INDEX TO VOL. IV.

A

_Absentees_, recall of, resolution to direct the Speaker to request

their attendance, 533.

ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY, resigns seat in Senate, 3.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

_Allegiance, Foreign_, petition of inhabitants of Kentucky, stating

that the King of Great Britain, by proclamation, claims the

allegiance of all persons born in his dominions, 46;

had authorized their impressment, &c., &c.,--petition prays for

resistance of this assumption, 46.

_See Index_, vol. 1.

ALEXANDER, EVAN, Representative from North Carolina, 36;

moves a committee of inquiry relative to proving the acts and

proceedings of States, 87.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Algerine War._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

ALSTON, LEMUEL J., Representative from South Carolina, 36, 125, 187,

315.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

ALSTON WILLIS, jr., Representative from North Carolina, 36, 125, 187,

315, 425, 577;

on the value of blank ballots, 125;

on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 129;

opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the

apportionment of representation, 224;

on the ratio of representation, 319;

on laying additional duties, 431;

on establishing a quartermaster's department, 477.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

AMY DARDIN, report on petition of, 216;

bill read, &c., 218;

report for relief of, agreed to, 538.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Amendments to the Constitution._--_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

ANDERSON, JOSEPH, Senator from Tennessee, 5, 28, 116, 176, 252, 420;

presents memorial of Legislative Council of Mississippi Territory,

265;

on the incorporation of a Bank of the United States, 266;

on a recess of Congress, 412.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

ANDERSON, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 187, 315,

424, 577.

ARCHER, STEVENSON, Representative from Maryland, 424, 577;

on foreign relations, 466;

on the policy of the war, 638;

on war taxes, 715.

_Armed Vessels_, public and private, encouragement of, resolution

relative to, 711.

_See Privateers._

ARMSTRONG Gen., his letter to Mr. Pinkney, 361;

letter of, on additional general officers, 713.

_Army, pay of the._--In the House, bill concerning the pay of the army

considered, 581;

the present pay of the army much below the average price of labor,

581;

wherefore should the soldier receive less than any other man, 581;

the compensation should be proportioned to the risk, 581;

to second section of the bill little objection apprehended, 581;

third section founded on the principle that every man owes to the

country which protects him, military service, 581;

second section involves an infraction of the constitution, 582;

any man who had contracted a debt had certainly given a pledge not

only of his property but of his body to his creditor, 582;

this right of the creditor to take the body is completely taken out

of his hands in regard to those who enlist, 582;

has an _ex post facto_ operation, 582;

this provision necessary to guard against fraud, 582;

persons enlisted procure themselves to be arrested under fictitious

debts, 582;

when let out on bail and the commander attempts to take him he is

rescued on a _habeas corpus_, and courts decide the man to be

the property of his bail, 582;

motion to strike out lost, 582;

third section encourages the uneasy boy to throw off parental

authority or to defraud a master, its tendency is to violate

public morals and the spirit of the constitution, and to

interfere with public economy, 582;

it is unknown as well as immoral, 582;

other objections, 583;

minors above eighteen allowed to enlist, 583;

you go into the workshop and the parent's dwelling and entice away

the apprentice and the child, 583;

this very population constitutes the strength and vigor of war, 583;

what was the fact in France, 583;

her army is made up of young men, 583;

the case of husbands deserting wives and children aged parents, is

as much entitled to sympathy, 583;

better resort to liberal bounties and wages than violate important

principles, 584;

the extensiveness of the relation of master and apprentice, 584;

can these relations dissolve under the charm of this bill, 584;

necessity is alleged, 584;

beware how you yield to this fancied necessity, 584;

this section will be productive of much evil and perhaps little

good, 584;

reason to doubt its constitutionality, 584;

amendments negatived and bill ordered to third reading, 584;

the atrocity of the principle and the magnitude of the evil

contained in this bill, 585;

third section is calculated to seduce minors from their masters,

guardians, and parents, 585;

the absurdity of this provision--its inequality--its immorality

considered, 585, 586;

sixteen was the age called upon in the revolution, 587;

which excites the most regret, a child leaving his parents to defend

his country, or a parent torn from his family to defend a

foreign power, 588;

the charges against this bill are a libel on the House, 588;

atrocious principle! let gentlemen damn the memory of the patriots

of the revolution who originated this principle, 588;

if there is an increase of population, there appears to be a

deterioration of patriotism since the revolution, 588;

what was the law in 1798, 588;

the power to enlist minors is a new principle, 588;

third section examined, 589;

reason for the preference of young men, 589;

House now prepared to take up a small subject and make a great thing

of it, 589;

a man ought not to be called on to defend his country until he has

acquired political rights, 589;

moved to recommit the bill, 590;

it is of the nature of an _ex post facto_ law, and tends to exalt

the military over the civil authority, 591;

the third section freighted with most fatal consequences, 591;

cases supposed, 591;

recommitment lost, 592;

bill passed, 593.

_Military Force additional._--In the Senate, a bill to authorize the

President to accept and organize certain military corps, &c.,

considered, 405;

be productive of no efficacy, 405;

be inoperative, 405;

system of volunteers the favorite one of the Government, 405;

the number should be reduced, 405;

only a formidable display of armies on paper, 405.

_In the House_, bill taken up, 547;

is it such as to require secrecy? 548;

voted affirmatively, 548;

bill ordered to be engrossed and passed, 548.

_In the House_, bills for the more perfect organization of the army,

and to raise an additional military force considered in

committee, 611;

moved to fill the blanks relative to bounty, 611;

the military committee present a system on which to rest the future

operation of the war, 611;

explanation of its merits, 611;

object with all to terminate the war successfully, 611;

no other mode than to call into the field a force adequate to

command every honorable object, 611;

the good the war has accomplished relative to our character abroad,

611;

the honor of the nation requires that British power on our borders

should be demolished in the next campaign, 611;

after seeing the necessity of augmenting the regular forces, it was

equally material to provide for filling the ranks, and keeping

them at their full complement, 612;

it is proposed to appoint recruiting officers for each regiment,

612;

it may be said the results of the last campaign are so unfavorable

that there is no object to vote further sums, 612;

all our disasters sprang from a cause no man in the nation could

anticipate, 612;

treachery or cowardice caused the surrender at Detroit, 612;

question on filling the blanks carried, 613;

moved to repeal the offer of bounty land to the recruits, 613;

this is a waste of the nation's capital without a single provident

result, 613;

it is proposed to increase the bounty in money, 613;

motion agreed to, 613;

blanks in the other bill authorizing an additional military force

severally filled, 613;

reason for giving the appointment of officers below the rank of

colonel to the President alone, 613;

bills reported to the House, 613;

first bill ordered to be engrossed, 613;

question on the engrossment of the bill to raise an additional

military force, 614;

great anticipations from the action of twenty thousand men in a

single year, 614;

when war was declared it was said Canada would be conquered in a

single year, 614;

experience has proved the fallacy of these predictions, 615;

no pleasure to dwell upon the disasters and disgrace that have

attended our military operations, 615;

the annals of the last six months are most deplorable, 615;

the tone and heart of the country broken, universal disgust at the

past, anxiety and concern for the future, 615;

what is now proposed for the future, 615;

an army of twelve months' men--a broken reed, 615;

an army and term of service which well nigh lost the country in the

revolutionary war, 615;

wherefore change the term of enlistment from five years or during

the war to one year, 615;

feelings of the Canadians, 616;

let us see things as they are, and look danger in the face, 616;

points in our relative conduct towards France and Great Britain

which will not bear examination, 616;

moved to strike out one and insert five years as the term of

enlistment, 616;

we must rise after reverses, 616;

if we were to unite the question would soon be settled, 617;

cause of the war concisely stated by Capt. Porter, "Free trade and

sailor's rights," 617;

is there a man doubts the war was justly undertaken? 617;

what injury have we not suffered, 617;

you have been told the Prince Regent and his ministers are firm, let

us follow their example, 617;

an army should be seasoned before it is taken into the field, 617;

it will take a year to prepare them for the field; without

discipline they are useless, 617;

let us raise an army for the war, 617;

we must take the continent from Britain, 617;

the question is what is the kind of force, and for what length of

time can you raise an army to take the field at the earliest

period? 618;

under this measure a force may be drawn into the field ready to act

efficiently in the next campaign, 618;

we have never engaged in any war in which we have come out better in

the first campaign, 618;

if this country will go into the war heart and hand, we shall

shortly demonstrate to the enemy that it is her interest to be

at peace with us, 618;

amendment lost, 618;

question on the passage of the bill, 618.

All desire peace, but what is the best course to obtain it, 618;

will the passage of this bill, and the actual enlistment of the

proposed force secure peace? 618;

this war can be terminated with honor and advantage without further

effusion of human blood, 619;

this does not mean that the honor of the nation is identical with

the honor of those who declared the war, 619;

the question of contest is reduced to a single point, 619;

the British Orders in Council have been repealed, the practice of

impressment alone remains, 619;

this has been subjected to much exaggeration, 619;

it is not certain England has been unwilling to enter into such an

arrangement as would place this question on a fair and honorable

basis, 619;

see the correspondence of Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, 619;

at one period she was willing to advance considerable lengths

towards an adjustment, 619;

our duty to make an effort for the sanction of our just rights and

the restoration of peace without further appeal to force, 619;

facts tending to confirm this belief, 620;

the late communications from the Executive to the British Government

present a novelty in the history of war and diplomacy, 620;

this bill is a kind of second declaration of war, 621;

the war is both politically and morally wrong, 621;

it is of an offensive character, 621;

something unaccountable that the disposition to prosecute this war

should increase, 621;

it rests now solely on the subject of impressment, 621;

this must be settled by treaty, 621;

we shall create an annual expense of forty millions, 621;

if Canada could be taken it would be a great public misfortune, 621;

this war cannot be prosecuted without violating the laws of humanity

and justice, of religion and morality, 621;

it is becoming more unpopular in the Eastern States, 622;

the force contemplated to be raised is unnecessary, 622;

the present military establishment is certainly sufficient for all

purposes of defence, 622;

neither Canada nor any other British province will be worth the

blood and treasure they will cost us, 622;

the militia of Canada estimated too low, 622;

of what value would these provinces be to us, 623;

duty to inquire into the policy and necessity of this measure, as

well as the present state of our relations with Great Britain,

623;

would the principle, if yielded to us to-morrow, benefit our native

seamen, or promote the real interests of the country? 624;

is there probability of obtaining a recognition of this principle by

a continuance of the war? 624;

the traffic in American protections, 625;

the bill is altogether inadequate to the purpose intended to be

accomplished, 626;

it cannot be admitted that because the war is declared, we are bound

to lend aid to promote every plan for prosecuting it which may

be proposed, 627;

the bill is unnecessary for the attainment of the original object of

the war, 627;

some of the pretended causes of the war have never been seriously

relied on by our Government, 627;

what was the avowed object of this war? 628;

the pretence was to take or rather to receive Canada, 628;

the effect of this bill is to place at the disposal of the Executive

an army of fifty-five thousand men, 628;

the purpose for which these men are demanded is the invasion of

Canada, 628;

is the conquest of Canada an object desirable in itself, or

advantageous by its effect in promoting an early and honorable

peace? 628;

_note_, 628;

the intention of the American Cabinet thus unequivocally avowed,

628;

anxious that no doubt should exist on this subject, 628;

no scheme ever was or ever will be rejected by the men now in power

merely on account of its running counter to the ordinary

dictates of common sense and common prudence, 629;

illustration, 629;

the great mistake of all those who reasoned concerning the war and

the invasion of Canada, that it was impossible, was that they

never took into consideration the connection of these events

with the then pending election of Chief Magistrate, 629;

the invasion of Canada considered as a means of carrying on the

subsisting war, a means of obtaining an early and honorable

peace, and a means of advancing the personal and local projects

of ambition of the members of the American Cabinet, 630;

never was there an invasion in any country worse than this in point

of moral principle, since the invasion of the Buccaneers, or of

Capt. Kidd, 632;

they had the hope of plunder, here there is not even the poor refuge

of cupidity, 632;

the disgrace of our arms on the frontier is terrestrial glory

compared with the disgrace of the attempt, 632;

this nation is the last which ought to admit the design of foreign

conquest, 632;

multitudes who approve of the war detest the invasion, 633;

look at the elections, what do they speak? 633;

the people of New England have no desire for Canada, 633;

the surest way to defeat any hope from negotiation is this threat of

invasion, 634;

the American Cabinet understood this, 634;

the project of this bill is to put further off the chance of

amicable arrangement, 634;

the present men were raised to power by elements constituted of

British prejudices and British antipathies, 634;

such men will never permit a state of things to pass away so

essential to their influence, 635;

the Cabinet has been careful to precede negotiation with some

circumstance sure to make it fail, ever since the refusal to

renew the Treaty of 1794, 635;

the Executive power passed into new hands, under the old influences

and principles of the former Administration, 635;

the whole stage of the relations induced between this country and

Great Britain was a standing appeal to the fears of Great

Britain, 635;

what is the truth in relation to the repeal of the Berlin and Milan

decrees? 636;

were ever a body of men so abandoned in the hour of need as the

American Cabinet by Bonaparte? 636;

reasons for referring to this subject, 636;

illustrations of what is doing and intended at present, 637;

the invitations to union which have been so obtrusively urged, 638;

the liberty of debate prostituted in disseminating the most

unfounded charges, 639;

it has been charged that war had been declared prematurely and

without due preparation, 639;

it has been said that the nature of the war is changed, 640;

what the Legislature considered as the cause of war, 641;

the manner in which the points of difference between the two nations

ought to be considered, 641;

negotiation has been tried in the matter of impressment for twenty

years, 641;

it is pretended that this Government is not desirous of peace, and

that this is a war of conquest and ambition, 642;

if we now recede, are not points conceded to the enemy which the

opposition never would concede if in power, 642;

how much more powerful is the objection to the right of search now

than when first made, 643;

exemption from impressment is no new claim set up, 644;

the evils we have complained of were of a nature not to be remedied

by war, 644;

what has been the state of the country since the declaration of war,

645;

our relations with the belligerents have essentially changed since

war was declared, 645;

Napoleon has inveigled us into a war, 645;

why was the evidence of a repeal of the decrees withheld, 646;

believing the French decrees repealed, we departed from our neutral

stand, by enforcing the non-intercourse law against Great

Britain, 647;

the prominent causes of the war examined, 648;

whether this bill is right or wrong depends upon circumstances, 652;

it is said to be the constitutional duty of the opponents of the war

to afford every aid and encouragement, 653;

not the most suitable measure to be selected by the opposition, upon

which to show their resistance, 653;

a view of the past, of different parties which have at various times

appeared, and the manner by which we have been driven from a

peaceful posture, 654;

the course of the opposition in impeding the Government for the last

twelve years has been unexampled in history, 654;

gentlemen seem to forget that they stand on American soil, 655;

a plot for the dismemberment of the Union, 656;

cause of the declaration of war, 656;

it is said France inveigled us into the war, 656;

the war might have been declared even if the Orders in Council had

been repealed earlier, 657;

it is said Great Britain has always been willing to make a

satisfactory arrangement on the subject of impressment, 658;

what cause which existed for declaring the war has been removed,

659.

What is the object of this vast military force? 660;

retrospect of the last eight years, to show how much gentlemen have

been mistaken and disappointed in their views of foreign policy,

661;

the picture of impressments has been too highly colored, 663;

in that section of the Union where two-thirds of the seamen come

from, there is an overwhelming opinion against the war, 663;

the controversy seems brought to a single point, 663;

it is supposed this is the auspicious moment to assert our rights,

664;

the opinions of the majority have undergone a strange revolution,

664;

the conquest of the British provinces doubtful, 665;

physical and moral evils resulting from your measures, 666;

some observations on the bill itself, 666;

none can deny the propriety of defending the country, 666;

objections to the further prosecution of the war examined, 667;

contrariety of opinions respecting Canada, 668;

none but cowards calculate on the cowardice of their foe, 668;

the war was improperly commenced and is unnecessarily continued,

669;

examination of the causes as they existed at the commencement and

exist now, 669;

the claim on the part of Britain relative to seamen, 670;

this claim examined, 670, 671, 672, 673;

the points made in debate, impressment, the right to expatriate, the

right to naturalize, and French influence, 675;

a distinction been drawn throughout this debate between the rights

of a man who cultivates the soil, and one who follows the seas,

675;

every attempt to settle the question of impressment for twenty years

has failed, 676;

it is said that it is the abuse of impressment of which we complain,

676;

Porcupine paper, 676;

all agree that we ought to fight for the rights of our seamen, why

not all join heart and hand to do so, 678;

this has been a most unfortunate Government as ever existed; every

thing has gone wrong, 678;

bill ordered to be engrossed, 679.

Question on the passage of the bill, 679;

the army has been represented as dangerous to the liberties of the

country, 679;

what have been the propositions heretofore made by our Government to

Great Britain? 679;

equitable as they were all were rejected, 680;

for every British seaman obtained by impressment a number of

Americans have been made victims, 680;

the change of Administration in former years, 681;

characters of the two contending parties, 681;

course of the successful party, 682;

proceedings of our Government, 683, 684;

the Orders in Council constituted no insurmountable obstacle to

negotiation between this country and Great Britain, 685;

if the President had made that repeal a basis of negotiation, every

man in the country would have hailed him as the restorer of

peace, 686;

the ruler of France has turned with contempt from your reclamations,

686;

what atonement has been made for these insults and injuries, 686;

the Indian wars on the frontier, 686;

has this subject been inquired into, 687;

a word on the subject of impressments, 687;

Great Britain rather than surrender the right of impressing her own

seamen, will nail her colors to the mast and go down with them,

688;

this lies in a small compass, 688;

what was the offer made to our Government by the British Ministry?

688;

the right of search does exist, and has been acknowledged by all

nations, 689;

the French doctrine in relation to impressment, 689;

author of the Newburg letters to command your army, 690;

can the force contemplated be obtained; will it accomplish the end

proposed, and will it be an economical force? 690;

the grounds taken by the opponents of this bill examined, 691, 692;

what is the object of this debate, 694;

to thwart the final success of the war, 694;

all the arguments of the opposition have been directed to destroy

the union and zeal of the people, 694;

but say our opponents, as they were opposed to the war, so they are

not bound to support it, 694;

but we are told that peace is in our power without a further

prosecution of the war, 694;

it is said we ought to offer England suitable regulations on this

subject to secure to her the use of her seamen, 695;

will the intended effect of the opposition be produced? 695;

gentlemen are conjured to bring this debate to a close, 696;

the success against the Canadas doubtful, 696;

mortifying to see the conduct of the enemy vindicated and palliated,

696;

the several heads of discussion introduced in this debate

considered, 697;

what is a just and necessary war? 698;

what did an elevated fitness of character and conduct require of

this nation when war was declared? 699;

popular opinion was not against this war, 700;

impressment alone would have ultimately produced war, 700;

all public law, it is said, has denied the right of expatriation,

701;

bill passed, 702.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

AVERY, DANIEL, Representative from New York, 424, 577.

B

BACON, EZEKIEL, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315,

424, 578;

supports the resolution for immediate measures to liberate American

prisoners in Carthagena, 95;

offers a resolution relative to petitions respecting the

Presidential election in Massachusetts, 105;

on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 127;

on Miranda's expedition, 144;

reports relative to challenges and duels, 191;

against the petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;

on reduction of the navy, 244;

against the admission of Mississippi, 352;

on pay of the army, 582;

against encouragement to privateer captures, 704.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

BAYLY, MOUNTJOY, Sergeant-at-Arms to the Senate, 403.

BAINBRIDGE, WILLIAM, letter relative to the capture of the frigate

Java, 717.

BAKER, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 425, 577;

on the location of a military academy, 531.

_Bank of the United States_, dividends on stock of, 188;

capital of branches, 188;

expenses and losses, 188;

report on, 216.

_Bank of the United States._--In the House, report on the memorial of

the stockholders of the United States' Bank, 215.

_In Senate._--Petition of the President and Directors for a renewal

of their charter, 252;

bill to incorporate the subscribers considered, 266;

moved to strike out the first section, in order to try the

principle, 266;

reasons of the committee for reporting the bill, 266;

Congress has power to pass such a bill, 266;

powers granted by the eighth section of the first article, 266;

the enumeration of certain powers excludes all other powers not

enumerated, this point examined, 267;

not true when applied to express grants of power, strictly

incidental to some original substantive power, 267;

subject examined, 267;

it is said Congress can exercise no power by implication, yet can

pass all laws necessary to carry the constitution into effect,

267;

the power to create the Supreme Court must be derived by

implication, 268;

explained by an example, 268;

according to the construction given to other parts of the

constitution, Congress has the right to incorporate a bank to

enable it to manage the fiscal concerns of the nation, 268;

the law to erect light-houses is not a law to regulate commerce,

269;

it is said the advocates of a bank differ among themselves in fixing

upon the general power to which the right to create a bank is

incidental, 269;

no man ventures to declare that a bank is not necessary, 270;

this is an apparent objection to the constitutional argument, 270;

the medium of State banks, 270;

the means by which the constitutional powers may be carried into

effect, may vary if the powers do not, 270;

the motion to strike out goes to the entire destruction of the bill,

271;

the usefulness of the present bank admitted, 271;

what is the state of the bank in this city, 271;

the conduct of the bank has been honorable, liberal, and impartial,

271;

in every instance where it possessed the ability, it has met the

wishes of the government, 271;

it is said these stockholders have enjoyed a boon for twenty years

from which all others have been excluded, 272;

it is impossible to devise any written system of Government which

after a lapse of time, extension of empire, &c. shall be able to

carry its own provisions into operation, hence the necessity of

implied or resulting powers, 272;

whence do you get the right to erect custom-houses, but as an

implied power, 272;

want of power to grant an act of incorporation has ever appeared the

most unsound and untenable objection, 272;

the situation of this bank on the expiration of its charter, and the

effects on the community consequent upon it, 273;

the amount of specie in the United States, 273;

effects which the dissolution of the bank will have on the revenue

and fiscal concerns of the country, 274;

will your money when collected be safe in the State banks? 274;

irksome to oppose a law which has been in existence twenty years,

and acquiesced in by the State and General Governments, 275;

it has been said, that it is the fashion to eulogize the

constitution, 275;

if it could be shown that there had been aberrations by Congress

from the enumerated powers of the constitution, would it be

correct to use those aberrations as precedents? 276;

the present constitution was adopted as a remedy for the

non-compliance of the States with the requisitions under the

Articles of Confederation, 277;

the present Government is in its nature and character a government

of enumerated powers, reserving all unenumerated to the State

Governments, or to the people, 277;

"to provide for the common defence and general welfare," explained,

277;

these terms contain no grant of power whatever, but are used to

express the ends or objects for which particular grants of power

were given, 278;

instances of aberrations from the enumerated powers examined, 278;

erection of light-houses, 278;

custom-houses, 278;

these two powers indispensably connected with and subservient to

particular enumerated powers, 278;

light-houses among the common, necessary, and proper means, for the

regulation of commerce, 279;

is the incorporation of a bank of this character? 279;

the defying manner of the arguments advanced in favor of the renewal

of the charter, has occasioned this debate, in order to avert

the passage of an unjustifiable law, 280;

it is said that this has been made a party question, although the

first law passed prior to the formation of parties, 280;

explanation, 280;

the pointed difference which has been made between the opinions and

instructions of State legislatures, and the opinions and details

of deputations from Philadelphia, 280;

the new and unconstitutional veto which this bill establishes, 281;

the vagrant power to erect a bank after having wandered throughout

the whole constitution, has been located on that provision which

authorizes Congress to lay and collect taxes, 281;

suppose the constitution had been silent as to an individual

department of this government, could you under the power to lay

and collect taxes, establish a judiciary? 281;

what is a corporation such as the bill contemplates? 282;

the States have the exclusive power to regulate contracts, 282;

what participation has this bank in the collection of the revenue?

282;

the operations of the Treasury Department may be as well conducted

without a bank as with one, 283;

the management of the landed system, 283;

it is said the construction given to the constitution has been

acquiesced in by all parties, 283;

when gentlemen attempt to carry this measure on the ground of

acquiescence, do they forget that we are not in Westminster

Hall? 284;

the doctrine of precedents applied to the Legislature, is fraught

with the most mischievous consequences, 284;

not empowered by the constitution, nor bound by any practice under

it to renew the charter to this bank, 284;

all power may perhaps be resolved into that of the purse, by whom is

it wielded? 284;

the Duke of Northumberland is said to be the most considerable

stockholder in the bank, 285;

the principle here involved is most important; it is no less than

whether we shall surrender to the State Governments the power of

collecting our revenue, and rely upon the old system of

requisitions, 285;

the bank has answered the most sanguine expectations of its authors,

285;

we are required to discard the lessons of experience, to try some

new scheme, 285;

we are to ruin many innocent and unoffending individuals, and

derange the finances, and for what? 286;

it is a contest between a few importing States, and the people of

the United States, 286;

it is a contest between the friends and enemies of the federal

constitution revived, 286;

if we yield to the States the collection of our revenue, what will

remain of our Federal Government? 286;

it will be a political fiction, 286;

hostility to the Union would prompt to join the hue and cry against

this institution, 286;

it is said that debate is useless on this question, 287;

to form a correct opinion we must retrospect the defects of the old

government, and ascertain the remedy which was anticipated in

the present constitution, 287;

the great cause of the inefficiency of the former was owing to its

dependence on the States for the means to carry its powers into

effect, 287;

the present constitution was framed with ample authority to pass all

laws necessary and proper for the attainment of its objects,

287;

erroneous impressions have arisen from ignorance of facts relative

to the practical fiscal operations of the government, 287;

the power to create a bank is not derived by implication, 287;

the Convention granted to the new Government in express and

unequivocal language, ample authority to use all the means

necessary and proper for the attainment of the ends for which it

was instituted, 287;

the question of constitutionality depends upon facts dehors the

instrument, 287;

if it be a fact that a bank is necessary and proper to effectuate

the legitimate powers of government, then our power is express,

and we need not resort to implication, 287;

endeavor to prove this to be a fact, 287;

the erection of a bank by the Congress of 1781, 287;

the opinion of General Hamilton, 288;

character of the Congress of 1781 stated, 288;

authority of Washington, 288;

the cry is, "down with the bank, huzzah for the party!" 288;

sound interpretation of the words "necessary and proper," 289;

those opposed to the bill, predicate their arguments upon the

probability that the State banks will answer, this is an

admission of the necessity, 289;

congeniality between a bank and the collection of our revenue, 289;

the repeated sanctions the bank has received from different

Administrations is strangely accounted for, 290;

whence was derived a power to pass a law, laying an embargo without

limitation, 290;

twelfth article of the amendments to the constitution considered,

290;

it is not pretended that our fiscal concerns could be managed with

gold and silver, 290;

if the bank is removed, the Secretary of the Treasury must

nationalize the bank paper of the great importing States, 291;

charges of British influence, 291;

the embarrassments at Philadelphia, it is said, could not have been

occasioned by the bank, 292;

Kentucky, I am only thine, 292;

former course of proceeding in regard to the principle of a bill and

its details, 292;

the course of the press on this subject, 292;

it is said, that this question is discussed on party grounds, 293;

a view of the beginning and operations of the bank, 293;

no democrat has been admitted as a director of this institution,

except in New York, 294;

petty mischievous intrigue for carrying measures through Congress,

294;

for what do merchants form a part of the bank deputies? 294;

what did mechanics here say relative to granting this charter? 294;

there is scarcely an evil which has not been attributed to the

embargo, and which is not now with as little justice attributed

to the non-renewal of the charter of the bank, 294;

if not renewed, difficult to obtain loans, it is said, 295;

instructions to Senators, their force discussed, 296;

a State has not a moral right to violate the constitution, and

cannot give it to her Legislature, nor the Legislature to the

Senator, 296;

the primary question is, whether the General Government when it

first came into operation, did not possess the power of creating

a National Bank, 296;

to answer this, let us inquire whether there was any possibility of

carrying into effect, with any tolerable convenience and

advantage, the several provisions of the constitution, unless

this power exists, 297;

it is admitted by all that the agency of a bank affords the greatest

facility and security of any plan that can be devised for the

collection of a revenue, and its transmission to the Treasury,

297;

other admissions stated, 297;

the consequence which follows from these admissions, 297;

if Congress once possessed this power, what has taken it away? 297;

to create this bank is said to be legislation by implication, 298;

it is said the corporation will be a monopoly, 298;

anticipated dangers of erecting corporations, 298;

a violation of the constitution, however solemnly sanctioned or long

endured, can never become right, 299;

difference in the present case, 299;

recapitulation, 299;

rule of construction in construing the constitution, when

legislating on enumerated powers, 300;

the authority to grant this charter is found in section seven,

clauses first, second, and last, 301;

meaning of the words "necessary and proper," 301;

great stress is laid on that amendment which says "all power not

expressly granted, shall be retained," &c., 301;

it is easy to prove that the broad grant given to Congress to

legislate for the District of Columbia, in all cases is

restricted and paled in by the constitution, 302;

this power to charter a bank is expressly granted, 302;

it is necessary and proper for carrying into effect another general

power to borrow money, 302;

no arguments yet advanced to prove that this power is an original

and substantive, and not a derivative or implied power, 303;

to determine if a measure is just and proper, we must consider

whether it has a just or useful relation to the end, 303;

of all depositories banks are the safest, 303;

it is asked, why not confine the duty of the bank to collecting the

public revenue? 303;

Congress are to devise means most sure and expeditious to borrow

money, 303;

the safety and facility of commercial operations are greatly

promoted by a general currency, 304;

it is said Washington doubted, 304;

objections offered by Mr. Jefferson, 304;

remarks of Hamilton, 304;

consequences of destroying the bank, 305;

distresses which will follow, 305;

answer to objections, 305, 306;

the prompt and secure collection of our revenue is principally owing

to the influence of the bank, 307;

other objections examined, 307;

objections to the construction of different clauses of the

constitution examined, 308;

it is said the history of the States will show that the bills of

credit specified in the constitution, were those only which were

a legal tender in the payment of debts, 309;

further debate, 310;

vote a tie, 311;

remarks of the Vice President, 311;

gives the casting vote against striking out the first section, 311.

_In the House._--Bill to renew the charter of the Bank of the United

States considered, 335;

moved to strike out the first section, 335;

motion intended to test the principle of the bill, 335;

Congress possesses no power to incorporate a bank, 335;

even if possessed, it is inexpedient to exercise it, 335;

ruin to the merchants and embarrassment to the government would not

be paramount to sustaining the several obligations of supporting

the constitution, 335;

reason of the construction given by various persons, 335;

this is in its nature obnoxious alarming in its tendency, and its

influence irresistible, 335;

parts of the constitution which bear any analogy to this subject

stated, 336;

does the establishment of a bank come within their meaning? 336;

it must be shown that the bank is necessary to the operations of the

government, that without its aid our fiscal concerns cannot be

managed, 337;

two things necessary to insure the stability of the

government--avoid every measure that will produce uneasiness

among the states or that will extend the jurisdiction of the

government to subjects purely local, 337;

has not the bank produced serious alarm? 337;

the abuse of the convenience of obtaining loans is more dreaded than

any other evil which will follow this measure, 338;

this is the most important subject upon which this Congress will be

required to act, 338;

connection subsisting between the agricultural and commercial

interests, 339;

enlightened legislators have entertained but one opinion on this

subject both in this country and Europe, 339;

utility of bonds cannot be doubted, 339;

prosperity of the country attributed to this active capital which

has excited industry, 340;

accommodations furnished by the bank, 340;

principal portion of the trade and business of the Union has been

conducted on a paper medium, 340;

put down this bank and how are your revenues to be collected, 340;

this is not the time or place to inquire whether banks are

beneficial or not to the nation, 341;

the section admitting of an increase of the capital stock a very

dangerous feature, 341;

the Articles of Confederation and the present constitution do not

differ as regards any power delegated by the states to Congress,

342;

interpretation of the constitution, 342;

experience shows that the decisions of Congress vary with the men

who compose that body, and cannot be cited as settling a

principle, 342.

This bill aims a deadly blow at some of the best principles of the

constitution, 343;

this bill assumes the exercise of legislative powers which belong

exclusively to the State Governments, 343;

one of the most serious dangers this government is threatened with,

is the tendency to produce collisions between State and Federal

authorities, 344;

the great line of demarcation between the powers of the two is well

understood, 344;

axioms laid down in discussing constitutional questions, 345;

sufficient to call upon the advocates of a bank to show its

constitutionality, 345;

argument of Hamilton, 345;

the federal government is said to be sovereign with regard to all

the objects for which that government was instituted, 345;

this is a petitio principii, 345;

it is said, the bank is an innocent institution, 346;

one of its most obvious and distinguished characteristics is that it

exempts the private property and persons of the stockholders,

346;

it authorizes the stockholders to take usurious interest, 346;

this bank incorporation possesses other qualities at war with the

laws of the several states, 346;

it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is delegated to

Congress, and five or six different provisions of the

constitution are referred to as giving this right, 347;

the very circumstance of so many different heads of authority is

conclusive evidence that it has no very direct relation to any

of them, 347;

the "sweeping clause," 347;

Hamilton's mode of reasoning, 347;

it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is included in

the power to lay and collect taxes, 347;

no man ought to complain of the weakness of a government whose

powers may be _reasoned up_ by logic like this, 347;

the constitution is not a mere designation of ends for which the

government was established, leaving to Congress a discretion as

to the means, 348;

it is contended that the right to incorporate a bank is implied in

the power to regulate trade between the states, 348;

it is said to be included in the power to borrow money, 348;

absurdities into which this doctrine of implication leads, 349;

it is said to be necessary to the regular and successful

administration of the finances, 349;

one or more state banks in almost every state, 349;

it is said, if the bank would be constitutional without the

existence of the state banks, it would be equally so with, 349;

question to strike out the first section carried, 350;

_note_, 350;

passage of the bill in the House, 350;

_note_, 351.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Bankrupt Act._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

BARD, DAVID, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424,

577.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

BARKER, JOSEPH, Representative from Massachusetts, 36.

BARRY, WILLIAM T., Representative from Kentucky, 316;

on the admission of the Territory of Orleans as a State, 320.

BARTLETT, JOSIAH, Representative from New Hampshire, 424.

BASSETT, BURWELL, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315,

424, 577;

on the number of seamen in the naval service, 228;

urges reform in the expense of the navy, 231;

on reduction in the navy, 239, 244;

on the claim of Matthew Lyon, 426;

on encouragement of privateers, 581;

on prize money to the officers and crew of the Constitution, 593;

on the imprisonment of American seamen, 594, 595;

in favor of a naval establishment, 603;

on encouragement to privateer captures, 703;

on privateer pensions, 704.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Batture at New Orleans._--In Senate, memorial of Edward Livingston,

presented and referred, 118.

_In the House._--Resolution to refer the subject of title to the

Attorney General for him to collect testimony, &c., 148;

the true course is to give the parties the right of appeal from the

Orleans court to Supreme Court of the United States, 148;

important law points involved, 148;

the batture claimed is in the bed of the river, 148;

what could the Attorney General do in the case? 148;

what influence was his opinion to have? 148;

impossible to see how an individual having property, in which he was

put in possession in 1804, by a judicial decision, could be

dispossessed of it in 1807, 148;

this batture never was claimed as private property until after it

came into possession of the United States, 149;

nothing new to refer a subject to the head of a department, 149;

a constitutional difficulty in the case, 149;

has Congress the power to decide the validity of this claim? 149;

has Congress a right in order to determine the title to landed

property, to refer it to any tribunal whatever? 149;

admitting all this to be true, it does not apply to the present

case, 149;

the question is whether it is public property or not, 149;

question examined on the ground of the right of the citizen, 150;

if a citizen is put in possession of property by a decree of a

court, and afterwards dispossessed by military power, where

should he come if not to this House to claim redress? 150;

this claim should never be confounded with the Yazoo claim, 150;

the doctrine _nullum tempus occurrit reipublicæ_, is a dangerous

one, 150;

the present case stated, 151;

is there a precedent for this transaction? 151;

the President has not carried the law into effect, 151;

the act of 1807 contains two clauses bearing on the subject, 152;

if there has been any violation of right, it was in the passage of

the law under which the President acted, 152;

resolutions offered in the House, 191;

laid on the table, 192;

bill to provide means to ascertain the title considered, 223;

various amendments considered, 223.

BAYARD, JAMES A., Senator from Delaware, 26, 121, 176, 264, 403, 571;

reports to Senate a bill for a National Bank, 183;

moves an amendment to the bill to enable the President to take

possession of the country east of the Perdido, 313;

against the declaration of war, 418.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

BAYLIES, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 124.

BIBB, GEORGE M., Senator from Kentucky, 400, 570.

BIBB, WILLIAM W., Representative from Georgia, 36, 125, 188, 315, 425,

577;

on the ordinance of 1787, 42;

on the ordinance of 1787, 46;

on the bill relative to batture at New Orleans, 223;

on the admission of the territory of Orleans as a State, 320, 324;

on Indian affairs, 428;

on the British intrigues, 516, 519;

against the renewal of Whitney's patent right, 533;

on war taxes, 715.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

BIDWELL, BARNABAS, 437;

_note_, 437.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

BIGELOW, ABIJAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 317, 424, 577;

against the admission of Mississippi, 352;

on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 386;

on imposing additional duties, 538.

_Bill to prevent abuse_ of privileges enjoyed by foreign ministers,

169.

BLACKLEDGE, WILLIAM, Representative from North Carolina, 36, 425, 577.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

BLAISDELL, DANIEL, Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187, 316;

against the admission of Mississippi, 352;

on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 377.

BLAKE, JOHN, jr., Representative from New York, 36.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Blank ballots, shall they be counted?_--In the House on election for

Speaker two blank ballots were cast, shall they be counted? 125;

blank pieces of paper cannot be considered as votes, 125;

instance, the election for President in 1801, 125;

is there to be a Speaker without an election? 125;

the committee report that no candidate has a majority, 125;

the Speaker may become President and preside over the destinies of

the nation, 125;

no analogy with the Presidential election, 125;

establish such a precedent, and it may put an end to this

government, founded on the principle that the majority shall

govern, 125;

motion for a new ballot carried, 125.

BLEECKER, HARMANUS, Representative from New York, 424, 577;

on imposing additional duties, 540;

against the embargo bill, 550;

on the objects of the war, 644.

BLOUNT, THOMAS, Representative from North Carolina, 36, 425;

on a quartermaster's department, 477.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

BOONE, DANIEL, petition of, 707.

BOYD, ADAM, Representative from New Jersey, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424,

577;

on the batture at New Orleans, 149;

supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;

on the reduction of the navy, 242;

on foreign relations, 460;

on the bill laying an embargo, 544, 545;

on an additional military force, 626.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

BOYLE, JOHN, Representative from Kentucky, 46.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

BRADLEY, STEPHEN R., Senator from Vermont, 3, 118, 166, 250, 400, 576;

appointed President _pro tem._ of the Senate, 26;

on a recess of Congress, 412.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Breach of Privilege._--Report of committee relative to the letter of

I. A. Coles, 204.

_See Index_, vol. 2.

BRECKENRIDGE, JAMES, Representative from Virginia, 125, 187, 315, 424,

579.

BRENT, RICHARD, Senator from Virginia, 33, 118, 168, 252, 400, 570;

on a Bank of the United States, 295.

_Bribery._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Brigadier Generals additional._--In the House the bill to authorize

the President to appoint additional brigadier generals

considered, 551;

if these officers are intended to command the militia the bill

should not pass, 551;

Governors of States better acquainted with qualifications of the

militia officers than the President, 551;

what spirit can be in the people to submit to this? 551;

no necessity of more generals for the regulars, 551;

if this bill passes our government will be as bad as that of Great

Britain before the revolution, 551.

BRIGHAM, ELIJAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 424, 577;

on rules and orders of the House, 471;

on imposing additional duties, 541;

on an additional military force, 621.

_British Intrigues._--Message from the President to Congress, with

certain documents, showing that through the British Minister a

secret agent was employed in certain of the States, fomenting

disaffection to the authorities, and in intrigues to the

disaffected, 506;

letter of Mr. Henry to Mr. Monroe, with the documents, 506;

letter of the Secretary of the Governor of the British provinces to

Mr. Henry, employing him as a secret agent, 506;

letter of general instructions to Henry by is employer, 507;

credential of Henry, 507;

answer to the Secretary accepting the employment, 507;

answer to the letter of instructions, 508;

letters of Henry to the Governor General, from Burlington, Windsor,

Amherst, and Boston and Montreal, 513;

letter of Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel, with a memorial to Lord Liverpool,

for compensation for services rendered, 514;

letter of Mr. Peel, containing the answer to the memorial, 514;

report of Secretary of State, relative to persons connected with

Henry, 515.

Motion to print, 515;

protest against attributing the sentiments expressed in these

letters as belonging to the Federalists, to citizens of

Connecticut, 515;

no confidence in the statements, 516;

a full investigation ought to be had, 516;

the papers are honorable testimony in favor of the eastern section

of the Union, 516;

what is the fact, 516;

serious consideration should be given before such gross abuse of any

section is published, 517;

papers calculated merely to put the people on their guard against

emissaries, 517;

they show the deep hostility of this foreign power to our

government, 517;

British Ministers have at some periods of their lives been employed

on such business, 517;

extracts from letters of Mr. Erskine, 517;

a division of the Union is not a new subject, 518;

these documents will exhibit to the American people what sort of a

nation we have to deal with, 518;

is the information useful to us, 518;

the subject should be followed up with a full and prompt

examination, 518;

no difference of opinion in supporting the integrity of the Union,

519;

motion to print agreed to, 519;

Mr. Henry has done service to this country by this communication,

and ought to be protected, 519;

question referred to the committee on foreign relations, with

authority to send for persons and papers, 519;

letter from the British Minister disclaiming all knowledge of John

Henry's asserted mission, 522;

report from the committee on foreign relations relative to these

disclosures, 524;

_note_, 525.

_British Minister, conduct of_, in the Senate, resolutions relative

to, reported, 169;

bill relating to privileges of foreign ministers also reported, 169;

resolutions approving the conduct of the Executive, in refusing to

hold any further communication with Mr. Jackson, considered,

169;

peculiarities of our Government, 170;

the refusal of the Executive may lead to war, yet Congress alone has

power to declare war, 170;

Congress should express its opinion on the act of the Executive,

170;

this is due to the people, 170;

it is due to the Executive, 170;

will the President have the co-operation of Congress? 170;

it is of national importance that the will of Congress should be

expressed, 171;

would the conduct of Great Britain be very different under these

different conditions of the people and the government, 171;

did any people ever gain any thing by dissensions? 171;

never wrong to join the standard of your country in a war with

foreign nations, 171;

are the facts stated in the resolution supported by the

correspondence? 172;

letter of Mr. Jackson, 172;

what does it amount to? 172;

the insult is gross and outrageous, 173;

other expressions examined, 173, 174;

Canning's course, 174;

if the facts are justified by the correspondence, what can prevent

unanimity on the present occasion? 175;

ordered to third reading, 176;

passed, 176.

_In the House._--An important paper headed "Circular," has not been

communicated to Congress, 192;

resolution, calling on the President for a copy, 192;

despatch of Mr. Canning also called for, 192;

improper to call upon the President for that which cannot be

officially in his possession, 192;

a copy in Secretary's office, 192;

motion carried, 192;

other papers called for, 192;

"Circular" of Mr. Jackson, 193.

The first question involves the veracity and dignity of the American

Government, and the reputation of a British Envoy, and in some

degree the British Ministry, 193;

origin of the mission from Great Britain to the United States, 193;

what were the circumstances which characterized its progress and

termination? 194;

if such were the circumstances, does not the occasion require that

the American Government take a firm and decided stand? 195;

the present is no time for causeless crimination of our Government,

195;

the terms offered to us are not honorable and reciprocal, 195;

the resolution is rendered peculiarly important by the occasion,

195;

there is more than a presumption that Mr. Erskine had the power to

enter into the arrangement he made, 195;

what did the President know of his powers? 196;

did he know that Mr. Erskine had not full power? 196;

it was not his duty to know that he had not full powers? 197.

Motion to postpone indefinitely the resolution approving the conduct

of the Executive relative to the British Minister, considered,

197;

the resolution unnecessary and pernicious, 197;

it descends to a style of expression unworthy of the country and the

dignity of its Government, 198;

it looks toward war, 198;

a resolution of approbation against all example for the last eight

years, 198;

some doubts whether the majority were the same party as in former

years, 199;

the right of approbation implies the right of disapprobation, 199;

it is proposed that this solemn assembly, representing the American

people, shall descend from its dignity to utter against an

individual the language of indignation and reproach, 199;

this is to be done under pretence of asserting their rights and

vindicating their wrongs, 200;

it is no slight responsibility which this House is about to assume,

200;

all the other questions agitated in this debate dwindle into

insignificance, 200;

no speaker yet has taken the precise terms of the resolution as the

basis of his argument, 200;

the resolution analyzed, 200;

it asserts that a certain idea is conveyed which is indecorous and

insolent, 200;

what is this idea? 201;

what are the expressions in which it is conveyed? 201;

parts of the letter examined in which the idea is conveyed, 201;

a corroborative view of the subject, 202;

recapitulation, 203;

the resolution merely respects the conduct of the British Envoy,

204;

it is not an answer to a message from the President of the United

States, 205;

it is not a declaration of war, 205;

the correspondence between the British Minister and the American

Secretary examined, 205;

the whole civilized world a spectator of this discussion, 205;

resolution ordered to be read a third time, 206;

authorities to show the competency of Mr. Erskine's powers, 206;

Erskine never entertained a doubt of the competency of his powers,

206;

extracts from his letters, 207;

the British Government could not disavow the acts of its Minister

without incurring the charge of bad faith, 207;

past transactions reconsidered, 207;

this measure will fix a stain on the American character and hazard

the peace and prosperity of the country, 208;

fate of every country to cherish demagogues, 208;

the letters of Jackson do not contain the insult imputed to them,

209;

the insult examined, 209;

what were the circumstances upon which the King justified his

disavowal? 209;

the want of authority in Mr. Erskine assigned as the sole ground,

210;

letters further examined, 210;

the insult explained away, 210;

resolution passed, 211.

BROWN, JAMES, Senator from Louisiana, 573.

BROWN, JOHN, Representative from Maryland, 124, 188.

BROWN, OBADIAH, elected Chaplain of the House, 37.

BROWN, ROBERT, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315,

424, 577.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

BURWELL, WILLIAM A., Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 197, 315,

424, 594;

on an extra session, 103;

on permitting Swedish and Portuguese vessels to load, 127;

on the petition for a division of the Mississippi Territory, 141;

on the Batture at New Orleans, 148;

on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 155;

on trade to the Baltic, 205;

opposes the postponement of the resolution relative to the

apportionment of representation, 224;

on the Bank of the United States, 335;

on privateer pensions, 704.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

BUTLER, WILLIAM, Representative from South Carolina, 187;

makes a report on the conduct of General Wilkinson, 248.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

C

CALHOUN, JOHN C., Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577;

on foreign relations, 447;

on the case of Nathaniel Rounsavell, 529;

on mode of relief of Caraccas, 532;

makes a report on foreign relations, 554;

presents a bill declaring war against Great Britain, 554;

on an additional military force, 693.

CALHOUN, JOSEPH, Representative from South Carolina, 36, 125, 187,

315.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CAMPBELL, ALEXANDER, Senator from Ohio, 176, 250, 400, 566.

CAMPBELL, GEORGE W., Representative from Tennessee, 36;

on submission to the late dictate England and France, 48;

against amendments of the Senate requiring an immediate arming, &c.,

of public vessels, 97;

on an extra session, 103;

Senator from Tennessee, 400, 566;

on a recess of Congress, 412.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CAMPBELL, JOHN, Representative from Maryland, 37, 124, 191, 320.

_See Index_, vols. 2 and 3.

CARR, FRANCIS, Representative from Massachusetts, 577.

_Caraccas, Relief of._--In the House, resolution to authorize the

President to procure and send flour for the inhabitants of

Caraccas, 532;

better to suspend the restrictive system as to them, 532;

why should party feelings enter into this proposition? 532;

the amendment proposed would virtually repeal the embargo, 532;

no necessity to suspend the embargo, 532;

other amendments offered, 532;

resolution passed, 532;

$50,000 voted, 532.

_Census of the Union._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN C., Representative from New Hampshire, 124, 187,

316.

CHAMBERLIN, WILLIAM, Representative from Vermont, 124, 187, 316.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CHAMPION, EPAPHRODITUS, Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187,

315, 424, 577.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CHAMPLIN, CHRISTOPHER, Senator from Rhode Island, 176, 252.

_See Index_, vol. 2.

CHAUNCEY, ISAAC, letters to the Secretary of the Navy, 572, 573.

CHEVES, LANGDON, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577;

in favor of a naval establishment, 477;

on an additional military force, 697;

on encouragement to privateer captures, 704;

reports a bill to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, 706;

on war taxes, 715.

CHITTENDEN, MARTIN, Representative from Vermont, 36, 124, 187, 316,

424, 577.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CLARKSON'S History of Slavery presented to Congress, 112.

CLAY HENRY, Senator from Kentucky, 177, 252;

on the bill relative to non-intercourse with France and Great

Britain, 177;

presents petition of Elisha Winters for reward, for causing the

death of the Mississippi River Pirate, 184;

gives notice of asking leave to bring in a bill supplementary to the

act relative to the punishment of certain crimes, 185;

on the occupation of Florida, 261;

on incorporating a Bank of the United States, 279;

reports against extending the charter of the old bank, 311;

reports a bill to enable the President to take possession of the

country east of the Perdido, 313;

Representative from Kentucky, 425, 577;

elected Speaker, first session, 12th Congress, 425;

address, 425;

on the Statutes of Limitation, 475;

on a naval establishment, 496;

offers an amendment to the bill to enable the people of Mississippi

to form a State Government, 520;

on the limits of Louisiana, 523;

in favor of the bill laying an embargo, 545;

on an additional military force, 613;

against encouragement to privateer captures, 703;

acknowledges vote of thanks of the House, 719.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CLAY, MATTHEW, Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 187, 315, 424,

577;

on an additional military force, 617.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

CLINTON, DEWITT, voted for as President, in 1812, 574.

CLINTON, GEORGE, Vice President, presides in the Senate, 3, 116;

elected Vice President in 1808, 27;

number of votes for, as President, 27;

as Vice President, 27;

as Vice President gives casting vote in Senate against U. States'

Bank, 311;

takes seat in Senate as Vice President, 400;

decease of, 411.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

CLOPTON, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 187, 319, 427;

on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 112.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

COBB, HOWELL, Representative from Georgia, 125, 187, 315, 425.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

COCHRAN, JAMES, Representative from North Carolina, 125, 187, 315,

435, 580.

COLES, ISAAC A., letter to the Speaker of the House, 183.

_See Index_, vol. 1, 2.

_Cod-Fisheries._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Commerce of the United States._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Committees, Select_, resolution relative to formation of, 426;

members of, in House, 426.

_Compensation of President and Vice President._--_See Index_, vols. 1,

2.

CONDICT, JOHN, Senator from New Jersey, 3, 118, 168, 252, 400.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

CONDIT, LEWIS, Representative from New Jersey, 424, 577.

_Congress_, second Session of Tenth, 3;

meeting of the two Houses to count Electoral votes, 27;

adjournment of second Session of Tenth, 114;

first Session of Eleventh, 116;

third Session of Eleventh Congress, 250;

third Session of Eleventh Congress adjourned, 312;

adjournment of third Session of Eleventh Congress, 399;

commencement of first Session of Twelfth Congress, 400;

second Session of Twelfth meets, 566.

_Extra Session._--_In House_, motion to alter the time of the next

meeting of Congress, 101;

moved to strike out May, for the purpose of inserting September,

102;

this is a momentous crisis, 102;

country in a situation of extreme danger, 102;

Congress should be constantly in session till a more favorable

state of affairs exists, 102;

nothing likely to occur to do away with the necessity of an extra

session, 102;

why should Congress come here at the time proposed? 102;

a new President comes in, who will desire communication with our

ministers before the meeting of Congress, 102;

occurrences are presenting themselves every day, requiring some

other ground to be taken, 102;

a total abandonment of the ocean will be submission, 102;

are we to renew negotiation, when every circumstance manifests that

it would be useless? 102;

the present suspension of commerce and discontents at home, are

sufficient reasons for calling Congress earlier than December,

103;

new Administration should meet Congress as early as possible, 103;

war the only means to secure the interest and honor of the nation,

103;

reasons that Congress should meet in May, 103;

is the nation to be saved by long speeches? 103;

forty-eight hours sufficient to pass all laws for the present

crisis, 103;

an early session will contribute to tranquillize the minds of the

people, 103;

if peace is attainable, we must have it; if not, then war, 103;

necessary to change our situation previous to next meeting of

Congress, 103;

reason of the fear in Great Britain that Parliament would not meet

often enough, 104;

Congress do more good by staying away, 104;

leave an extra session to the Executive, 104;

motion to strike out lost, 104;

bill passed, 104.

_In the Senate_, resolution offered for a recess from the 29th of

April, 412;

ordered to be engrossed, 412;

moved to fill the blank with "4th Monday in June," 412;

sufficiently early to take measures in consequence of the expiration

of the embargo, 412;

a long time would accommodate better than a short time, 412;

effect on the public mind the same, 412;

the question should not be decided on the mere ground of personal

convenience, 412;

an adjournment for any length of time, like deserting our posts,

412;

not deserting our posts, 413;

by staying here, Congress cannot expedite the measures ordered, 413;

eighth of June adopted, 413;

resolution passed, 413.

_Connecticut_, vote for President, in 1808, 27;

in 1812, 573, 711.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Constitution and Guerriere_, letter from the Secretary of the Navy,

on the action between, 593;

bill to compensate the officers and crew of Constitution frigate,

709;

considered, 709, 710;

bill to compensate officers and crew of, considered, 717, 719.

_Contested Elections._--_See Index_, vols. 1, 3.

_Convoy System._--In the House, bill reported to employ public armed

vessels to convoy the lawful commerce of the United States, 225;

moved to discharge the Committee of the Whole, 226;

embraces two important principles not to be discussed in committee,

226;

motion lost, 226.

COOK, ORCHARD, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 141, 352;

in favor of an immediate arming of the public vessels, 97, 98;

on additional duties on English and French goods, 109.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

COOKE, THOMAS B., Representative from New York, 424, 580.

COX, JAMES, Representative from New Jersey, 124, 187.

CRAIG, Sir J. H., his instructions to John Henry, 507.

CRAWFORD, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 124, 187, 315,

424, 577.

CRAWFORD, WILLIAM H., Senator from Georgia, 3, 121, 168, 250, 400,

566;

on the repeal of the embargo act, 11;

on incorporating a Bank of the United States, 266, 305;

on an increase of the navy, 407;

elected President _pro tem._ of the Senate, 409;

presides in the Senate as President _pro tem._, 566.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CRIST, HENRY, Representative from Kentucky, 125, 188.

CANNING, Mr., extract from speech of, in Parliament, 120.

_Cuba_, emigrants from.--In Senate, resolution relative to, offered,

121;

referred, 122;

further resolution, 122.

_In the House._--Bill relative to the remission of certain penalties

considered, 163;

the bill, 163;

opinion of Court of South Carolina, 163;

the former act on the importation of slaves, 163;

present case directly violates that law, 163;

what reason for enacting this law, if the principles of the law of

1807 were correct? 164;

this is a case of a peculiar nature, attended with singular

circumstances, 164;

the laws of South Carolina forbid bringing those persons into the

State, 164;

the persons bringing them, must give security to have them carried

out, which could not be done under the non-intercourse law, 164;

slaves brought to New Orleans, 164;

the objects of this bill do not appear on the face of it, 164;

bill passed, 165.

CULPEPER, JOHN, Representative from North Carolina, 36.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Cumberland Road_, report on, 530.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

CUSHING, T. H., Adjutant-General, letter of, 712.

CUTTS, CHARLES, Senator from New Hampshire, 250, 400, 566.

CUTTS, RICHARD, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315,

577;

moves to strike out "seventy-fours," and insert "frigates," 606.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

D

DANA, SAMUEL W., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187;

on necessity of additional revenue cutters, 47;

on the immediate arming of the public vessels, 98;

on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 128;

on prosecutions for libel, 134;

on amendment to, 137;

on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 152, 161;

on an investigation of the Navigation Laws, 188;

on the call on the President for papers, 192;

on the torpedo experiment, 218, 220;

on the loan bill, 227;

on reform in the expense of the Navy, 230;

on reduction of the Navy, 243;

Senator from Connecticut, 250, 400, 570.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

DAVENPORT, JOHN, jr., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187,

315, 424, 577;

on the proceedings on counting the electoral votes, 105.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

DAVIESS, JOSEPH HAMILTON, _note_, 435.

DAVIS, ROGER, Representative from Pennsylvania, 424, 578.

DAWSON, JOHN, Representative from Virginia, 36, 125, 187, 315, 424,

577;

moves to refer the letter of Robert Fulton, 214;

reports on, 214;

supports petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;

on the ratio of representation, 432;

on foreign relations, 452;

on the burning of Richmond Theatre, 474;

on the petition of Ursuline Nuns at New Orleans, 476;

on the limits of Louisiana, 523;

offers a resolution of honor to officers and seamen of the

Constitution, for the capture of the Guerriere, 578;

on compensation to the officers and crew of the frigate

Constitution, 709.

_See Index_, vols. 2, 3.

DEANE, JOSIAH, Representative from Massachusetts, 36.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Debates, reporting of._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

DECATUR, STEPHEN, his letter to the Secretary of the Navy 598.

_Defensive Measures against Great Britain, under John Adams._--_See

Index_, vol. 2.

_Delaware_, vote for President, in 1808, 27;

in 1812, 573, 711.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Delegates from Territories._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

DESHA, JOSEPH, Representative from Kentucky, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425,

577;

on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 69;

on Foreign Relations, 450;

on an additional military force, 696.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

DINSMOOR, SAMUEL, Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

_Diplomatic Intercourse._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Divorces_ in the District of Columbia, report on, 505.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

DUNN, THOMAS, elected doorkeeper of the House, 126;

elected sergeant-at-arms to the House, 425.

DURELL, DANIEL M., Representative from New Hampshire, 36;

in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, 100;

on an extra session, 103.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Duties on Imports._--In Senate, bill for imposing additional duties

read the third time, 31;

motion to postpone to a distant day, 31;

the subject is a commercial one exceedingly important, 31;

the bill can be advocated only upon the ground that a war is about

to ensue, and to prepare the public treasury to sustain its

prosecution, 32;

but neither the one nor the other is expected or necessary, 32;

Gallatin's reports, 32;

the measure will also be both unequal and unjust, 32;

the new duty will operate as a bounty to forestalled and

speculators, 32;

bill passed, 32.

_In the House._--The bill to impose additional duties considered,

107;

motion to confine increased duties to goods of England and France,

109;

motion lost, bill ordered to be engrossed, 109.

_Manufactures, Domestic._--In the House, resolution to lay an

additional duty on coarse hemp and flax considered, 428;

cotton added, 428;

the proposition should include all the domestic manufactures of the

country, 428;

the present a favorable time to adopt some measures to encourage and

support domestic manufactures, 428;

merely a proposition to instruct a committee, 428;

laid on the table, 428;

taken up, 431;

amendment laying a duty on salt moved, 431;

irregular manner of proceeding, 431;

further debate on the practice of the House, 431;

ill-timed to tax an article when it may be very difficult to procure

it, 431;

why this great cry about domestic manufactures? 432;

what will be the effect of taxing salt, 432.

_In the House._--Engrossed bill laying additional duties, 538;

the creation of a public debt ought to be accompanied with the means

of its extinguishment, 538;

this is the true secret of rendering public credit immortal, 538;

it is surprising to learn that doubling the duties is the only means

to be provided for this purpose, 539;

this will be a most unpopular tax, 539;

it is an unjust measure, 539;

what will be the consequence of passing the bill? 539;

great changes have taken place since the adoption of the present

tariff, 540;

three purposes intended to be furthered by duties on imported

merchandise, 540;

the objections to the bill are palpable and obvious, 540;

its tendency to promote smuggling, 541;

the unfortunate policy adopted in 1806 has destroyed the purity and

elevation of commercial morals, 541;

a reliance on the impost as the means of supporting the war in

connection with an abandonment of the internal taxes, teaches

that our Government is unfit for the purpose of foreign and

offensive war, 541;

the protection and regulation of commerce has become a prime object

of legislation, 541;

it is the cause of war, 542;

this increase of impost is a tax which will operate unjustly and

unequally, 542;

burden on the people of the Eastern States, 542;

desirable to recommit the bill in order to learn the sentiments of

the House on the repeal or the partial suspension of the present

non-importation act, 542;

if this act was suspended and we had a trading and not a fighting

war, we should have sufficient revenue under the present rates

of duties, 543;

letter of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of revenue

examined, 544;

a very left-handed way of encouraging the manufactures of this

country, 543;

motion to strike out the words "one hundred" before per centum lost,

543.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Duties on Tonnage._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

E

EARLE, ELIAS, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577.

_Electoral Votes for President_, examination and counting of, 27.

_Opening and Counting._--In House, resolution offered to notify the

Senate, 105;

it is now proposed that the Senate come to the House, and that the

Speaker leave the chair to make room for the President of

another body, 105;

such a proceeding would derogate from the dignity if not the rights

of this body, 105;

a respect we owe ourselves and the people never to suffer the

privileges of this House to be diminished, 105;

in counting the votes the House of Representatives is not assembled

as a distinct body, 105;

propriety in this course because by the constitution the Vice

President is to open the votes, 105;

moved that when the Senate was introduced the Speaker relinquish the

chair to him, 105;

propriety of the President of the Senate presiding at a joint

meeting, 105;

as regards the privileges of the House against the claims of the

other, the ninth part of a hair was important, 105;

the English Commons obtained their privileges inch by inch, 105;

if he comes to this House, the President of the Senate comes by

courtesy, and can assume the chair only as a matter of favor,

106;

the constitution prescribes the powers of each body, and no fear of

encroachment, 106;

motion carried, 106;

votes counted, 106;

counting of, 573, 711.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.

_Electors of President._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

ELLIOT, JAMES, Representative from Vermont, 36.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

ELLIOT, JESSE D., letters to the Secretary of the Navy, 571, 572.

ELY, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315,

424, 577;

on arming and classing of the militia, 708.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

_Embargo._--In Senate resolution to repeal the act laying an embargo

offered, 5;

light in which it has been viewed by France, 5;

not a measure of hostility or coercion as applied to her, 5;

little effect on England, 5;

could America expect to starve her? 6;

it was a farce, 6;

ample time had been given for her to make other arrangements, 6;

what accounts have we from there? 6;

they can actually purchase provisions cheaper now from other places

than they formerly had done from us, 6;

turn to another article of trade, cotton, 6;

it has been said a want of this article would distress the British

manufacturers and produce clamor among them, and hence

accelerate the repeal of the Orders in Council, 6;

are not all the evil consequences anticipated from the embargo

likely to be realized? 6;

Great Britain become the carriers of the world, these carriers will

supply themselves, 6;

get supplies of cotton elsewhere, 6;

this embargo instead of operating on those nations which had been

violating our rights, was fraught with evils and privations to

the people of the United States, 7;

it should be abandoned as a measure wholly inefficient for the

objects designed, 7;

some thought its efficiency would be secured by adding a

non-intercourse law, 7;

this idea futile, 7;

the United States are consumers of British products, 7;

what had patriotism really done? 7;

non-intercourse law cannot be executed, 7;

party spirit should now have been laid aside, and all consulted for

the common good, 7;

if the spirit of commercial speculation has overcome all patriotism,

it is time foreign intercourse should cease, 7;

the proposition for repeal hardly merits respect or serious

consideration, 8;

a most important subject, deeply implicating, and perhaps

determining the fate of the commerce and navigation of this

country, 8;

our commerce has unquestionably been subject to great embarrassment,

vexation, and plunder from the belligerents of Europe, 8;

both France and England have violated the laws of nations, 8;

the one professes to relent at the inconvenience she occasions you,

and the other in addition to depredation and conflagration,

treats you with the greatest disdain, 8;

their conduct gave rise to the embargo, 8;

if it has been proved by experience to be inoperative so far as

regards them, and destructive as respects ourselves, it should

be repealed, 8;

the propriety of this is now the question, 8;

three points naturally to be considered, 8;

the security which it gave to our navigation, and the protection it

offered our seamen, its effects on France and Great Britain in

coercing them to adopt a more just and honorable policy towards

us, the effects it has and may produce on ourselves, 8;

it has already answered all that can be expected in regard to

security to navigation and seamen, 8;

its longer continuance will counteract these objects, 8;

its operation is nugatory on France, 9;

its operation on Great Britain, 9;

the subject should be taken up with coolness, 10;

it is charged that there is a disposition to break down commerce,

for the purpose of erecting manufactures on its ruins, 10;

the charge a mere electioneering trick, 10;

the ground is taken that the embargo has prevented all our commerce,

10;

this is not shown, 10;

operation of the Decrees of France, 10;

operation of the Orders in Council, 10;

a tribute required for license to trade, 10;

has the embargo been productive of the consequences expected to

result from it, 11;

it has not had a fair trial in consequence of misrepresentations,

11;

has the embargo operated more upon the United States than on the

European powers, 11;

one object of the resolution doubtless to obtain information of the

operation of the embargo throughout the Union, 11;

the sentiments of the people of Georgia on the subject, 12;

effects of the measure on ourselves, 12;

the produce of the lands of Georgia lies on hand, 12;

it is said that Great Britain will find some source whence to obtain

the supplies she has heretofore got from us, 12;

the cotton interest is willing to run the risk of the continuance of

the embargo, 12;

it is said this measure cannot be executed, 12;

it has been so far executed as to produce a good effect, 12;

the charge of an intention to destroy commerce examined, 13;

a disposition to make this measure permanent, 13;

this measure intended and calculated to promote the interests of

France, 13;

no danger from war, it is said, except through a repeal of the

embargo, 13;

statements in relation to the present views of England favorable to

the embargo are not entitled to credit, 13;

cause of the change in Mr. Canning's language, 14;

the Essex resolutions, 14;

how are these orders and decrees to be opposed but by war, except we

keep without their reach, 14;

attempts to ridicule the measure exposed, 14;

it is said that if the embargo is repealed we can carry on a safe

and secure trade to the extent of nearly four-fifths the amount

of our domestic productions, 14;

this statement examined, 15;

if the embargo had not been laid, would the British aggressions have

stopped with the Orders in Council, 15;

if the embargo is repealed, and our vessels suffered to go out, it

will expose us to new insults and aggressions, 15;

it is said that a perseverance in a measure opposed to the interests

and feelings of the people may lead to opposition and

insurrection, 15;

this is an argument _in terrorem_, 15;

more information needed on this subject, 16;

better if the proposition had expressed indignation at the injuries

our Government had received, 16;

situation of the European world when Congress deemed it necessary to

pass the embargo, 16;

prudence and policy dictated this measure, 17;

the mission of Mr. Rose, 17;

effects of the measure on the country, 18;

feelings of gentlemen who once possessed the power of the nation,

but have now lost it, 18;

the outrages of the belligerents should have awakened such

indignation as to suppress these feelings, until some measures

could be devised to meet the crisis, 18;

the greatest inconvenience perhaps attending popular governments

stated, 19;

two objects contemplated by the embargo, 19;

the first, precautionary, operating upon ourselves, 19;

the second, coercive, operating upon the aggressing belligerents,

19;

the first considered and explained, 19;

effects of the embargo, 20;

our fate is in our own hands, with union we have nothing to fear,

20;

danger of exposing one's self to the charge of being under British

influence, 21;

the patrons of the miscreants who utter these slanders know better,

21;

the wrongs of Great Britain to us intended to be removed by the

treaty, 21.

_Enforcement of the Embargo_, bill making further provision for,

reported, 21;

sections of the bill, 21;

an embargo over a country like ours a phenomenon in the civilized

world, 21;

opinions relative to the embargo, 21;

course proposed to be pursued, 22;

this bill bears marks of distrust of the people, entertained by the

Government; it places the coasting trade under further vexatious

restraints, 22;

particulars in which it is placed under the regulation of the

President, 22;

other sections intrench on the ordinary concerns of the great body

of the people, 22;

the military may be employed by agents under this bill, 23;

authority of the marshal competent to execute the laws, 23;

further objections to the bill, 23;

the bill presents temptations for addressing the popular sensibility

too strong to be resisted by gentlemen in the opposition, 23;

they have presented its provisions in an alarming aspect, 23;

the bill contains no new principle, every provision is justified by

precedents in pre-existing laws, 24;

it is said the embargo is a permanent measure, and its effects

ruinous at home and ineffectual abroad, 24;

it is said the public councils are pressing on to measures pregnant

with most alarming results, 24;

the great principle of objection, it is said, consists in the

transfer of legislative powers to the Executive Department, 24;

objections to the provisions of the bill relative to the coasting

trade, examined, 25;

power granted to the President over the military force in previous

acts of the Legislature, 26;

passage of the bill, 26.

_In the House._--Many resolutions have been submitted on the subject

of foreign relations and the embargo, 40;

surprising to see so many resolutions and none contemplating its

continuance, 40;

where is that spirit which separated us from Great Britain? 40;

just as our measure of last year is beginning to operate we are

called upon to repeal, 40;

what is the purport of the proclamation issued by one of the

belligerents? 41;

resolutions offered to exclude vessels of belligerents having force

decrees or orders violating the lawful commerce of the United

States; also imports from such powers, and also to inquire into

the expediency of amending the embargo act, 41;

it is time for those who think the embargo a lawful and proper

measure, to come forward and declare it, 41;

neither of the powers of Europe have shown any disposition to relax,

neither should we, 41;

only three alternatives are open to us--war, embargo, or submission,

41;

the last out of the question, 41;

shall it be war or embargo? 41;

let that be adopted which will best maintain our rights and

independence, 41;

the embargo does not cause the pressure on the people, 41;

public opinion in the Northern part of the Union requires the

embargo to be raised, 41;

let the debate go on, 41;

first and second resolutions agreed to, 42.

_Embargo, Temporary._--Bill for, passed in the Senate, 410;

In the House, message received from the President relative to laying

an embargo for sixty days, 544;

bill reported, read twice, and referred to the Committee of the

Whole, 544;

moved to strike out sixty, and insert one hundred and twenty days,

544;

the time will be much too short for the whole amount of American

property abroad to return, 544;

motion lost, 544;

is this to be considered as a peace or war measure? 544;

it is understood to be a war measure, and it is intended it shall

lead directly to it, 544;

objections to parts of the bill, 544;

drafted according to the wishes of the Secretary of the Treasury,

544;

if it is a precursor to war what is the situation of our fortresses

and of the country generally? 545;

none can question the propriety of the proposition, 545;

are we now to cover ourselves with shame and indelible disgrace by

retreating from the measures and grounds we have taken? 545;

the conduct of France may be a subject of future consideration, 545;

no difficulty or terror in the war except what arises from novelty,

545;

a source of pride that the Executive has recommended this measure,

545;

this is not a measure of the Executive, but is engendered by an

intense excitement upon the Executive, 545;

the people of the country will consider it a subterfuge for war,

545;

at the end of sixty days we shall not have war, because the

Executive dare not plunge us in war, 545;

are we prepared to assail the enemy or repel her attacks? 545;

motion to strike out first section lost, 545;

the President does not mean war, 545;

unless Great Britain relents we must make war, says the President,

546;

we should not go to war unprepared, 546;

what occurred in the Committee of Foreign Relations, 546;

if you mean war, if the spirit of the country is up to it, why have

you spent five months in idle debate? 546;

not possible to commence war with safety within four months, 546;

warning of the danger and ruin which threaten our defenceless cities

and towns, 547;

the intelligent part of the community are against war, 547;

bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, 547;

moved to read third time to-morrow, 547;

policy on the part of the majority should dictate this indulgence,

547;

the minority has acted with more propriety than was ever known, 547;

other reason for delay, 547;

motion lost, 547;

bill passed, 547.

Bill returned to the House with amendments by the Senate, 548;

moved to postpone indefinitely, 548;

it is a pure, unsophisticated, reinstated embargo, 548;

the same power which originates can continue this oppressive

measure, 548;

it is not an embargo preparatory to war, but an embargo as a

substitute for war, 548;

this point examined, 548;

Heaven help our merchants from an embargo protection, 549;

an express was sent off on the day preceding the Message, 549;

is this measure expedient, and can it be executed? 549;

this House should desist from the dangerous course they are

pursuing, 550;

views of Great Britain, 550;

motion to postpone, 550;

main question ordered, 550.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

EMOTT, JAMES, Representative from N. Y., 124, 187, 315, 424, 577;

on Miranda's expedition, 143;

on commercial intercourse, 353;

presents petition of merchants of New York, 432;

on an additional military force, 668.

EPPES, JOHN W., Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 187, 315;

on the resolution calling on the President for papers, 192;

on the convoy system, 225;

on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 360.

_See Index_, vol. 3.

EVANS, OLIVER, claim for different applications of steam-power, 404.

_Executive Departments._--_See Index_, vol. 1.

_Expatriation._--_See Index_, vol. 2.

_Expenditure of Public Money._--In the House, a resolution to appoint

a committee to inquire into the expenditure of public money,

429;

the result of a former inquiry, 429;

how do pursers in the Navy receive their money? 429;

extract from a letter, 429;

the abuses should cease, 429;

resolution agreed to, 430.

_Extra Session._--Bill to alter the time of the meeting of Congress

considered, 717.

_See Congress._

F

_Federal Judges_, amendment of the constitution to secure the removal

of, 530.

_See Index_, vol. 3, _Amendments of the Constitution_.

FINDLAY, WILLIAM, Representative from Pennsylvania, 36, 124, 187, 315,

424, 577;

on a vote of approbation of the conduct of the Executive, 128;

on foreign relations, 454.

_See Index_, vols. 1, 2, 3.