SPEECH:

About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by a

second call to the station in which my country heretofore placed me, I

find, in the presence of this respectable assembly, an opportunity of

publicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confidence,

and of the responsibility united with it. The impressions on me are

strengthened by such an evidence, that my faithful endeavors to

discharge my arduous duties have been favorably estimated; and by a

consideration of the momentous period at which the trust has been

renewed. From the weight and magnitude now belonging to it, I should

be compelled to shrink, if I had less reliance on the support of an

enlightened and generous people, and felt less deeply a conviction,

that the war with a powerful nation, which forms so prominent a

feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice, which invites

the smiles of Heaven on the means of conducting it to a successful

termination.

May we not cherish this sentiment, without presumption, when we reflect

on the characters by which this war was distinguished?

It was not declared on the part of the United States, until it had been

long made on them, in reality though not in name; until arguments and

expostulations had been exhausted; until a positive declaration had

been received, that the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued;

nor until this last appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking

down the spirit of the nation, destroying all confidence in itself

and in its political institutions, and either perpetuating a state of

disgraceful suffering, or regaining, by more costly sacrifices and more

severe struggles, our lost rank and respect among independent powers.

On the issue of the war are staked our national sovereignty on the

high seas, and the security of an important class of citizens, whose

occupations give the proper value to those of every other class. Not

to contend for such a stake, is to surrender our equality with other

powers on the element common to all, and to violate the sacred title

which every member of the society has to its protection. I need not

call into view the unlawfulness of the practice by which our mariners

are forced, at the will of every cruising officer, from their own

vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages inseparable from it.

The proofs are in the records of each successive administration of our

Government; and the cruel sufferings of that portion of the American

people have found their way to every bosom not dead to the sympathies

of human nature.

As the war was just in its origin, and necessary and noble in its

objects, we can reflect with a proud satisfaction, that, in carrying it

on, no principle of justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, no

precept of courtesy or humanity have been infringed. The war has been

waged on our part with scrupulous regard to all these obligations, and

in a spirit of liberality which was never surpassed.

How little has been the effect of this example on the conduct of the

enemy!

They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States,

not liable to be so considered under the usages of war.

They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened

to punish as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating, without

restraint, to the United States; incorporated, by naturalization into

our political family, and fighting under the authority of their adopted

country, in open and honorable war, for the maintenance of its rights

and safety. Such is the avowed purpose of a Government which is in the

practice of naturalizing, by thousands, citizens of other countries,

and not only of permitting, but compelling, them to fight its battles

against their native country.

They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and

the knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre; but they have let loose

the savages, armed with these cruel instruments; have allured them into

their service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to glut

their savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished, and to finish the

work of torture and death on maimed and defenceless captives: and, what

was never before seen, British commanders have extorted victory over

the unconquerable valor of our troops, by presenting to the sympathy of

their chief awaiting massacre from their savage associates.

And now we find them, in further contempt of the modes of honorable

warfare, supplying the place of a conquering force, by attempts to

disorganize our political society, to dismember our confederated

Republic. Happily, like others, these will recoil on the authors; but

they mark the degenerate counsels from which they emanate; and if they

did not belong to a series of unexampled inconsistencies, might excite

the greater wonder, as proceeding from a Government which founded the

very war in which it has been so long engaged, on a charge against the

disorganizing and insurrectional policy of its adversary.

To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, the

reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest

manifestations of a disposition to arrest its progress. The sword was

scarcely out of the scabbard, before the enemy was apprised of the

reasonable terms on which it would be resheathed. Still more precise

advances were repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbidding

every reliance not placed on the military resources of the nation.

These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorable

issue. Our nation is, in number, more than half that of the British

isles. It is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an

intelligent people. Our country abounds in the necessaries, the arts,

and the comforts of life. A general prosperity is visible in the public

countenance. The means employed by the British Cabinet to undermine it,

have recoiled on themselves; have given to our national faculties a

more rapid development; and draining or diverting the precious metals

from British circulation and British vaults, have poured them into

those of the United States. It is a propitious consideration, that an

unavoidable war should have found this seasonable facility for the

contributions required to support it. When the public voice called for

war, all knew and still know, that without them it could not be carried

on through the period which it might last; and the patriotism, the

good sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow-citizens, are pledges

for the cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the

common burden. To render the war short, and its success sure, animated,

and systematic exertions alone are necessary; and the success of our

arms now may long preserve our country from the necessity of another

resort to them. Already have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes

proved to the world our inherent capacity to maintain our rights on

one element. If the reputation of our arms has been thrown under

clouds on the other, presaging flashes of heroic enterprise assure us

that nothing is wanting to correspondent triumphs there also, but the

discipline and habits which are in daily progress.

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16) · 第 229 / 377 题