P. S. Intelligence has reached Boston that a non-intercourse
law has actually passed, and that Martinique has surrendered to
British forces.
No. 9.
BOSTON, _March_ 13, 1809.
SIR: You will perceive, from the accounts that will reach you
in the public papers, both from Washington and Massachusetts,
that the Federalists of the Northern States have succeeded
in making the Congress believe that, with such an opposition
as they would make to the General Government, a war must be
confined to their own territory, and might be even too much for
that Government to sustain. The consequence is, that, after
all the parade and menaces with which the session commenced,
it has been suffered to end without carrying into effect any
of the plans of the Administration, except the interdiction of
commercial intercourse with England and France, an event that
was anticipated in my former letters.
Under what new circumstances the Congress will meet in May,
will depend on the State elections and the changes that may
in the mean time take place in Europe. With regard to Great
Britain, she can scarcely mistake her true policy in relation
to America. If peace be the first object, every act which can
irritate the maritime States ought to be avoided, because the
prevailing disposition of these will generally be sufficient
to keep the Government from hazarding any hostile measures.
If a war between America and France be the grand desideratum,
something more must be done; an indulgent and conciliatory
policy must be adopted, which will leave the Democrats without
a pretext for hostilities; and Bonaparte, whose passions are
too hot for delay, will probably compel this Government to
decide which of the two great belligerents is to be its enemy.
To bring about a separation of the States, under distinct and
independent governments, is an affair of more uncertainty,
and, however desirable, cannot be effected but by a series
of acts and a long-continued policy tending to irritate the
Southern and conciliate the Northern people. The former are
agricultural, the latter a commercial people. The mode of
cherishing and depressing either is too obvious to require
illustration. This, I am aware, is an object of much interest
in Great Britain, as it would forever secure the integrity of
His Majesty's possessions on this continent, and make the two
Governments, or whatever number the present confederacy might
form into, as useful and as much subject to the influence of
Great Britain as her Colonies can be rendered. But it is an
object only to be attained by slow and circumspect progression,
and requires, for its consummation, more attention to the
affairs which agitate and excite parties in this country than
Great Britain has yet bestowed upon it.
An unpopular war, that is, a war produced by the hatred and
prejudice of one party, but against the consent of the other
party, can alone produce a sudden separation of any section of
this country from the common head.
At all events, it cannot be necessary to the preservation of
peace that Great Britain should make any great concession at
the present moment, more especially, as the more important
changes that occur in Europe might render it inconvenient for
her to adhere to any stipulations in favor of neutral maritime
nations.
Although the non-intercourse law affords but a very partial
relief to the people of this country from the evils of that
entire suspension of commerce to which they have reluctantly
submitted for some time past, I lament the repeal of the
embargo, because it was calculated to accelerate the progress
of these States towards a revolution that would have put an end
to the only Republic that remains to prove that a Government
founded on political equality can exist in a season of trial
and difficulty, or is calculated to insure either security or
happiness to a people. I am, &c.