GEORGE CLINTON, Vice President of the United States and
President of the Senate.
NICHOLAS GILMAN and CHARLES CUTTS, from New Hampshire.
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH and SAMUEL W. DANA, from Connecticut.
STEPHEN R. BRADLEY, from Vermont.
JOHN SMITH and OBADIAH GERMAN, from New York.
JOHN CONDIT and JOHN LAMBERT, from New Jersey.
ANDREW GREGG and MICHAEL LEIB, from Pennsylvania.
OUTERBRIDGE HORSEY, from Delaware.
SAMUEL SMITH and PHILIP REED, from Maryland.
WILLIAM B. GILES, from Virginia.
JESSE FRANKLIN, from North Carolina.
JOHN GAILLARD and JOHN TAYLOR, from South Carolina.
WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD and CHARLES TAIT, from Georgia.
JOHN POPE, from Kentucky.
JOSEPH ANDERSON, from Tennessee.
THOMAS WORTHINGTON, from Ohio.
GEORGE M. BIBB, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of
Kentucky, for the term of six years, commencing on the 4th day of March
last; _George W. Campbell_, appointed a Senator by the Legislature
of the State of Tennessee, in place of Jenkin Whiteside, resigned;
JEREMIAH B. HOWELL, appointed a Senator, for the term of six years,
commencing on the fourth day of March last, by the Legislature of the
State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations; JOSEPH B. VARNUM,
appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Massachusetts,
for the term of six years, commencing on the fourth day of March last;
respectively produced their credentials, which were read, and the oath
prescribed by law was administered to them, and they took their seats
in the Senate.
The oath was also administered to Messrs. CONDIT, CRAWFORD, GILES,
GILMAN, and TAYLOR, their credentials having been read and filed during
the last session.
_Ordered_, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives
that a quorum of the Senate is assembled and ready to proceed to
business.
A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that
a quorum of the House of Representatives is assembled, and have
elected HENRY CLAY, Esq., one of the Representatives from the State of
Kentucky, their Speaker, and are ready to proceed to business. They
have appointed a committee on their part, jointly with such committee
as may be appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President
of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses
is assembled and ready to receive any communications that he may be
pleased to make to them.
The Senate concurred in the appointment of a joint committee on their
part, agreeably to the resolution last mentioned; and Messrs. ANDERSON
and GAILLARD were appointed the committee.
The Senate then adjourned.
TUESDAY, November 5.
RICHARD BRENT, from the State of Virginia, attended.
_Annual Message._
The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES:
_Fellow-citizens of the Senate
and House of Representatives_:
In calling you together sooner than a separation from your
homes would otherwise have been required, I yielded to
considerations drawn from the posture of our foreign affairs;
and in fixing the present, for the time of your meeting, regard
was had to the probability of further developments of the
policy of the belligerent powers towards this country, which
might the more unite the National Councils in the measures to
be pursued.
At the close of the last session of Congress, it was hoped
that the successive confirmations of the extinction of the
French decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce,
would have induced the Government of Great Britain to repeal
its Orders in Council, and thereby authorize a removal of the
existing obstructions to her commerce with the United States.
Instead of this reasonable step towards satisfaction and
friendship between the two nations, the Orders were, at a
moment when least to have been expected, put into more rigorous
execution; and it was communicated through the British Envoy
just arrived, that, whilst the revocation of the edicts of
France, as officially made known to the British Government, was
denied to have taken place, it was an indispensable condition
of the repeal of the British Orders that commerce should be
restored to a footing that would admit the productions and
manufactures of Great Britain, when owned by neutrals, into
markets shut against them by her enemy; the United States being
given to understand that, in the mean time, a continuance of
their non-importation act would lead to measures of retaliation.
At a later date, it has indeed appeared that a communication
to the British Government, of fresh evidence of the repeal of
the French decrees against our neutral trade, was followed
by an intimation that it had been transmitted to the British
Plenipotentiary here, in order that it might receive full
consideration in the depending discussions. This communication
appears not to have been received; but the transmission of
it hitherto, instead of founding on it an actual repeal of
the orders, or assurances that the repeal would ensue, will
not permit us to rely on any effective change in the British
Cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory
proofs of such a change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in
adapting our measures to the views which have been disclosed
through that Minister, will best consult our whole duty.
In the friendly spirit of those disclosures, indemnity and
redress for other wrongs have continued to be withheld; and our
coasts, and the mouths of our harbors, have again witnessed
scenes not less derogatory to the dearest of our national
rights, than vexatious to the regular course of our trade.
Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships
of war hovering on our coasts, was an encounter between one of
them and the American frigate commanded by Captain Rodgers,
rendered unavoidable on the part of the latter, by a fire,
commenced without cause, by the former; whose commander is
therefore alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed
in maintaining the honor of the American flag. The proceedings
of a court of inquiry, requested by Captain Rodgers, are
communicated, together with the correspondence relating to the
occurrence between the Secretary of State and His Britannic
Majesty's Envoy. To these are added the several correspondences
which have passed on the subject of the British Orders in
Council; and to both, the correspondence relating to the
Floridas, in which Congress will be made acquainted with the
interposition which the Government of Great Britain has thought
proper to make against the proceeding of the United States.
The justice and fairness which have been evinced on the part
of the United States towards France, both before and since
the revocation of her decrees, authorized an expectation that
her Government would have followed up that measure by all
such others as were due to our reasonable claims, as well as
dictated by its amicable professions. No proof, however, is yet
given of an intention to repair the other wrongs done to the
United States, and particularly to restore the great amount
of American property seized and condemned under edicts which,
though not affecting our neutral relations, and therefore not
entering into questions between the United States and other
belligerents, were, nevertheless, founded in such unjust
principles that the reparation ought to have been prompt and
ample.
In addition to this and other demands of strict right on that
nation, the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied
with the rigorous and unexpected restrictions to which their
trade with the French dominions has been subjected; and which,
if not discontinued, will require at least corresponding
restrictions on importations from France into the United States.
On all those subjects, our Minister Plenipotentiary, lately
sent to Paris, has carried with him the necessary instructions;
the result of which will be communicated to you, and by
ascertaining the ulterior policy of the French Government
towards the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that
of the United States towards France.
Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes.
With Russia they are on the best footing of friendship. The
ports of Sweden have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions
towards our commerce in the Councils of that nation also. And
the information from our special Minister to Denmark, shows
that the mission had been attended with valuable effects to our
citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and
endangered by cruisers under the Danish flag.
Under the ominous indications which commanded attention, it
became a duty to exert the means committed to the Executive
department in providing for the general security. The works
of defence on our maritime frontier have accordingly been
prosecuted with an activity leaving little to be added for the
completion of the most important ones; and, as particularly
suited for co-operation in emergencies, a portion of the
gunboats have, in particular harbors, been ordered into use.
The ships of war before in commission, with the addition of
a frigate, have been chiefly employed as a cruising guard
to the rights of our coast. And such a disposition has been
made of our land forces, as was thought to promise the
services most appropriate and important. In this disposition
is included a force, consisting of regulars and militia,
embodied in the Indiana Territory, and marched towards our
Northwestern frontier. This measure was made requisite by
the several murders and depredations committed by Indians,
but more especially by the menacing preparations and aspect
of a combination of them on the Wabash, under the influence
and direction of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With
these exceptions, the Indian tribes retain their peaceable
dispositions towards us, and their usual pursuits.
I must now add that the period is arrived which claims from
the Legislative guardians of the national rights a system of
more ample provisions for maintaining them. Notwithstanding
the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the
multiplied efforts, on the part of the United States, to
substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the
two countries, all the mutual advantages of re-established
friendship and confidence, we have seen that the British
Cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other
wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the
execution, brought home to the threshold of our territory,
of measures which, under existing circumstances, have the
character, as well as the effect, of war on our lawful commerce.
With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on
rights which no independent nation can relinquish, Congress
will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor
and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with
the national spirit and expectations.
I recommend, accordingly, that adequate provision be made
for filling the ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the
regular troops; for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for a
more limited term; for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose
patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services;
for detachments, as they may be wanted, of other portions of
the militia; and for such a preparation of the great body as
will proportion its usefulness to its intrinsic capacities. Nor
can the occasion fail to remind you of the importance of those
military seminaries which, in every event, will form a valuable
and frugal part of our Military Establishment.
The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with
due success; and the stock and resources of all the necessary
munitions are adequate to emergencies. It will not be
inexpedient, however, for Congress to authorize an enlargement
of them.
Your attention will, of course, be drawn to such provisions
on the subject of our naval force as may be required for the
services to which it may be best adapted. I submit to Congress
the seasonableness also of an authority to augment the stock of
such materials as are imperishable in their nature, or may not
at once be attainable.
In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous
epoch, and estimating their claims to our attention, it is
impossible to overlook those developing themselves among the
great communities which occupy the Southern portion of our
hemisphere, and extend into our neighborhood. An enlarged
philanthropy, and an enlightened forecast, concur in imposing
on the national Councils an obligation to take a deep interest
in their destinies, to cherish reciprocal sentiments of
good will, to regard the progress of events, and not to be
unprepared for whatever order of things may be ultimately
established.
Under another aspect of our situation, the early attention
of Congress will be due to the expediency of further guards
against evasions and infractions of our commercial laws.
The practice of smuggling, which is odious every where, and
particularly criminal in free Governments, where the laws
being made by all for the good of all, a fraud is committed on
every individual as well as on the State, attains its utmost
guilt when it blends, with a pursuit of ignominious gain, a
treacherous subserviency in the transgressors to a foreign
policy, adverse to that of their own country. It is then that
the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to
manifest itself through the regular animadversions of the most
competent laws.
To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the
honest interests which it covers, it is expedient also that
it be made punishable in our citizens to accept licenses from
foreign Governments for a trade unlawfully interdicted by them
to other American citizens; or to trade under false colors or
papers of any sort.
A prohibition is equally called for against the acceptance, by
our citizens, of special licenses to be used in a trade with
the United States; and against the admission into particular
ports of the United States of vessels from foreign countries
authorized to trade with particular ports only.
Although other subjects will press more immediately on your
deliberations, a portion of them cannot but be well bestowed on
the just and sound policy of securing to our manufactures the
success they have attained, and are still attaining, in some
degree, under the impulse of causes not permanent; and to our
navigation the fair extent of which it is at present abridged
by the unequal regulations of foreign Governments.
Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufacturers from
sacrifices which a change of circumstances might bring on them,
the national interest requires that, with respect to such
articles at least as belong to our defence and our primary
wants, we should not be left in unnecessary dependence on
external supplies. And whilst foreign Governments adhere to the
existing discriminations in their ports against our navigation,
and an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed by their
navigation in our ports, the effect cannot be mistaken,
because it has been seriously felt by our shipping interests;
and in proportion as this takes place, the advantages of an
independent conveyance of our products to foreign markets, and
of a growing body of mariners, trained by their occupation
for the service of their country in times of danger, must be
diminished.
The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the
thirtieth of September last, have exceeded thirteen millions
and a half of dollars, and have enabled us to defray the
current expenses, including the interest on the public debt,
and to reimburse more than five millions of dollars of the
principal, without recurring to the loan authorized by the act
of the last session. The temporary loan obtained in the latter
end of the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, has also
been reimbursed, and is not included in that amount.
The decrease of revenue arising from the situation of our
commerce and the extraordinary expenses which have and
may become necessary, must be taken into view, in making
commensurate provisions for the ensuing year. And I recommend
to your consideration the propriety of insuring a sufficiency
of annual revenue, at least to defray the ordinary expenses
of Government, and to pay the interest on the public debt,
including that on new loans which may be authorized.
I cannot close this communication without expressing my deep
sense of the crisis in which you are assembled, my confidence
in a wise and honorable result to your deliberations, and
assurances of the faithful zeal with which my co-operating
duties will be discharged; invoking, at the same time, the
blessing of Heaven on our beloved country, and on all the means
that may be employed in vindicating its rights and advancing
its welfare.