_Expenditure of Public Money._
Mr. RANDOLPH asked for the consideration of the resolution which
he laid on the table some days ago, directing the appointment of a
committee to inquire into the expenditure of public money; which, being
agreed to, Mr. R. trusted there would be no difference of opinion
as to the propriety of agreeing to this resolution. But, before the
vote was taken, he would state to the House, by way of explanation,
the result of a former inquiry. At the first session of the 11th
Congress, a report of a committee was made, in part, on this subject.
[This report Mr. R. read. It states that, owing to the shortness
of the session, complete information on the subject could not be
obtained.] As the session lasted but six weeks, the committee had no
reason to complain that the information required was not obtained. An
expectation was entertained that it would be given at the next session.
But the committee have reason to complain that the information which
was given was altogether different from that which was asked. This
was represented to the departments, and a more satisfactory report
was promised at the ensuing session. Mr. R. said, the course pursued
at the first session, under the present President, had been the same
which was adopted at the close of Mr. Adams's Administration. At the
following session of Congress, the person who was appointed chairman of
the committee of the first session, was unable to attend; but it was
a gratification to him to find, that the subject was taken up by an
honorable colleague of his, to whom the State of Virginia had been more
than once indebted for the luminous reports on her fiscal concerns; but
nothing was effected. To show how different the information received
was, from that asked for, Mr. R. proposed to read a short letter. The
object of the committee was, to know in what way the Pursers of the
Navy received their money, and what was the amount of their emoluments.
The answer they received, stated "that the advances made to Pursers are
by warrants drawn on the Treasury, sometimes by Navy agents," &c. We
inquired, said he, what were their emoluments, other than those allowed
by law? Answer: "they arise from a certain percentage upon _slops_
detailed to the seamen." It may not be amiss, said Mr. R., to inform
country gentlemen that, by _slops_, are meant ready-made clothing, &c.
It was scarcely possible to have given a more evasive answer. We asked,
What were the emoluments? They answer, "a certain percentage fixed by
the department;" but what that per cent. was, the committee was left to
find out by instinct. It had been understood that large sums of money
were advanced to these Pursers, who laid it out in slops, which they
retailed to the seamen at an advance, in some instances, of twenty per
cent.! This was a fact, Mr. R. said, which ought to be looked into.
It was essential to the reputation of the Government, essential to
its honor, indispensable to the fair fame of those who administer the
finances of the United States, that abuses, such as these, should be
probed to the quick, to show to the world that, if we cannot govern
the great beasts, the mammoths of the forest, we can, at least, poison
the _rats_. And whose money, asked Mr. R., is this? It is the people's
money; it comes from the pockets of the people of the United States.
When he spoke of this abuse of public money, he wished no gentleman
to understand him as speaking of the abuse under this, that, or the
other President of the United States. He considered them all as of one
description of people; and it was not less necessary to guard against
abuses in a country where the President is elected by the people, than
in a country where he is put over them. He would dare to question the
infallibility of all, and look upon all with jealousy and distrust.
He wished not, however, to be charged with that mistaken opposition
to the Government, which determines to exhibit abuses for the sake of
doing so; or with shutting his eyes to the abuses of _Thomas_, while
they are open to the abuses of _John_. Mr. R. said he had no interest
distinct from the interest of his country. With respect to princes and
potentates, the only favor he had to ask of them was, that they would
keep their hands out of his pocket and off his person, and, to use a
homely phrase, "if they would let him alone, he would let them alone."
Under these circumstances, Mr. R. asked the House if it were not
necessary for a committee to be appointed to probe into this business?
He wished to state, before he sat down, that he had learnt, soon after
the present Secretary of the Navy came into office, the percentage of
the Pursers was reduced from twenty to four or five per cent.
The resolution was unanimously agreed to, and a committee of seven
appointed, as follows: Messrs. RANDOLPH, GOLD, MCKIM, ROBERTS, JOHNSON,
LAW, and WIDGERY.
TUESDAY, November 19.
_Territory of Louisiana._
On motion of Mr. RHEA, the House went into a Committee of the Whole,
on the bill for the government of the Territory of Louisiana. The bill
being read by paragraphs, Mr. FISK moved to strike out the words in
the fifth section of the bill, which makes it necessary for persons to
be in possession of a freehold to have a right to vote. This motion
was opposed by Mr. RANDOLPH, on principle, in a speech of considerable
length, in which he advocated the freehold qualification for voters.
The motion was opposed also by Mr. RHEA, as unnecessary for the
attainment of the mover's object; as he stated the qualification for
voters was twofold--one was the possession of a freehold, the other a
residence of a year previous to the time of election.
Mr. POINDEXTER made a motion, which superseded that of the gentleman
from Vermont, to strike out all that part of the section which defined
the qualification of voters, and insert, "every free white male citizen
residing in the said Territory, who shall have attained the age of
twenty-one years, and paid a tax."
This amendment was debated till the usual hour of adjournment, when the
committee rose without taking the question, and obtained leave to sit
again.
This debate, though protracted to considerable length, embraced a very
narrow question, viz: whether it is better to require voters to hold
freehold property, or to suffer every man to possess the privilege
of voting who has arrived to the age of twenty-one years. As already
stated, Mr. RANDOLPH took the first ground, and introduced the practice
of Virginia to show that it was attended with the best effects. Mr.
FISK, Mr. WRIGHT, Mr. SMILIE, and Mr. POINDEXTER, took the opposite
side of the question. They argued that life and liberty are superior to
property--that these are dearer to the poor man than all the property
of the rich. Mr. WRIGHT said, that the State of Maryland had tried
the property qualification for voting, had found it attended with bad
effects, and had now abandoned it. It was formerly required that a
voter should be possessed of property to the value of thirty pounds;
so that if a man possessed a horse of that value, he was entitled to
a vote; but if the horse happened to die before the election, he lost
his privilege, which was placing the right in the _horse_ instead of
the _man_. As to freehold qualifications, they were evaded too by deeds
made for the occasion, which were afterwards cancelled.
Mr. RANDOLPH, in combating the principle of universal suffrage,
said that it was impossible for the gentleman himself, (alluding to
Mr. SMILIE,) or any piping-hot member from a Jacobin club--for any
disciple of _Tom Paine_ or of the _Devil_--to carry this principle
of equality to its full extent; for even they must exclude from its
operation minors and females. He also took occasion to pronounce a
strong philippic against foreigners having any part in the Government.
Mr. SMILIE, in his reply, paid a tribute of respect to the memory
of Paine, on account of his valuable political writings, which had
been considered as highly serviceable in the Revolution, and which
would always be esteemed wherever the _rights of man_ are understood,
and reminded him of the foreigners who had assisted in fighting our
Revolutionary battles. Mr. RANDOLPH justified his allusion to Paine;
said he was sorry the gentleman had not recollected his "Age of
Reason," as well as his "Rights of Man;" and as to any services which
he rendered by his writings, he thought little of them. The heroes
engaged in that great cause did not need the assistance of an English
_staymaker_. In reply, Mr. SMILIE said, he never interfered with a
man's religious opinion; that was a private concern, which lay between
God and a man's own conscience; and as to the profession of Paine,
that, he apprehended, would never lessen the value of his writings.
WEDNESDAY, November 20.
Another member, to wit, ARCHIBALD MCBRYDE, from North Carolina,
appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.
THURSDAY, November 21.
Another member, to wit, ELISHA R. POTTER, from Rhode Island, appeared,
produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.
_Additional Duties._
On motion of Mr. RHEA, the House took up for consideration the
resolution which he had submitted some days ago, proposing to instruct
the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures to inquire into the
expediency of laying an additional duty on coarse manufactures of hemp,
flax, and cotton.
This resolution produced a long desultory debate, which occupied the
House the whole of the day, without coming to any decision upon it.
Mr. STANFORD, on the ground that the Committee of Commerce and
Manufactures had already this subject under consideration, moved an
indefinite postponement of the resolution.
This motion was negatived, 58 to 48.
Mr. KING proposed an amendment. He expressed himself friendly to the
resolution of the gentleman from Tennessee, and to the encouragement
of domestic manufactures generally. His amendment was in the following
words:
"And also into the expediency of laying a duty on the
importation of salt, with authority to report by bill or
otherwise."
Mr. K. observed, that this was an article of general consumption,
and its manufacture ought to be encouraged; as it was known what
difficulties this country had experienced, and might again experience,
when placed in a situation in which a sufficiency of salt could not be
obtained. He hoped, therefore, his amendment would be agreed to.
Mr. SMILIE was afraid the House was getting into a practice that would
produce great trouble and confusion, by departing from the usual and
settled mode of proceeding. It had always been deemed irregular, when
a subject was committed, to bring it forward in the House before the
committee made its report. Look at our situation, said he. A gentleman
proposes a tax on manufactures of cotton, another on salt. Every
gentleman has his favorite manufacture which he wishes encouraged,
so that an armful of resolutions will be thrown into the hands of
this committee. Mr. S. said he was friendly to the manufactures of
our country, and was willing to give them every aid; but he did not
wish, in doing this, to break through established rules. If gentlemen
would suspend their remarks on the subject until the Committee of
Commerce and Manufactures make their report, they will then have a fair
opportunity of delivering their sentiments fully, and of supporting
such particular manufactures as they may deem of most importance to the
country. He hoped that neither the amendment nor the resolution would
be agreed to.
Mr. ALSTON considered the gentleman from Pennsylvania mistaken as to
the rule and practice of the House. If the doctrine which he maintains
were correct, gentlemen might be defeated in effecting the objects
which they have in view. It was only to refer a subject to a committee;
and if a majority of that committee were unfriendly, and either failed
to report, or reported inimically, the friends of the measure might
be defeated, though there were a majority in the House in its favor.
It was a common practice, Mr. A. said, to refer a subject generally
to a committee, and afterwards instruct them, by resolution, as to
particular branches of the subject.
Mr. NEWTON (the Chairman of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures)
said, the subject of manufactures was considered as being generally
before them, and he knew it to be the intention of the committee to
take up the matter comprehensively; and if any gentleman shall think
proper to give them information respecting any particular manufacture,
either orally or in writing, they will be glad to receive it. Mr. N.
thought the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. ALSTON) was mistaken,
when he said that a committee had the power of defeating the purposes
of members; because, whenever a report was made, it was in the power of
a majority of the House to amend it, and make it just what they please.
Mr. QUINCY was in favor of the amendment offered by the gentleman from
North Carolina, (Mr. KING,) and thanked him for bringing it forward.
Some of his constituents, men who lived on the sandbanks of the
country, were deeply interested in the manufacture of salt, and had
been nearly ruined by the repeal of the duty on that article. He was
friendly to a duty on salt, as it was more equal and less felt in the
payment than any other, and he had always thought it strange that the
duty had been repealed.
Mr. MACON thought the proposition to tax this necessary of life, at a
time when it is probable we may find a difficulty in procuring it in
sufficient quantity, was very ill-timed. The repeal of this duty had
been called strange. He thought it would have been more strange had
Congress continued the duty when the Treasury was not in need of the
money arising from it. If there was any thing strange in the business,
it was that there should have been any opposition to the repeal. Mr. M.
agreed with the remark made by a gentleman from Massachusetts some days
ago, that taxes, to be just, ought to be equal. Would a tax on salt,
he asked, be equal? It certainly would not. People on the seacoast
would not feel it. Their cattle would refuse it, if given to them. The
interior of the country, the people from East to West, would have to
bear the weight of this tax. But the gentleman from Massachusetts says
the repealing of this duty ruined his constituents, who live on the
sandbanks of the country. He would not consent, however, to tax the
people of his part of the country, living on sandhills, to support that
gentleman's sandbank constituents.
But this duty, it is said, is to be laid to encourage manufactures.
Why this great cry about domestic manufactures? He thought they had
already sufficient encouragement from the present situation of things.
The President had recommended the subject to the consideration of the
House, and he had no doubt the committee, to whom it had been referred,
would do what is proper on the subject. Mr. M. wished to know for what
purpose this additional duty is wanted. If, said he, it be wanted for
going to war, let us know it. For his part, he had heard so much about
war formerly, that he hardly thought we should get at it now.
Mr. M. said on a former occasion, when the country was in a situation
something like the present, a gentleman from Virginia was so alarmed
lest salt sufficient could not be had, that he proposed a bounty on its
importation. What, said Mr. M., will be the effect of a proposition
for taxing salt in the country? He had no doubt that, in the Southern
States, it would immediately raise the price of the article at
Petersburg and Fayetteville. On this account, he hoped, if the House
did not mean to lay a tax on salt, that the proposition would be
immediately discarded. For himself, he would sooner consent to a land
or poll tax than a tax on salt.
Mr. SMILIE moved a postponement of the resolution until the first
Monday in February next.
This motion was debated at some length. Some who wished to vote for it,
wished the proposition for a tax on salt to be disconnected with the
original proposition.
FRIDAY, November 22.
Another member, to wit, EDWIN GRAY, from Virginia, appeared, produced
his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.
_Apportionment of Representatives._
On motion of Mr. DAWSON, the House resolved itself into a Committee of
the Whole, on the bill for apportioning the Representatives among the
several States, according to the third enumeration.
The bill having been read, the question on filling the blanks occurred.
The first was in relation to the number of inhabitants for each
Representative; when
Mr. DAWSON observed, that he was instructed by the committee who
directed him to report this bill, to propose filling the blank with the
words _forty thousand_; but he should himself vote against filling the
blank with this number, because it would deprive the State of Rhode
Island of one-half of her present Representatives; it would deprive
Connecticut and Maryland each of one member, and Virginia of two. He
should, therefore, be in favor of filling the blank with 37,000, as
this number would not deprive any State of a Representative, and it
would only increase the present number of Representatives from 142 to
180.
Mr. DAWSON then moved, that the said blank be filled with the words
"thirty-seven thousand;" and the question thereon being taken, was
resolved in the affirmative--yeas 102, nays 18.
Mr. DAWSON moved to fill the other blanks in the bill, as follows: New
Hampshire, five members; Massachusetts, eighteen; Vermont, five; Rhode
Island, two; Connecticut, seven; New York, twenty-five; New Jersey,
six; Pennsylvania, twenty-one; Delaware, one; Maryland, nine; Virginia,
twenty-two; North Carolina, thirteen; South Carolina, nine; Georgia,
five; Kentucky, ten; Ohio, six; and Tennessee, six.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and the House
adjourned.
MONDAY, December 2.
JOHN TALIAFERRO, who has been declared entitled to a seat in this
House, as one of the members for Virginia, in the place of John P.
Hungerford, who has been declared not entitled to a seat in this House,
appeared, was qualified, and took his seat.
FRIDAY, December 6.
Mr. EMOTT presented a petition of Harrison and Lewis, of the city of
New York, merchants, praying permission to import from the British West
India Islands, goods to the amount of debts owing to them by certain
inhabitants in said islands.--Referred to the Committee of Commerce and
Manufactures.
Mr. SMILIE presented a memorial of the President and Managers of the
Union Canal Company of Pennsylvania, praying the aid and patronage of
the General Government in accomplishing the extensive and useful works
in which they are engaged; which was read, and referred to a select
committee.
Messrs. SMILIE, RIDGELY, RINGGOLD, BAKER, and BLEECKER, were appointed
the committee.
A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate _insist_
on their amendments, disagreed to by this House, to the bill "for the
apportionment of Representatives among the several States according
to the third enumeration;" agree to the proposed conference, and have
appointed managers on their part at the same.
_Foreign Relations._
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of
the Union, to which Committee of the Whole was committed the report of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, made some days ago.