEXPECTEDLY GREAT.--ASTOUNDING DEFECTION OF CERTAIN STATES.--
DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IN NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, AND OREGON.--EVIL OMENS.--
DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IN LOUISIANA.--WON BY FRAUD AND VIOLENCE.--THE
FIGURES EXAMINED.--ACTION OF CONGRESS THEREON.--FRAUD SUSPECTED IN
GEORGIA.--DEMOCRATIC DUTY UNPERFORMED.--IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE.--VARIOUS
PROPOSITIONS.--AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION.--MR. HENDERSON OF
MISSOURI.--MR. STEWART OF NEVADA.--MR. GARRETT DAVIS.--PROCEEDINGS IN
THE HOUSE.--SPEECH OF MR. BOUTWELL.--ANSWERED BY MR. BECK AND MR.
ELDRIDGE.--PASSAGE OF AMENDMENT BY HOUSE.--ACTION THEREON IN SENATE.--
AMENDMENT OF MR. WILSON.--PROPOSITION OF MR. MORTON AND MR. BUCKALEW.--
DISAGREEMENT OF THE TWO BRANCHES.--CONFERENCE COMMITTEE.--FIFTEENTH
AMENDMENT REPORTED.--PUBLIC OPINION IN THE UNITED STATES.--FOURTEENTH
AMENDMENT NOW MODIFIED.--ITS EFFECT AND POTENCY LESSENED.--ITS FAILURE
TO REMOVE EVILS.--GREAT VALUE OF THE THREE AMENDMENTS.--THEIR ASSURED
ENFORCEMENT.--HONOR TO THEIR AUTHORS.--LESSON TAUGHT BY MR. LINCOLN.--
ITS SIGNIFICANCE.
CHAPTER XVII.
INAUGURATION OF GENERAL GRANT FOR FIRST TERM.--POPULAR ENTHUSIASM.--
HIS INAUGURAL ADDRESS.--APPROVES FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT.--ANNOUNCEMENT OF
HIS CABINET.--GENERAL SURPRISE.--E. B. WASHBURNE.--JACOB D. COX.--E.
ROCKWOOD HOAR.--JOHN A. J. CRESWELL.--ALEXANDER T. STEWART.--
INELIGIBLE.--NAME WITHDRAWN.--GEORGE S. BOUTWELL APPOINTED.--ADOLPH E.
BORIE.--HAMILTON FISH.--GEORGE M. ROBESON.--GENERAL SCHOFIELD.--GENERAL
RAWLINS.--GENERAL BELKNAP.--GENERAL OF THE ARMY.--THE SUCCESSION.--
SHERMAN APPOINTED.--LIEUTENANT-GENERAL.--SHERIDAN APPOINTED.--HALLECK.
--MEADE.--THOMAS.--HANCOCK.--CONGRESS CONVENES.--ELECTION OF SPEAKER.--
MR. BLAINE CHOSEN.--MR. KERR THE DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE.--VARIOUS
MEMBERS.--MR. WHEELER.--MR. POTTER.--JUDGE NOAH DAVIS.--GENERAL SLOCUM.
--MR. HALE.--THOMAS FITCH.--THE PENNSYLVANIA DELEGATION.--MR. S. S.
COX.--MR. GEORGE F. HOAR.--NEW ERA POLITICALLY UNDER PRESIDENT GRANT.--
THE OPPOSITION PARTY IN THE HOUSE.--ITS STRONG LEADERS.--THEIR MANLY
CHARACTER.
CHAPTER XVIII.
SENATE IN THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS.--HANNIBAL HAMLIN ELECTED FOR THE
FOURTH TERM.--MATTHEW H. CARPENTER.--HIS DOUBLE LOAD OF WORK.--CARL
SCHURZ.--ALLEN G. THURMAN.--WILLIAM G. BROWNLOW.--THOMAS FRANCIS
BAYARD.--GOVERNOR FENTON.--WILLIAM A. BUCKINGHAM.--DANIEL D. PRATT.--
JOHN SCOTT.--JOHN P. STOCKTON.--SOUTHERN REPRESENTATION COMPLETE.--
CHARACTER OF SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES.--UNJUST ABUSE.--SOUTHERN
RESISTANCE TO CARPET-BAG RULE.--ADMISSION OF A COLORED SENATOR.--HIRAM
B. REVELS OF MISSISSIPPI.--SUCCESSOR TO JEFFERSON DAVIS.--THE MORAL OF
IT.--PRESIDENT GRANT AND THE TENURE-OF-OFFICE ACT.--HOUSE VOTES TO
REPEAL THE ACT.--DELAY IN SENATE.--POSITION OF MR. TRUMBULL, MR.
EDMUNDS, AND MR. SCHURZ.--DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN SENATE AND HOUSE.--
CONFERENCE COMMITTEE.--PRACTICAL REPEAL OF THE ACT.--DEATH OF WILLIAM
PITT FESSENDEN.--HIS CHARACTER.
CHAPTER XIX.
EVENTS OF INTEREST.--IN DIPLOMACY AND RECONSTRUCTION.--THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC.--ANNEXATION TREATY.--DEFEATED BY SENATE.--PRESIDENT GRANT
RENEWS THE EFFORT.--COMMISSION SENT TO SAN DOMINGO.--THEIR REPORT.--
OPPOSITION OF MR. SUMNER.--THE PRESIDENT AND MR. SUMNER--RECONSTRUCTION
MEASURES COMPLETED.--VIRGINIA, MISSISSIPPI AND TEXAS.--RE-ADMITTED TO
REPRESENTATION.--PECULIAR CASE OF GEORGIA.--HER RECONSTRUCTION
POSTPONED.--LAST STATE RE-ADMITTED TO REPRESENTATION.--FIFTEENTH
AMENDMENT.--ADOPTED.---PROCLAIMED MARCH 30, 1870.--PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
--COURSE OF THE SOUTHERN STATES.--HOSTILITY TO RECONSTRUCTION
GOVERNMENTS.--DETERMINATION TO BREAK THEM DOWN.--MILITARY INTERPOSITION
OF THE GOVERNMENT.--KU-KLUX-KLANS.--VIOLENCE IN THE SOUTH.--LEGISLATION
TO PREVENT IT.--DIFFICULT TASK.--MOTIVE INSPIRING THE SOUTH.--CARPET-
BAG IMMIGRATION.--COTTON-REARING ORIGINAL MOTIVE.--POLITICAL
CONSEQUENCE.--DISABILITIES IN THE SOUTH.--CAUSE THEREOF.--
RESPONSIBILITY OF SOUTHERN STATES.--ORIGINAL MISTAKE OF THE SOUTH--THE
AIMS OF THE NORTH.
CHAPTER XX.
RESENTMENT AGAINST ENGLAND.--POPULAR FEELING IN THE UNITED STATES.--
CONDUCT OF THE PALMERSTON MINISTRY.--HOSTILE SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS.--MR. ROEBUCK.--LORD ROBERT CECIL.--CONDUCT OF THE TORIES.--OF
THE LIBERALS.--CRITICISMS OF THE BRITISH PRESS.--SOUTH COMPARED WITH
IRELAND.--UNITED STATES DEMANDS COMPENSATION.--REFUSED BY ENGLAND.--
NEGOTIATIONS.--JOHNSON-CLARENDON TREATY.--REJECTED BY SENATE.--
CHARACTER OF TREATY.--SPEECH OF MR. SUMNER.--POSITION OF PRESIDENT
GRANT.--NEGOTIATION CLOSED.--ENGLAND ASKS THAT IT BE RE-OPENED.--JOINT
HIGH COMMISSION.--ITS DELIBERATIONS.--ITS BASIS OF SETTLEMENT.--GENEVA
AWARD.--PRIVATE CLAIMS ADJUSTED.--THE SAN JUAN QUESTION.--ITS FINAL
SETTLEMENT.--HON. GEORGE BANCROFT.
CHAPTER XXI.
OPENING FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS.--DEPOSITION OF CHARLES SUMNER FROM
CHAIRMANSHIP OF FOREIGN RELATIONS.--EXCITING DEBATE.--GRAVE INJUSTICE
TO MR. SUMNER.--DEMOCRATIC SENATORS OPPOSE THE ACT.--NEW SENATORS.--
MATT W. RANSOM.--FRANK P. BLAIR, JUN.--HENRY G. DAVIS--POWELL CLAYTON.
--ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE.--MR. BLAINE RE-ELECTED SPEAKER.--DEMOCRATS
CONTROL MORE THEN ONE-THIRD OF HOUSE.--VALUABLE ACCESSIONS TO
MEMBERSHIP.--POLITICAL DISABILITIES.--REMOVED FROM INDIVIDUALS.--
GENERAL AMNESTY PROCLAIMED.--CIVIL-RIGHTS BILL.--COURSE OF COLORED
MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE.--THEIR JUSTICE AND MAGNANIMITY.
CHAPTER XXII.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1872.--LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT.--ITS
ORIGIN.--DIVISION IN MISSOURI.--GRATZ BROWN, BLAIR, SCHURZ.--CONTEST IN
NEW YORK.--GREELEY, FENTON, CONKLING.--CONKLING'S TRIUMPH.--LIBERAL
REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.--MEETS AT CINCINNATI.--NOMINATION OF MR.
GREELEY.--ADJUSTMENT OF TARIFF ISSUES.--CHAGRIN OF FREE-TRADERS AND
DEMOCRATS.--MR. GREELEY'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.--NATIONAL REPUBLICAN
CONVENTION.--MEETS IN PHILADELPHIA.--RENOMINATES GENERAL GRANT.--
HENRY WILSON NOMINATED FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.--DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL
CONVENTION.--MEETS IN BALTIMORE.--ENDORSES GREELEY AND BROWN.--ACCEPTS
THE CINCINNATI PLATFORM.--MR. GREELEY'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.--CONTEST
BETWEEN GRANT AND GREELEY.--CHARACTER OF MR. GREELEY.--HIS STRENGTH AND
HIS WEAKNESS.--NORTH CAROLINA ELECTION.--CLAIMED BY BOTH SIDES.--
FAVORABLE TO REPUBLICANS.--SEPTEMBER ELECTIONS.--REPUBLICAN GAINS.--
NOMINATION OF O'CONNOR AND ADAMS.--MR. GREELEY'S WESTERN TOUR.--OCTOBER
ELECTIONS.--STRONG NOMINATION FOR STATE OFFICERS.--ENORMOUS MAJORITIES
FOR GENERAL GRANT.--HIS OVERWHELMING ELECTION.--DEATH OF MR. GREELEY.
CHAPTER XXIII.
PRESIDENT GRANT'S SECOND INAUGURATION.--COMPLAINS OF PARTISAN ABUSE.--
ORGANIZATION OF FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS.--PROMINENT MEMBERS OF SENATE AND
HOUSE.--DEATH OF CHARLES SUMNER.--IMPRESSIVE FUNERAL CEREMONIES.--
SINGULAR REMINISCENCE BY MR. DAVIS.--SPEECH BY MR. LAMAR.--CAREER OF
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.--GOVERNMENT OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.--RADICAL
CHANGE.--GREAT IMPROVEMENT.--ALEXANDER R. SHEPHERD.--REPUBLICAN
REVERSE, 1874.--DEMOCRATIC HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.--MICHAEL C. KERR,
SPEAKER.--MEMBERS OF SENATE AND HOUSE.--RADICAL CHANGES.--ANDREW
JOHNSON IN THE SENATE.--HIS SPEECH.--DIES AT HIS HOME IN TENNESSEE.--
CONDITION OF THE SOUTH.--AMNESTY.--AMENDMENT TO EXCEPT JEFFERSON DAVIS.
--BILL DEFEATED.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE PUBLIC CREDIT.--FIRST LAW ENACTED UNDER PRESIDENT GRANT.--
DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION.--THURMAN, GARRETT DAVIS, BAYARD.--PRESIDENT
GRANT'S FIRST MESSAGE.--FUNDING BILLS DISCUSSED.--ACTION OF BOTH
HOUSES.--DEBATES.--FURTHER REDUCTION OF REVENUE.--PREMIUM ON GOLD.--
MEETING OF FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS.--FINANCIAL DEBATES.--FINANCIAL PANIC
OF 1873.--FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS MEETS.--PRESIDENT GRANT'S POSITION.--
ABOLITION OF MOIETIES.--SPECIE PAYMENTS.--RESUMPTION ACT.--SPECIAL
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT.--ADMISSION OF COLORADO.--DEATH OF SPEAKER
KERR.--SAMUEL J. RANDALL HIS SUCCESSOR.
CHAPTER XXV.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876.--REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES FOR NOMINATION.--
CONVENTION AT CINCINNATI, JUNE 14, 1876.--REPUBLICAN PLATFORM.--
BALLOTING.--NOMINATION OF HAYES AND WHEELER.--DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL
CONVENTION.--SAMUEL J. TILDEN THE PRINCIPAL CANDIDATE.--HIS CAREER.--
OTHER DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES.--TILDEN AND HENDRICKS NOMINATED.--
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.--THE CANVASS.--THE RESULT.--DOUBTFUL STATE.--
POPULAR EXCITEMENT.--DISPUTE IN LOUISIANA, FLORIDA, SOUTH CAROLINA.--
PRESIDENT GRANT'S COURSE.--A PORTENTOUS QUESTION.--ELECTORAL
COMMISSION.--MEMBERS.--QUESTIONS BEFORE THEM.--DECISION.--HAYES AND
WHEELER ELECTED.--SUBSEQUENT INVESTIGATION.--POTTER COMMISSION.--
DISCOVERY OF TELEGRAMS.--ATTEMPTS AT BRIBERY IN THE SOUTH.
CHAPTER XXVI.
INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT HAYES.--HIS SOUTHERN POLICY.--APPOINTMENT OF
HIS CABINET.--ORGANIZATION OF SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.--RE-
ELECTION OF SPEAKER RANDALL.--SILVER DISCUSSION.--COINAGE OF SILVER
DOLLAR.--REPORT OF SILVER COMMISSION.--DISCUSSION ON SILVER QUESTION.--
PRODUCT OF SILVER AND GOLD.--THIRTY-TWO YEARS OF EACH.--NAVIGATION
INTERESTS.--LOSS OF GROUND BY THE UNITED STATES.--REASON THEREFOR.--
HOW CAN IT BE REGAINED?
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE QUESTION OF THE FISHERIES.--ORIGIN OF AMERICAN RIGHTS.--EARLY
DISPUTES.--TREATY OF 1782.--TREATY OF GHENT.--TREATY OF 1818.--
RECIPROCITY TREATY.--JOINT HIGH COMMISSION.--FISHERIES QUESTION TO BE
ARBITRATED.--SELECTION OF ARBITRATORS.--NEGOTIATION FOR RECIPROCITY
TREATY.--THE HALIFAX AWARD.--ITS LARGE AMOUNT.--DISSATISFACTION.--
ACTION OF SENATE.--CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.--MR.
EVARTS AND LORD SALISBURY.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS.--EXTRA SESSION.--ORGANIZATION OF HOUSE.--OF
SENATE.--LEADING MEN IN EACH.--DEMOCRATIC GAIN IN INFLUENCE.--CONTROL
OF BOTH SENATE AND HOUSE.--DEATH OF SENATOR CHANDLER.--QUESTION OF
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.--THE PATRONAGE OF THE GOVERNMENT.--ITS
ILLEGITIMATE INFLUENCE.--THE QUESTION OF CHINESE LABOR.--LEGISLATION
THEREON.
CHAPTER XXIX.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1880.--THIRD TERM SUGGESTED.--CHICAGO
CONVENTION.--EXCITING CONTEST.--MANY BALLOTINGS.--NOMINATION OF GENERAL
GARFIELD.--DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION.--NOMINATION OF GENERAL HANCOCK.--THE
CONTEST.--THE RESULT.--THE SOLID SOUTH.--ITS MEANING.--ITS EFFECT.--ITS
END.--REVIEW OF THE TWENTY YEARS.--PROGRESS OF THE PEOPLE.--MAJESTY OF
THE REPUBLIC.
LIST OF STEEL PORTRAITS
ULYSSES S. GRANT
ANDREW JOHNSON
HANNIBAL HAMLIN
SCHUYLER COLFAX
HENRY WILSON
WILLIAM A. WHEELER
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS
SAMUEL J. RANDALL
LUCIUS Q. C. LAMAR
THOMAS F. BAYARD
BENJAMIN H. HILL
AUGUSTUS H. GARLAND
JAMES B. BECK
B. K. BRUCE
H. R. REVELS
JAMES T. RAPIER
JOHN R. LYNCH
J. H. RAINEY
ALLEN G. THURMAN
TIMOTHY O. HOWE
BENJAMIN F. BUTLER
ROSCOE CONKLING
GEORGE P. EDMUNDS
MATTHEW HALE CARPENTER
WILLIAM A. BUCKINGHAM
RUTHERFORD B. HAYES
JAMES A. GARFIELD
TWENTY YEARS OF CONGRESS
CHAPTER I.
Abraham Lincoln expired at twenty-two minutes after seven o'clock on
the morning of April 15, 1865. Three hours later, in the presence of
all the members of the Cabinet except Mr. Seward who lay wounded and
bleeding in his own home, the oath of office, as President of the
United States, was administered to Andrew Johnson by Chief Justice
Chase. The simple but impressive ceremony was performed in Mr.
Johnson's lodgings at the Kirkwood Hotel; and besides the members of
the Cabinet, who were present in their official character, those
senators who had remained in Washington since the adjournment of
Congress were called in as witnesses. While the death of Mr. Lincoln
was still unknown to the majority of the citizens of the Republic, his
successor was installed in office, and the administration of the
Federal Government was radically changed. It was especially fortunate
that the Vice-President was at the National Capital. He had arrived
but five days before, and was intending to leave for his home in
Tennessee within a few hours. His prompt investiture with the Chief
Executive authority of the Nation preserved order, maintained law, and
restored confidence to the people. With the defeat and disintegration
of the armies of the Confederacy, and with the approaching disbandment
of the armies of the Union, constant watchfulness was demanded of the
National Executive. It is a striking tribute to the strength of the
Constitution and of the Government that the orderly administration of
affairs was not interrupted by a tragedy which in many countries might
have been the signal for a bloody revolution.
The new President confronted grave responsibilities. The least
reflecting among those who took part in the mighty struggle perceived
that the duties devolved upon the Government by victory--if less
exacting and less critical than those imposed by actual war--were more
delicate in their nature, and required statesmanship of a different
character. The problem of reconstructing the Union, and adapting its
varied interests to its changed condition, demanded the highest
administrative ability. Many of the questions involved were new, and,
if only for that reason, perplexing. No experience of our own had
established precedents; none in other countries afforded even close
analogies. Rebellions and civil wars had, it is true, been frequent,
but they had been chiefly among peoples consolidated under one
government, ruled in all their affairs, domestic and external, by one
central power. The overthrow of armed resistance in such cases was the
end of trouble, and political society and public order were rapidly
re-formed under the restraint which the triumphant authority was so
easily able to impose.
A prompt adjustment after the manner of consolidated governments was
not practicable under our Federal system. In the division of functions
between the Nation and the State, those that reach and affect the
citizen in his every-day life belong principally to the State. The
tenure of land is guaranteed and regulated by State Law; the domestic
relations of husband and wife, parent and child, guardian and ward,
together with the entire educational system, are left exclusively to
the same authority, as is also the preservation of the public peace by
proper police-systems--the National Government intervening only on the
call of the State when the State's power is found inadequate to the
suppression of disorder. These leading functions of the State were
left in full force under the Confederate Government; and the
Confederate Government being now destroyed, and the States that
composed it being under the complete domination of the armies of the
Union, the whole framework of society was in confusion, if not indeed
in chaos. To restore the States to their normal relations to the
Union, to enable them to organize governments in harmony with the
fundamental changes wrought by the war, was the embarrassing task which
the Administration of President Johnson was compelled to meet on the
very threshold of its existence.
The successful issue of these unprecedented and complicated
difficulties depended in great degree upon the character and temper of
the Executive. Many wise men regarded it as a fortunate circumstance
that Mr. Lincoln's successor was from the South, though a much larger
number in the North found in this fact a source of disquietude. Mr.
Johnson had the manifest disadvantage of not possessing any close or
intimate knowledge of the people of the Loyal States. It was feared
moreover, that his relations with the ruling spirits of the South in
the exciting period preceding the war specially unfitted him for
harmonious co-operation with them in the pending exigencies.
The character and career of Mr. Johnson were anomalous and in many
respects contradictory. By birth he belonged to that large class in
the South known as "poor whites,"--a class scarcely less despised by
the slave-holding aristocracy than were the human chattels themselves.
Born in North Carolina, and bred to the trade of a tailor, he reached
his fifteenth year before he was taught even to read. In his
eighteenth year he migrated to Tennessee, and established himself in
that rich upland region on the eastern border of the State, where by
altitude the same agricultural conditions are developed that
characterize the land which lies several degrees further North.
Specially adapted to the cereals, the grasses, and the fruits
of Southern Pennsylvania and Ohio, East Tennessee could not
employ slave-labor with the profit which it brought in the rich
cotton-fields of the neighboring lowlands, and the result was that
the population contained a large majority of whites.
Owing much to a wise marriage, pursuing his trade with skill and
industry, Johnson gained steadily in knowledge and in influence.
Ambitious, quick to learn, honest, necessarily frugal, he speedily
became a recognized leader of the class to which he belonged.
Before he had attained his majority he was chosen to an important
municipal office, and at twenty-two he was elected mayor of his town.
Thenceforward his promotion was rapid. At twenty-seven he was sent
to the Legislature of his State; and in 1840, when he was in his
thirty-second year, he was nominated for the office of Presidential
elector and canvassed that State in the interest of Mr. Van Buren.
Three years later he was chosen representative in Congress where he
served ten years. He was then nominated for governor, and in the
elections of 1853 and 1855 defeated successively two of the most
popular Whigs in Tennessee, Gustavus A. Henry and Meredith P. Gentry.
In 1857 he was promoted to the Senate of the United States, where he
was serving at the outbreak of the civil war.
While Mr. Johnson had been during his entire political life a member
of the Democratic party, and had attained complete control in his
State, the Southern leaders always distrusted him. Though allied to
the interests of slavery and necessarily drawn to its defense, his
instincts, his prejudices, his convictions were singularly strong on
the side of the free people. His sympathies with the poor were acute
and demonstrative--leading him to the advocacy of measures which in a
wide and significant sense were hostile to slavery. In the early part
of his career as a representative in Congress, he warmly espoused, if
indeed he did not originate, the homestead policy. In support of that
policy he followed a line of argument and illustration absolutely and
irreconcilably antagonistic to the interests of the slave system as
those interests were understood by the mass of Southern Democratic
leaders.
The bestowment of our public domain in quarter-sections (a hundred
and sixty acres of land) upon the actual settler, on the simple
condition that he should cultivate it and improve it as his home, was
a more effective blow against the spread of slavery in the Territories
than any number of legal restrictions or _provisos_ of the kind
proposed by Mr. Wilmot. Slavery could not be established with success
except upon the condition of large tracts of land for the master, and
the exclusion of the small farmer from contact and from competition.
The example of the latter's manual industry and his consequent thrift
and prosperity, must ultimately prove fatal to the entire slave system.
It may not have been Mr. Johnson's design to injure the institution of
slavery by the advocacy of the homestead policy; but such advocacy was
nevertheless hostile, and this consideration did not stay his hand or
change his action.
Mr. Johnson' mode of urging and defending the homestead policy was at
all times offensive to the mass of his Democratic associates of the
South, many of whom against their wishes were compelled to support the
measure on its final passage, for fear of giving offense to their
landless white constituents, and in the still more pressing fear,
that if Johnson should be allowed to stand alone in upholding the
measure, he would acquire a dangerous ascendency over that large
element in the Southern population. Johnson spoke with ill-disguised
hatred of "an inflated and heartless landed aristocracy," not applying
the phrase especially to the South, but making an argument which tended
to sow dissension in that section. He declared that "the withholding
of the use of the soil from the actual cultivator is violative of the
principles essential to human existence," and that when "the violation
reaches that point where it can no longer be borne, revolution begins."
His argument startlingly outlined a condition such as has long existed
in Ireland, and applied it with suggestive force to the possible fate
of the South.
He then sketched his own ideal of a rural population, an ideal
obviously based on free labor and free institutions. "You make a
settler on the domain," said he, "a better citizen of the community.
He becomes better qualified to discharge the duties of a freeman. He
is, in fact, the representative of his own homestead, and is a man in
the enlarged and proper sense of the term. He comes to the ballot-box
and votes without the fear or the restraint of some landlord. After
the hurry and bustle of election day are over, he mounts his own horse,
returns to his own domicil, goes to his own barn, feeds his own stock.
His wife turns out and milks their own cows, churns their own butter;
and when the rural repast is ready, he and his wife and their children
sit down at the same table together to enjoy the sweet product of their
own hands, with hearts thankful to God for having cast their lots in
this country where the land is made free under the protecting and
fostering care of a beneficent Government."
The picture thus presented by Johnson was not the picture of a home in
the slave States, and no one knew better than he that it was a home
which could not be developed and established amid the surroundings and
the influences of slavery. It was a home in the North-West, and not in
the South-West. Proceeding in his speech Johnson became still more
warmly enamored of his hero on the homestead, and with a tongue that
seemed touched with the gift of prophecy he painted him in the possible
career of a not distant future. "It has long been near my heart," said
he in the House of Representatives in July, 1850, "to see every man in
the United States domiciled. Once accomplished, it would create the
strongest tie between the citizen and the Government; what a great
incentive it would afford to the citizen to obey every call of duty!
At the first summons of the note of war you would find him leaving his
plow in the half-finished furrow, taking his only horse and converting
him into a war-steed: his scythe and sickle would be thrown aside, and
with a heart full of valor and patriotism he would rush with alacrity
to the standard of his country."
Such appeals for popular support subjected Johnson to the imputation of
demagogism, and earned for him the growing hatred of that dangerous
class of men in the South who placed the safety of the institution of
slavery above the interest and the welfare of the white laborer. But
if he was a demagogue, he was always a brave one. In his early
political life, when the mere nod of President Jackson was an edict in
Tennessee, Johnson did not hesitate to espouse the cause of Hugh L.
White when he was a candidate for the Presidency in 1836, nor did he
fear to ally himself with John Bell in the famous controversy with
Jackson's _protégé_, James K. Polk, in the fierce political struggle of
1834-5. Though he returned to the ranks of the regular Democracy in
the contest between Harrison and Van Buren, he was bold enough in 1842
to propose in the Legislature of Tennessee that the apportionment of
political power should be made upon the basis of the white population
of the State. He saw and keenly felt that a few white men in the
cotton section of the State, owning many slaves, were usurping the
power and trampling upon the rights of his own constituency, among
whom slaves were few in number and white men numerous. Those who
are familiar with the savage intolerance which prevailed among the
slave-holders can justly measure the degree of moral and physical
courage required in any man who would assail their power at a vital
point in the framework of a government specially and skilfully devised
for their protection.
In all the threats of disunion, in all the plotting and planning for
secession which absorbed Southern thought and action between the years
1854 and 1861, Mr. Johnson took no part. He had been absent from
Congress during the exciting period when the Missouri Compromise was
overthrown; and though, after his return in 1857, he co-operated
generally in the measures deemed essential for Southern interests, he
steadily declared that a consistent adherence to the Constitution was
the one and the only remedy for all the alleged grievances of the
slave-holders. It was natural therefore, that when the decisive hour
came, and the rash men of the South determined to break up the
Government, Johnson should stand firmly by the Union.
Of the twenty-two senators from the eleven States that afterwards
composed the Confederacy, Johnson was the only one who honorably
maintained his oath to support the Constitution; the only one who did
not lend his aid and comfort to the enemies of the Union. He remained
in his seat in the Senate, loyal to the Government, and resigned a year
after the outbreak of the war (in March, 1862), upon Mr. Lincoln's
urgent request that he should accept the important post of Military
Governor of Tennessee. His administration of that office and his firm
discharge of every duty under circumstances of great exigency and
oftentimes of great peril, gave to him an exceptional popularity in all
the Loyal States, and led to his selection for the Vice-Presidency in
1864. The national calamity had now suddenly brought him to a larger
field of duty, and devolved upon him the weightiest responsibility.
The assassination of Mr. Lincoln naturally produced a wide-spread
depression and dread of evil. His position had been one of exceptional
strength with the people. By his four years of considerate and
successful administration, by his patient and positive trust in the
ultimate triumph of the Union--realized at last as he stood on the edge
of the grave--he had acquired so complete an ascendancy over the public
mind in the Loyal States that any policy matured and announced by him
would have been accepted by a vast majority of his countrymen. But the
same degree of faith could not attach to Mr. Johnson; although after
the first shock of the assassination had subsided, there was a generous
revival of trust, or at least of hope, that the great work which had
been so faithfully prosecuted for four years would be faithfully
carried forward in the same lofty spirit to the same noble ends. The
people of the North waited with favorable disposition and yet with
balancing judgment and in exacting mood. They had enjoyed abundant
opportunity to acquaint themselves with the principles and the opinions
of the new President, and confidence in his future policy was not
unaccompanied by a sense of uncertainty and indeed by an almost painful
suspense as to his mode of solving the great problems before him. As
has already been indicated, the more radical Republicans of the North
feared that his birth and rearing as a Southern man and his long
identification with the supporters of the slave system might blind him
to the most sacred duties of philanthropy, while the more conservative
but not less loyal or less humane feared that from the personal
antagonisms of his own stormy career he might be disposed to deal too
harshly with the leaders of the conquered rebellion. The few words
which Mr. Johnson had addressed to those present when he took the oath
of office were closely scanned and carefully analyzed by the country,
even in the stunning grief which Mr. Lincoln's death had precipitated.
It was especially noted that he refrained from declaring that he should
continue the policy of his predecessor. By those who knew Mr.
Johnson's views intimately, the omission was understood to imply that
Mr. Lincoln had intended to pursue a more liberal and more generous
policy with the rebels than his successor deemed expedient or prudent.
It was known to a few persons that when Mr. Johnson arrived from
Fortress Monroe on the morning of April 10, and found the National
Capital in a blaze of patriotic excitement over the surrender of Lee's
army the day before at Appomattox, he hastened to the White House, and
addressed to the unwilling ears of Mr. Lincoln an earnest protest
against the indulgent terms conceded by General Grant. Mr. Johnson
believed that General Lee should not have been permitted to surrender
his sword as a solider of honor, but that General Grant should have
received the entire command as prisoners of war, and should have held
Lee in confinement until he could receive instructions from the
Administration at Washington. The spirit which these views indicated
was understood by those who knew Mr. Johnson to be contained, if not
expressed, in this declaration of his first address: "As to an
indication of any policy which may be pursued by me in the conduct of
the Government, I have to say that that must be left for development as
the Administration progresses. The message or the declaration must be
made by the acts as they transpire. The only assurance I can now give
of the future is by reference to the past."
The effect produced upon the public by this speech, which might be
regarded as an Inaugural address, was not happy. Besides its evasive
character respecting public policies which every observing man noted
with apprehension, an unpleasant impression was created by its evasive
character respecting Mr. Lincoln. The entire absence of eulogy of the
slain President was remarked. There was no mention of his name or of
his character or of his office. The only allusion in any way whatever
to Mr. Lincoln was Mr. Johnson's declaration that he was "almost
overwhelmed by the announcement of the sad event which has so recently
occurred." While he found no time to praise one whose praise was on
every tongue, he made ample reference to himself and his own past
history. Though speaking not more than five minutes, it was noticed
that "I" and "my" and "me" were mentioned at least a score of times.
A boundless egotism was inferred from the line of his remarks: "My
past public life which has been long and laborious has been founded, as
I in good conscience believe, upon a great principle of right which
lies at the basis of all things." "I must be permitted to say, if I
understand the feelings of my own heart, I have long labored to
ameliorate and alleviate the condition of the great mass of the
American people." "Toil and an honest advocacy of the great principles
of free government have been my lot. The duties have been mine, the
consequences God's." Senator John P. Hale of New Hampshire, who was
present on the occasion, said with characteristic wit, that "Johnson
seemed willing to share the glory of his achievements with his Creator,
but utterly forgot that Mr. Lincoln had any share of credit in the
suppression of the Rebellion."
Three days later (April 18) a delegation of distinguished citizens of
Illinois called upon Mr. Johnson under circumstances at once
extraordinary and touching. The dead President still lay in the White
House. Before the solemn and august procession should leave the
National Capital to bear his mortal remains to the State which had
loved and honored him, the Illinois delegation called to assure his
successor of their respect and their confidence. Governor Oglesby who
spoke for his associates, addressed the President in language
eminently befitting the occasion. "In the midst of this sadness," said
he, "through the oppressive gloom that surrounds us, we look to you and
to a brighter future for our country. . . . The record of your past
life, familiar to all, your noble efforts to stay the hand of treason
and restore our flag to the uttermost bounds of the Republic, give
assurance to the great State we represent that we may safely trust the
nation's destinies in your hands."
Mr. Johnson responded in a speech of much greater length than his
first, embodying a wider range of topics than seemed to be demanded by
the proprieties of the occasion. He evidently strove to repair the
error of his former address. He now diminished the number of
gratulatory allusions to his own career, and made appropriate and
affecting reference to his predecessor. He spoke with profound emotion
of the tragical termination of Mr. Lincoln's life: "The beloved of all
hearts has been assassinated." Pausing thoughtfully he added, "And
when we trace this crime to its cause, when we remember the source
whence the assassin drew his inspiration, and then look at the result,
we stand yet more astounded at this most barbarous, most diabolical
act. . . . We can trace its cause through successive steps back to that
source which is the spring of all our woes. No one can say that if the
perpetrator of this fiendish deed be arrested, he should not undergo
the extremest penalty of the law known for crime; none will say that
mercy should interpose. But is he alone guilty? Here, gentlemen, you
perhaps expect me to present some indication of my future policy. One
thing I will say: every era teaches its lesson. The times we live in
are not without instruction. The American people must be taught--if
they do not already feel--that treason is a crime and must be punished.
The Government must be strong not only to protect but to punish. When
we turn to the criminal code we find arson laid down as a crime with
the appropriate penalty. We find theft and murder denounced as crimes,
and their appropriate penalty prescribed; and there, too, we find the
last and highest of crimes,--treason. . . . The people must understand
that treason is the blackest of crimes and will surely be punished
. . . . Let it be engraven on every mind that treason is a crime and
traitors shall suffer its penalty. . . . I do not harbor bitter or
resentful feelings towards any. . . . When the question of exercising
mercy comes before me it will be considered calmly, judicially--
remembering that I am the Executive of the Nation. I know men love to
have their names spoken of in connection with acts of mercy, and how
easy it is to yield to that impulse. But we must never forget that
what may be mercy to the individual is cruelty to the State."
This speech was reported by an accomplished stenographer, and was
submitted to Mr. Johnson's inspection before publication. It contained
a declaration intimating to his hearers, if not explicitly assuring
them, that "the policy of Mr. Lincoln in the past shall be my policy in
the future." When in reading the report he came to this passage, Mr.
Johnson queried whether his words had not been in some degree
misapprehended; and while he was engaged with the stenographer in
modifying the form of expression, Mr. Preston King of New York, who was
constantly by his side as adviser, interposed the suggestion that all
reference to the subject be stricken out. To this Mr. Johnson promptly
assented. He had undoubtedly gone farther than he intended in speaking
to Mr. Lincoln's immediate friends, and the correction--inspired by one
holding the radical views of Mr. King--was equivalent to a declaration
that the policy of Mr. Lincoln had been more conservative than that
which he intended to pursue. By those who knew the character of Mr.
Johnson's mind, the ascendancy of Mr. King in his councils, and the
retirement of Mr. Seward from the State Department were foregone
conclusions. The known moderation of Mr. Seward's views would not
consist with the fierce vigor of the new administration as now clearly
foreshadowed. Mr. Seward and Mr. King, moreover, were not altogether
in harmony in New York; and this was so far recognized by the public
that Mr. King's displacement from the Senate by the election of
Governor Morgan two years before was universally attributed to the
Seward influence skilfully directed by Mr. Thurlow Weed. The
resentment felt by Mr. King's friends had been very deep, and the
opportunity to gratify it seemed now to be presented.
As soon as the Illinois delegation had retired, the members of the
Christian Commission then in session at Washington called upon the
President. In reply to their earnest address, he begged them as
intelligent men representing the power of the Christian Church, to
exert their moral influence "in erecting a standard by which everybody
should be taught to believe that treason is the highest crime known to
the laws, and that the perpetrator should be visited with the
punishment which he deserves." This substantial repetition of the
views expressed in his Illinois speech derived significance from the
fact that the clergyman who spoke for the Christian Commission (Rev.
Dr. Borden of Albany) had expressed the hope in his address to the
President that "in the administration of justice, mercy would follow
the success of arms."
While the remains of the late President were yet reposing in the
National Capital, and still more while his funeral-train was on the
way to his tomb, the reception of official deputations and political
bodies was continued by his successor. Mr. Johnson was always ready
to explain with some iteration and with great emphasis his views of
the Government's duty respecting those who had been engaged in
rebellion against its authority. To a representative body of loyal
Southerners who by reason of their fidelity to the Union had been
compelled to flee from home, Mr. Johnson was especially demonstrative
in his sympathy, and positive in his assurances. In reply to their
address he said: "It is hardly necessary for me on this occasion to
declare that my sympathies and impulses in connection with this
nefarious rebellion beat in unison with yours. Those who have passed
through this bitter ordeal and who participated in it to a great
extent, are more competent, as I think, to judge and determine the true
policy that should be pursued. I know how to appreciate the condition
of being driven from one's home. I can sympathize with him whose all
has been taken from him: I can sympathize with him who has been
driven from the place that gave his children birth. . . . _I have
become satisfied that mercy without justice is a crime,_ and that when
mercy and clemency are exercised by the Executive it should always be
done in view of justice. In that manner alone the great prerogative of
mercy is properly exercised. The time has come, as you who have had to
drink this bitter cup are fully aware, when the American people should
be made to understand the true nature of crime. Of crime generally our
people have a high understanding as well as of the necessity of its
punishment; but in the catalogue of crimes there is one, and that the
highest known to the laws and the Constitution, of which since the
days of Aaron Burr they have become oblivious. That crime is
_treason_. The time has come when the people should be taught to
understand the length and breadth, the height and depth, of treason.
One who has become distinguished in the rebellion says that 'when
traitors become numerous enough, treason becomes respectable, and to
become a traitor is to constitute a portion of the aristocracy of the
country.' God protect the American people against such an aristocracy!
. . . When the Government of the United States shall ascertain who are
the conscious and intelligent traitors the penalty and the forfeit
should be paid."
A delegation of Pennsylvanians called upon him with ex-Secretary Simon
Cameron as their spokesman. In reply Mr. Johnson said, "There has been
an effort since this rebellion began, to make the impression that it
was a mere political struggle, or, as I see it thrown out in some of
the papers, a struggle for the ascendency of certain principles from
the dawn of the government to the present time, and now settled by the
final triumph of the Federal arms. If this is admitted, the Government
is at an end; for no question can arise but they will make it a party
issue, and then to whatever length they carry it, the party defeated
will only be a party defeated, with no crime attaching thereto. But I
say that treason is a crime, the very highest crime known to the law,
and there are men who ought to suffer the penalty of their treason!
. . . To the unconscious, the deceived, the conscripted, in short, to
the great mass of the misled, I would say mercy, clemency,
reconciliation, and the restoration of their government. But to those
who have deceived, to the conscious, intelligent, influential traitor
who attempted to destroy the life of a nation, I would say, on you be
inflicted the severest penalties of your crime."
The inflexible sternness of Mr. Johnson's tone and the frequent
repetition of his intention to inflict the severest penalty of the law
upon the leading traitors, began to create apprehension in the North.
It was feared that the country might be called upon to witness, after
the four years' carnival of death on the battle-field and in the
hospital, an era of "bloody assizes," made the more rigorous and
revengeful from the peculiar sense of injury which the President, as a
loyal Southerner, had realized in his own person. This feeling was
probably still further aggravated by his avowed sympathy with the
thousands in the South who had been maimed, driven from home, stripped
of all their property, simply because of the fidelity to the
Constitution and the Union of their fathers. The spirit of the
_Vendetta_, unknown in the Northern States, was frequently shown in the
South, where it had long been domesticated with all its Corsican
ferocity. It had raged in many instances to the extermination of
families, and in many localities to the destruction of peace and the
utter defiance of law--not infrequently indeed paralyzing the
administration of justice in whole counties. Often seeking and waging
open combat with ferocious courage, it did not hesitate at secret
murder, at waylaying on lonely roads with superior numbers, and it
sometimes went so far as to torture an unhappy victim before the final
death-blow. The language of Mr. Johnson was interpreted by the
merciful in the North as indicating that his own injuries and fierce
conflicts during the war has possibly inspired him with the fell
spirit of revenge, which in his zeal he might mistake for the
rational demands of justice.
A personal and somewhat curious illustration of Mr. Johnson's temper
and purpose at the time is afforded by a conference between himself
and Senator Wade of Ohio. Mr. Wade was widely known as among the
radical and progressive members of the Republican party. His immediate
constituents of the Western Reserve were a just and God-fearing people,
amply endowed with both moral and physical courage; but they were not
men of blood, and they were not in sympathy with the apparent purposes
of the President. It is not improbable that Mr. Wade's views were
somewhat in advance of those held by the majority of the people he
represented, but he was evidently not in accord with the threatenings
and slaughter breathed out by the President.
"Well, Mr. Wade, what would you do were you in my place and charged
with my responsibilities?" inquired the President. "I think," replied
the frank and honest old senator from Ohio, "I should either force into
exile or hang about ten or twelve of the worst of those fellows;
perhaps by way of full measure, I should make it thirteen, just a
baker's dozen."--"But how," rejoined the President, "are you going to
pick out so small a number and show them to be guiltier than the rest?"
--"It won't do to hang a very large number," rejoined Wade, "and I
think if you would give me time, I could name thirteen that stand at
the head in the work of rebellion. I think we would all agree on Jeff
Davis, Toombs, Benjamin Slidell, Mason, and Howell Cobb. If we did no
more than drive those half-dozen out of the country, we should
accomplish a good deal."
The interview was long, and at its close Mr. Johnson expressed surprise
that Wade was willing to let "the traitors," as he always styled them,
"escape so easily." He said that he had expected the heartiest support
from Wade in a policy which, as he outlined it to the senator, seemed
in _thoroughness_ to rival that of Strafford. Mr. Wade left the
Executive Mansion with his mind divided between admiration for the
stern resolve and high courage of the President on the one hand, and
his fear on the other that a policy so determined and aggressive as Mr.
Johnson seemed bent on pursuing might work a re-action in the North,
and that thus in the end less might be done in providing proper
safeguards against another rebellion, than if too much had not been
attempted.
The remains of the late President lay in state at the Executive Mansion
for four days. The entire city seemed as a house of mourning. It was
remarked that even the little children in the streets wore no smiles
upon their faces, so deeply were they impressed by the calamity which
had brought grief to every loyal heart. The martial music which had
been resounding in glad celebration of the national triumph had ceased;
public edifice and private mansion were alike draped with the insignia
of grief; the flag of the Union, which had been waving more proudly
than ever before, was now lowered to half-mast, giving mute but
significant expression to the sorrow that was felt wherever on sea or
land that flag was honored.
Funeral services, conducted by the leading clergymen of the city, were
held in the East Room on Wednesday the 19th of April. Amid the solemn
tolling of church-bells, and the still more solemn thundering of
minute-guns from the vast line of fortifications which had protected
Washington, the body, escorted by an imposing military and civic
procession, was transferred to the rotunda of the Capitol. The day was
observed throughout the Union as one of fasting, humiliation, and
prayer. The deep feeling of the people found expression in all the
forms of religious solemnity. Services in the churches throughout the
land were held in unison with the services at the Executive mansion,
and were everywhere attended with exhibition of profound personal
grief. In all the cities of Canada business was suspended, public
meetings of condolence with a kindred people were held, and prayers
were read in the churches. Throughout the Confederate States where war
had ceased but peace had not yet come, the people joined in significant
expressions of sorrow over the death of him whose very name they had
been taught to execrate.
Early on the morning of the 21st the body was removed from the Capitol
and placed on the funeral-car which was to transport it to its final
resting-place in Illinois. The remains of a little son who had died
three years before, were taken from their burial-place in Georgetown
and borne with those of his father for final sepulture in the stately
mausoleum which the public mind had already decreed to the illustrious
martyr. The train which moved from the National Capital was attended
on its course by extraordinary manifestations of grief on the part of
the people. Baltimore, which had reluctantly and sullenly submitted to
Mr. Lincoln's formal inauguration and to his authority as President,
now showed every mark of honor and of homage as his body was borne
through her streets, Confederate and Unionist alike realizing the
magnitude of the calamity which had overwhelmed both North and South.
In Philadelphia the entire population did reverence to the memory of
the murdered patriot. A procession of more than a hundred thousand
persons formed his funeral _cortége_ to Independence Hall, where the
body remained until the ensuing day. The silence of the sorrowful
night was in strange contrast with the scene in the same place, four
years before, when Mr. Lincoln, in the anxieties and perils of the
opening rebellion, hoisted the National flag over our ancient Temple of
Liberty, and before a great and applauding multitude defended the
principles which that flag typifies. He concluded in words which,
deeply impressive at the time, proved sadly prophetic now that his dead
body lay in a bloody shroud where his living form then stood: _"Sooner
than surrender these principles, I would be assassinated on this spot."_
In the city of New York the popular feeling was, if possible, even more
marked than in Philadelphia. The streets were so crowded that the
procession moved with difficulty to the City Hall, where amid the
chantings of eight hundred singers, the body was placed upon the
catafalque prepared for it. Throughout the day and throughout the
entire night the living tide of sorrowful humanity flowed past the
silent form. At the solemn hour of midnight the German musical
societies sang a funeral-hymn with an effect so impressive and touching
that thousands of strong men were in tears. Other than this no sound
was heard throughout the night except the footsteps of the advancing
and receding crowd. At sunrise many thousands still waiting in the
park were obliged to turn away disappointed. It was observed that
every person who passed through the hall, even the humblest and
poorest, wore the insignia of mourning. In a city accustomed to large
assemblies and to unrestrained expressions of popular feeling, no such
scene had ever been witnessed. On the afternoon appointed for the
procession to move Westward, all business was suspended, and the grief
of New York found utterance in Union Square before a great concourse of
people in a funeral oration by the historian Bancroft and in an elegiac
ode by William Cullen Bryant.
Similar scenes were witnessed in the great cities along the entire
route. Final obsequies were celebrated in Oakridge Cemetery near
Springfield on the fourth day of May. Major-General Joseph Hooker
acted as chief marshal upon the occasion, and an impressive sermon was
pronounced by Bishop Simpson of the Methodist-Episcopal church.
Perhaps in the history of the world no such outpouring of the people,
no such exhibition of deep feeling, had ever been witnessed as on this
funeral march from the National Capital to the capital of Illinois.
The pomp with which sovereigns and nobles are interred is often formal
rather than emotional, attaching to the rank rather than to the person.
Louis Philippe appealed to the sympathy of France when he brought the
body of the Emperor Napoleon from St. Helena twenty years after his
death; but the popular feeling among the French was chiefly displayed
in connection with the elaborate rites which attended the transfer of
the dead hero to the _Invalides_, where the shattered remains of his
valiant and once conquering legions formed for the last time around
him. Twelve years later the victorious rival by whom the imperial
warrior was at last overcome, received from the populace of London, as
well as from the crown, the peers, and the commons of England, the
heartiest tribute that Britons ever paid to human greatness.
The splendor of the ceremonials which aggrandize living royalty as much
as they glorify dead heroism, was wholly wanting in the obsequies of
Mr. Lincoln. No part was taken by the Government except the provision
of a suitable military escort. All beyond was the spontaneous movement
of the people. For seventeen hundred miles, through eight great States
of the Union whose population was not less than fifteen millions, an
almost continuous procession of mourners attended the remains of the
beloved President. There was no pageantry save their presence. There
was no tribute but their tears. They bowed before the bier of him who
had ben prophet, priest, and king to his people, who had struck the
shackles from the slave, who had taught a higher sense of duty to the
true man, who had raised the Nation to a loftier conception of faith
and hope and charity. A countless multitude of men, with music and
banner and cheer and the inspiration of a great cause, presents a
spectacle that engages the eye, fills the mind, appeals to the
imagination. But the deepest sympathy of the soul is touched, the
height of human sublimity is reached, when the same multitude, stricken
with a common sorrow, stands with uncovered head, reverent and silent.