NICHOLAS GILMAN, from New Hampshire.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, from Massachusetts.
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, from Connecticut.
STEPHEN R. BRADLEY and JONATHAN ROBINSON,
from Vermont.
JOHN LAMBERT, from New Jersey.
ANDREW GREGG and MICHAEL LEIB, from
Pennsylvania.
WILLIAM B. GILES, from Virginia.
JAMES TURNER, from North Carolina.
THOMAS SUMTER and JOHN GAILLARD, from
South Carolina.
BUCKNER THRUSTON and JOHN POPE, from
Kentucky.
RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS and STANLEY GRISWOLD,
from Ohio.
The number of Senators present not being sufficient to constitute a
quorum, the Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to-morrow morning.
TUESDAY, November 28.
The Senate assembled--present as yesterday; and OBADIAH GERMAN, from
the State of New York; JAMES HILLHOUSE, from the State of Connecticut;
ELISHA MATHEWSON, from the State of Rhode Island; and NAHUM PARKER,
from the State of New Hampshire, severally attended.
ANDREW GREGG, President _pro tempore_, resumed the chair.
The PRESIDENT communicated a letter from the Surveyor of the Public
Buildings, stating the difficulties that have prevented the entire
completion of the permanent Senate Chamber; which letter was read.
_Ordered_, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives
that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and ready to attend to
business.
_Ordered_, That Messrs. GILMAN and GAILLARD be a committee on the part
of the Senate, together with such committee as may be appointed by
the House of Representatives on their part, to wait on the President
of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses
is assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may be
pleased to make to them.
_Ordered_, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives
therewith.
A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that
the House have appointed a committee, on their part, jointly with such
committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the
President of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two
Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he
may be pleased to make to them.
_Resolved_, That James Mathers, Sergeant-at-Arms and Doorkeeper to
the Senate, be, and he is hereby, authorized to employ one assistant
and two horses, for the purpose of performing such services as are
usually required by the Doorkeeper to the Senate; and that the sum
of twenty-eight dollars be allowed him weekly for that purpose, to
commence with, and remain during the session, and for twenty days after.
Mr. GILMAN reported, from the joint committee, that they had waited on
the President of the United States, agreeably to order, and that the
President of the United States informed the committee that he would
make a communication to the two Houses to-morrow, at 12 o'clock.
WEDNESDAY, November 29.
JAMES LLOYD, from the State of Massachusetts, attended.
_President's Message._
The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES:
_Fellow-citizens of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives_:
At the period of our last meeting, I had the satisfaction
of communicating an adjustment with one of the principal
belligerent nations, highly important in itself, and still more
so, as presaging a more extended accommodation. It is with deep
concern I am now to inform you, that the favorable prospect
has been overclouded by a refusal of the British Government to
abide by the act of its Minister Plenipotentiary, and by its
ensuing policy towards the United States, as seen through the
communications of the Minister sent to replace him.
Whatever pleas may be urged for a disavowal of engagements
formed by diplomatic functionaries, in cases where, by the
terms of the engagements, a mutual ratification is reserved;
or where notice at the time may have been given of a departure
from instructions; or, in extraordinary cases, essentially
violating the principles of equity; a disavowal could not have
been apprehended in a case where no such notice or violation
existed; where no such ratification was reserved; and, more
especially, where, as is now in proof, an engagement, to be
executed, without any such ratification, was contemplated by
the instructions given, and where it had, with good faith, been
carried into immediate execution on the part of the United
States.
These considerations not having restrained the British
Government from disavowing the arrangement, by virtue of
which its orders in council were to be revoked, and the event
authorizing the renewal of commercial intercourse having thus
not taken place, it necessarily became a question of equal
urgency and importance, whether the act prohibiting that
intercourse was not to be considered as remaining in legal
force. This question being, after due deliberation, determined
in the affirmative, a proclamation to that effect was issued.
It could not but happen, however, that a return to this state
of things, from that which had followed an execution of the
arrangement by the United States, would involve difficulties.
With a view to diminish these as much as possible, the
instructions from the Secretary of the Treasury, now laid
before you, were transmitted to the collectors of the several
ports. If, in permitting British vessels to depart without
giving bonds not to proceed to their own ports, it should
appear that the tenor of legal authority has not been strictly
pursued, it is to be ascribed to the anxious desire which was
felt, that no individuals should be injured by so unforeseen
an occurrence: and I rely on the regard of Congress for the
equitable interests of our own citizens, to adopt whatever
further provisions may be found requisite for a general
remission of penalties involuntarily incurred.
The recall of the disavowed Minister having been followed by
the appointment of a successor, hopes were indulged that the
new mission would contribute to alleviate the disappointment
which had been produced, and to remove the causes which had so
long embarrassed the good understanding of the two nations.
It could not be doubted that it would at least be charged
with conciliatory explanations of the step which had been
taken, and with proposals to be substituted for the rejected
arrangement. Reasonable and universal as this expectation
was, it also has not been fulfilled. From the first official
disclosures of the new Minister, it was found that he had
received no authority to enter into explanations relative to
either branch of the arrangement disavowed, nor any authority
to substitute proposals, as to that branch which concerned the
British orders in council. And, finally, that his proposals
with respect to the other branch, the attack on the frigate
Chesapeake, were founded on a presumption, repeatedly declared
to be inadmissible by the United States, that the first step
towards adjustment was due from them; the proposals, at the
same time, omitting even a reference to the officer answerable
for the murderous aggression, and asserting a claim not less
contrary to the British laws and British practice, than to the
principles and obligations of the United States.
The correspondence between the Department of State and this
Minister will show how unessentially the features presented
in its commencement have been varied in its progress. It
will show, also, that, forgetting the respect due to all
governments, he did not refrain from imputations on this, which
required that no further communications should be received
from him. The necessity of this step will be made known to His
Britannic Majesty, through the Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States in London. And it would indicate a want of the
confidence due to a Government which so well understands and
exacts what becomes foreign Ministers near it, not to infer
that the misconduct of its own Representative will be viewed in
the same light in which it has been regarded here. The British
Government will learn, at the same time, that a ready attention
will be given to communications, through any channel which may
be substituted. It will be happy, if the change in this respect
should be accompanied by a favorable revision of the unfriendly
policy which has been so long pursued towards the United States.
With France, the other belligerent, whose trespasses on
our commercial rights have long been the subject of our
just remonstrances, the posture of our relations does not
correspond with the measures taken on the part of the United
States to effect a favorable change. The result of the several
communications made to her Government, in pursuance of the
authorities vested by Congress in the Executive, is contained
in the correspondence of our Minister at Paris, now laid before
you.
By some of the other belligerents, although professing just
and amicable dispositions, injuries materially affecting our
commerce have not been duly controlled or repressed. In these
cases, the interpositions deemed proper, on our part, have
not been omitted. But, it well deserves the consideration of
the Legislature, how far both the safety and the honor of the
American flag may be consulted, by adequate provisions against
that collusive prostitution of it by individuals, unworthy
of the American name, which has so much favored the real or
pretended suspicions, under which the honest commerce of their
fellow-citizens has suffered.
In relation to the powers on the coast of Barbary, nothing has
occurred which is not of a nature rather to inspire confidence
than distrust, as to the continuance of the existing amity.
With our Indian neighbors, the just and benevolent system
continued towards them, has also preserved peace, and is more
and more advancing habits favorable to their civilization and
happiness.
From a statement which will be made by the Secretary of
War, it will be seen that the fortifications on our maritime
frontier are, in many of the ports, completed, affording the
defence which was contemplated; and that a further time will
be required to render complete the works in the harbor of New
York, and in some other places. By the enlargement of the
works, and the employment of a greater number of hands at the
public armories, the supply of small arms, of an improving
quality, appears to be annually increasing, at a rate, that,
without those made on private contract, may be expected to go
far towards providing for the public exigency.
The act of Congress providing for the equipment of our vessels
of war having been fully carried into execution, I refer to
the statement of the Secretary of the Navy for the information
which may be proper on that subject. To that statement is added
a view of the transfers of appropriations, authorized by the
act of the session preceding the last, and of the grounds on
which the transfers were made.
Whatever may be the course of your deliberations on the subject
of our military establishments, I should fail in my duty in not
recommending to your serious attention the importance of giving
to our militia, the great bulwark of our security and resource
of our power, an organization the best adapted to eventual
situations, for which the United States ought to be prepared.
The sums which had been previously accumulated in the Treasury,
together with the receipts during the year ending on the 30th
of September last, and amounting to more than nine millions
of dollars, have enabled us to fulfil all our engagements,
and to defray the current expenses of our Government, without
recurring to any loan. But the insecurity of our commerce, and
the consequent diminution of the public revenue, will probably
produce a deficiency in the receipts of the ensuing year, for
which, and for other details, I refer to the statements which
will be transmitted from the Treasury.
In the state which has been presented of our affairs with the
great parties to a disastrous and protracted war, carried on in
a mode equally injurious and unjust to the United States as a
neutral nation, the wisdom of the National Legislature will be
again summoned to the important decision on the alternatives
before them. That these will be met in a spirit worthy of the
councils of a nation conscious both of its rectitude and of its
rights, and careful as well of its honor as of its peace, I
have an entire confidence. And that the result will be stamped
by a unanimity becoming the occasion, and be supported by every
portion of our citizens, with a patriotism enlightened and
invigorated by experience, ought as little to be doubted.
In the midst of the wrongs and vexations experienced from
external causes, there is much room for congratulation on
the prosperity and happiness flowing from our situation at
home. The blessing of health has never been more universal.
The fruits of the seasons, though in particular articles
and districts short of their usual redundancy, are more
than sufficient for our wants and our comforts. The face of
our country every where presents the evidence of laudable
enterprise, of extensive capital, and of durable improvement.
In a cultivation of the materials, and the extension of useful
manufactures, more especially in the general application
to household fabrics, we behold a rapid diminution of our
dependence on foreign supplies. Nor is it unworthy of
reflection, that this revolution in our pursuits and habits
is in no slight degree a consequence of those impolitic
and arbitrary edicts, by which the contending nations, in
endeavoring, each of them, to obstruct our trade with the
other, have so far abridged our means of procuring the
productions and manufactures of which our own are now taking
the place.
Recollecting, always, that, for every advantage which may
contribute to distinguish our lot from that to which others are
doomed by the unhappy spirit of the times, we are indebted to
that Divine Providence whose goodness has been so remarkably
extended to this rising nation, it becomes us to cherish a
devout gratitude, and to implore, from the same Omnipotent
source, a blessing on the consultations and measures about to
be undertaken for the welfare of our beloved country.