Sir JOHN B. WARREN, _Admiral of the Blue_,
_Commander-in-Chief, &c._
(B.)
WASHINGTON, _Dec. 17, 1812_.
SIR: I have the honor to annex a list of twelve of the crew of
the late United States sloop of war Wasp, detained by Captain
John Beresford, of the British ship Poictiers, under the
pretence of their being British subjects.
I have the honor to be, respectfully, sir, your obedient
servant,
GEORGE S. WISE, _Purser_.
Hon. PAUL HAMILTON, _Sec'ry Navy_.
[Here follow several other documents, not deemed of material
importance, except the following:]
(C.)
_Extract of a letter from Major General Pinckney to
the Secretary of War, dated_
HEADQUARTERS, CHARLESTON,
_November 4, 1812_.
"Information having been given upon oath to Lieutenant
Grandison, who at present commands in the Naval Department
here, that six American seamen, who had been taken prisoners on
board of our privateers, had been sent to Jamaica to be tried
as British subjects for treason, he called upon the marshal to
retain double that number of British seamen as hostages. The
marshal, in consequence of instructions from the Department
of State, asked my advice on the subject, and I have given my
opinion that they ought to be detained until the pleasure of
the President shall be known. The testimony of Captain Moon
is herewith. I hope, sir, you will have the goodness to have
this business put in the proper train to have the President's
pleasure on this subject communicated to the marshal."
The Message and documents were, on motion, referred to the Committee on
Foreign Relations.
WEDNESDAY, December 23.
Another member, to wit, from Louisiana, THOMAS BOLLING ROBERTSON,
appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.
_Increase of the Navy._
The bill from the Senate to increase the Navy of the United States,
was read a third time; and the question, being stated, "Shall the bill
pass?"
Mr. MCKEE spoke at considerable length against its passage, and
concluded by moving to postpone it to Monday, with a view to obtaining
further information on the subject of the materials, &c.
The motion to postpone was supported by Mr. ALSTON and Mr. SEYBERT, and
opposed by Mr. MILNOR, Mr. BASSETT, and Mr. WIDGERY. The votes were for
postponement 51, against it 73.
So the motion was lost.
The question recurring on the passage of the bill,
Mr. POTTER said, as he represented a commercial State, and his
constituents at present were very anxious for a navy, he felt it his
duty to assign his reasons for the vote he was about to give. He said,
when he saw his political friends, with only one exception, in favor
of the bill under consideration, and the anxious solicitude of the
gentleman on the other side of the House for its fate, he felt himself
much embarrassed; but while he was by his feelings at times almost
impelled to vote in its favor, his judgment compelled him to vote
against it.
Mr. P. said his objections to a navy were that it would cost more
than ever it would be worth to the nation; that we could not build,
man, and support the ships contemplated, in addition to our present
establishment, without resorting to the same means for their support
as other maritime nations had done; that it must be supported by
impression or oppression; we must either impress our citizens to man
our Navy, and compel them to serve against their wills for almost
nothing, or oppress the nation with taxes not to be endured, to enable
the Government to give such wages as would induce our seamen to enter
voluntarily into our service. He said it had been observed by the
friends of the bill, and particularly by his friend from Pennsylvania,
(Mr. MILNOR,) that the Navy was at this time very popular with all
parties, in this House and the nation; that they had done honor to
themselves and to their country, while our army had, in almost every
instance, been defeated and disgraced. Mr. P. said we had been very
unfortunate in the selection of some of our commanding officers, who
had, as it would seem, been appointed more because they wanted office,
than because they were qualified for it; some of them were too old, and
others too young; but he believed we had as good officers in our Army
as we had in the Navy, and whenever the time should arrive that would
afford them a fair opportunity, that they would equally distinguish
themselves.
Mr. P. said there was a kind of popular delusion at this time about
a Navy, that he found difficult to oppose. He said it was at least
popular with all those who expected to make money out of it, and
with many from the most honorable motives. But he believed, when the
people, who were to pay all, and receive nothing, come to see that
we had spent for them the last year upwards of twenty millions of
dollars, and that notwithstanding all the moneys we had received,
by double duties, and otherwise, that we had increased the national
debt, in that year, ten millions six hundred thousand dollars, and
that we want, for the expenses of the present year, agreeably to the
report of the Secretary of the Treasury, $31,925,000, exclusive of the
expense of the contemplated increase of our Navy, and for losses and
war contingencies--that when they should put those sums together, and
apportion them to the several States, agreeable to the constitution,
and see that but few individuals, and not many States, would have
personal property sufficient to pay their proportions--that this
delusion as to those who have eventually all this money to pay would at
least vanish.
It was likewise said that the spirit of the nation demanded this
increase of our Navy. He remembered very well that it was so said on
a former occasion, and that the finger of Heaven pointed to war, but
it was very soon found that the finger of the people pointed to peace.
It was then said, as it is now said, that we were a divided people,
and it was necessary to convince foreign nations that we would support
our own Government. The then Executive was addressed from all parts of
the United States, with pledges of life, fortune, and sacred honor,
in support of what he had done, or should do. This was intended to
correct the error abroad as to our being a divided people, and for
no other purpose. Its object was entirely misunderstood by the then
President. He thought they were uneasy and wanted something to steady
them. An army was raised, and taxes laid for their benefit;--a navy was
provided which did honor to themselves and the nation, that protected
our commerce, and caused our flag to be respected in every sea, in
consequence of which our revenue continued to increase, notwithstanding
all the depredations committed on our commerce, and the nation appeared
to be prosperous and happy; but when the people were called upon to
test the sincerity of their pledges and promises, by the payment of a
tax of only two millions of dollars, they said they had been entirely
misunderstood, that those pledges were intended to have an influence
abroad, and not for the purpose of trouble at home, and that they would
not pay taxes to support a navy or army; and, the first opportunity
they had, they changed the Administration. If they would not then pay
two millions of dollars, to support that Administration, can they be
expected to pay nearly fifty millions for the support of this, for the
same purposes?
Mr. P. said this Administration, during the last session of Congress,
was addressed from all parts of the Union, and from many of the States
in their legislative capacities, promising to support them with their
lives, fortunes, and sacred honors, in common form. This perhaps was
to have its influence abroad. The Administration, believing them
sincere, have been induced to declare war, and are left to carry it
on without money. They find that those pledges and promises cost but
little, and are worth nothing; and the consequence will be, that when
the people are called upon to pay those enormous expenses, the present
Administration will share the same fate from them as the former did.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. CUTTS) said the expense of this
Navy would swamp the present, as it had done a former Administration;
that, Mr. P. said, was a business of their own, it was no concern of
his; but if with their means they could not manage the affairs of the
nation, with their present experience, having seen the rock on which
a former Administration split, they would richly deserve it; his only
object was to keep his constituents from being mired down with debt and
taxes.
Many gentlemen support this bill upon the principle that this settles
the question; that we are to become a great naval power, and to have a
permanent Naval Establishment; to this Mr. P. said he objected for the
reasons he had assigned; he said he had found mankind much the same:
give them power, and they would not only use, but abuse it--give them
money, and they will spend it, and want to borrow; and, he said, if an
Administration like the present, without money, without an army, or
navy, would plunge this country so unprepared into a war, and continue
it for the present existing cause, and extend their views of conquest
to the Floridas, the Canadas, Quebec, Halifax, and Nova Scotia,
whenever they should have money, an army, and ships; the next thing
they would want colonies, as other nations had done, and that Bermuda
and New Providence would be in our way; and we must have Jamaica to get
good rum and sugar. And instead of this country enjoying peace, which
is above all things the most desirable, we should be involved like
other nations in perpetual war.
Mr. RANDOLPH moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill
till to-morrow.--Lost.
So the bill was passed.
_Medal to Commodore Preble, &c._
The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES:
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the
Secretary of the Navy, complying with their resolution of the
16th instant.