LXIII

It was of the Free City they had dreamed and that they had not lived

to behold the fulfillment of their dream was, in its way, the final

certification of the validity of their services as pioneers. It is an

old rule of life, or an old trick of the fates that seem so casually

to govern life, that the dreams of mortals are seldom destined to

come true, though mortals sometimes thwart the fates by finding their

dreams in themselves sufficient. In this sense Jones and Johnson had

already been rewarded. It had been a dream of wonder and of beauty,

the vision of a city stately with towers, above which there hung the

glow which poor Jude used to see at evening when he climbed to the

roof of the Brown House on the ridgeway near Marygreen. It was a city

in which there were the living conceptions of justice, pity, mercy,

consideration, toleration, beauty, art, all those graces which mankind

so long has held noblest and most dear. It was a city wherein human

life was precious, and therefore gracious, a city which the citizen

loved as a graduate loves his alma mater, a city with a communal

spirit. There the old ideas of privilege had given way to the ideals of

service, public property was held as sacred as private property, power

was lightly wielded, the people’s voice was intelligent and omnipotent,

for they had learned the wisdom that confuses demagogues, and amid the

interplay of myriad forces, the democratic spirit was ever at work,

performing its noble functions. You might have said that the people

were inspired, since they united so readily in great constructive work,

reducing to order and scientific arrangement all the manifold needs and

expressions of the daily life, conquering in the old struggle against

nature, providing against all that casualty and accident which make

life to-day such a snarl of squalid tragedies and ridiculous comedies

that it well may seem to be ruled by none other than the most whimsical

and spiteful of irresponsible spirits. It was more than a city indeed,

it was a realm of reason, wherein the people at last in good will

were living a social life. The eternal negative, the everlasting no,

had given way to a new affirmation; each morning should ordain new

emancipations, and each evening behold new reconciliations among men.

It was a city wherein the people were achieving more and more of

leisure, that life in all her splendor and her beauty and her glory

might not pass by unhailed, unrecognized even, by so many toiling

thousands. It was the vision of a city set upon a hill, with happy

people singing in the streets.

These words I know but vaguely express the vision that had come to

those two men with the unpoetic names of Johnson and Jones. When I

speak of a city where people sing in the streets I am perfectly well

aware of the smile that touches the lips of sophistication, though the

smile would have been none the less cynical had I mentioned merely

a city in which there were happy people at all. I am perfectly well

aware that such a thing in all literalness is perhaps impossible to the

weary, preoccupied crowds in the streets of any of our cities; it would

be too absurd, too ridiculous, and probably against the law, if not

indeed quite wicked. In Mr. Housman’s somber lines:

These are not in plight to bear,

If they would, another’s care.

They have enough as ’tis: I see

In many an eye that measures me

The mortal sickness of a mind

Too unhappy to be kind.

Undone with misery, all they can

Is to hate their fellow man;

And till they drop they needs must still

Look at you and wish you ill.

And yet, it is not wholly impossible after all. One evening in

Brussels, hearing the strains of a band I looked out of my hotel

window, and saw a throng of youth and maidens dancing in a mist of rain

down an asphalt pavement that glistened under the electric lights. It

was a sight of such innocence, of such simple joy and gayety as one

could never behold in our cities, and it occasioned no more remark,

was considered no more out of place or unbecoming than it would be for

a man to sprawl on one of our sidewalks and look for a dime he had

dropped. But I happened to use that phrase about singing in the streets

simply because it was one Jones used to employ, just as Johnson used

forever to be talking about his city set on a hill. If Johnson’s phrase

was in an old poetic strain Jones meant literally what he said. He used

to talk of the crowds he had seen along the boulevards of Paris, and

the gayety, impossible to us, in which they had celebrated the 14th of

July, and he talked of all this to such purpose that Toledo became the

first city in America to have a “sane” Fourth of July.

Jones and Johnson, because they had vision, were thinking in sequences

far beyond the material conceptions of the communities about them, and

utterly impossible to skulking city politicians, with their miserable

little treacheries and contemptible and selfish ambitions. They were

imagining a spirit which might and perhaps some day will possess a

whole people. And when I intimated the pity it was that they had not

lived to see that silvery September day when the people of Ohio voted

for municipal autonomy, I did not mean in the least to aver that their

dream had been realized for us, simply because we had secured an

amendment to our fundamental law. Memoranda to this effect had been

noted on the roll of the constitution, but these after all were but the

cold, formal and unlovely terms that expressed concepts which had been

evolving slowly in the public consciousness.

They realized, what all intelligent men must ere long apprehend, that

too great stress has been laid on mere political activity. We have

counted it as of controlling force in human affairs, the energy behind

human activities, the cause, instead of the effect, the motive,

instead of a mere expression of our complex life. They saw more deeply

than politics, they recognized other and mightier influences at work,

affecting the interests and the emotions of men. They knew that there

is after all, an unconscious, subtle wisdom in the general neglect of

politics by the masses of citizens, who intuitively know that other

things are of more importance. They were but seeking to clear the way

for the more fundamental expressions of human interest, human emotions,

human fervors, human liberties. For of course it is not the city that

makes the people free, but the people that make the city free; and

the city cannot be free until the people have been freed from all

their various bondages, free above all from themselves, from their own

ignorances, littlenesses, superstitions, jealousies, envies, suspicions

and fears. And it is not laws that can set them free, nor political

parties, nor organizations, nor commissions, nor any sort of legalistic

machinery. They must themselves set themselves free, and themselves

indeed find out the way.

Nor is that freedom to be defined; its chief value lies, as does

that of any concept of truth, in the fact that it is largely

impressionistic, subject to the alterations and corrections of that

mysterious system of incessant change which is life itself. The value

and even the permanence of many ideals and many truths--for truths

are not always permanent, but are subject to the flux of life--lie in

the fact that they are impressionistic. Reduced to formal lines and

hardened into rigid detail they become something quite otherwise than

that which they were at first or were intended to be.

No, neither for them, nor for us, had the dream come true. But it had

come nearer. It had become possible. Many obstacles had been removed;

many purifications had been wrought, many deliverances achieved. To

Cleveland and to Toledo, those two cities by the lake, the years

had brought their changes. Not objectively, perhaps; outwardly they

were much the same--without form, inharmonious, ugly, with the awful

antitheses of our economic system, and what is worse, the vast welter

of mediocrity and banality between. But there had been ameliorations.

In each of them there were plans traced for beautiful civic centers

with groups of buildings and other public amenities, which, when

realized, would render them comparable in that respect to those old

cities of Europe where the benison of art has descended on the people

from the hands of kings. And these things were coming up out of the

people, despite provincialism and philistinism and politics; there

was a new understanding of sovereignty, not as a menace descending

from above, but as an aspiration coming up from below. And this new

aspiration in the people, pressing with the irresistible urge of

moral sentiment against old institutions will renovate the cities and

recreate the lives in them.

For after all the world grows better. Not as rapidly as we should

like, but yet, in a way, better. The immense sophistication of the

modern mood, to be sure, is apt to cast contemporary thought in the

mould of multifold negation; and sensibilities, long distressed by the

contemplation of life in aspects it would not wear were this more of a

realm of reason, find their only solace in that pessimism which makes

charming so much of modern poetry. Doubtless this is the mood most

congenial to the agnosticism of the reflective, contemplative mind in

the present phase of its philosophy. It has its undoubted fascinations,

its uses, and, indeed, its truth, part reaction though it be from

the excessive strain of contemporary life in cities, and the dull

orthodoxies of the Victorian age. To one, indeed, who, in eight years’

participation in municipal politics might in that respect have been

compared to that character in one of Anatole France’s novels who never

opened a door without coming upon some hitherto unsuspected depth of

infamy in mankind, it was difficult to avoid that strain. And yet, bad

as municipal government has been in this land, it is everywhere better

to-day. The level of moral sentiment, like the level of intelligence,

mounts slowly, in wide spirals, but it mounts steadily all the time. In

not every city has the advance been so marked, for not every city has

had such personalities as Johnson and Jones, and without personalities,

democracies seem unable to function. The old corruptions, once so

flagrant, are growing less and less, and there is left only the

residuum of meanness and pettiness and spite, the crimes that require

no courage and entail no fear of the law, committed by beings who

never could attain the robust stature of the old and brazen and robust

offenders. The strain is running out, attenuating, and ere long will

be extinct.

Those gentle pessimists of such congenial culture may indeed point

to other ages that excel ours, say in speculative thought, and all

the five arts, but I think it is demonstrable that upon the whole,

and employing long epochs for the comparison, things are growing

better. Notwithstanding all the ignorance and all the woe in the world

to-night, never before has there been such widespread opportunity for

enlightenment, never such widespread comfort, never so much kindness,

so much pity for animals, for children, and, above all, never have

women been shown such consideration. It needs no very powerful

imagination, peering into the shadowy background of human history,

to appreciate the tremendous implications of this fact. Indeed the

great feminist movement of our time, a movement which in the histories

of mankind centuries hence will be given the sectional mark of the

beginning of a new age, is in itself the proof of a great advance, in

which the ballot will be the very least important of all the liberties

to be won.

With all the complications of this vast and confusing interplay of

the forces of this age, the city is inextricably bound by its awful

responsibility for so much that is bad, for so much that is good, in

our time. And in the cities, now as always, the struggle for liberty

will go on. The old leaders will pass, and the new will pass, and pass

swiftly, for they are quickly consumed in the stress and heat of the

passionate and savage struggle. To them must ever come the fatigue of

long drawn opposition, of the repeated and unavailing assaults on the

cold, solid and impregnable walls of institutions. In this fatigue they

may grow conservative after a while, and they should pray to be spared

the acquiescence of the middle years, the base capitulation of age.

But always the people remain, pressing onward in a great stream up

the slopes, and always somehow toward the light. For the great dream

beckons, leads them on, the dream of social harmony always prefigured

in human thought as the city. This radiant vision of the city is the

oldest dream in the world. All literature is saturated with it. It

has been the ideal of human achievement since the day when the men on

the plains of Shinar sought to build a city whose towers should reach

unto heaven. It was the angelic vision of the mystic on Patmos, the

city descending out of heaven, and lying foursquare, the city where

there was to be no more sorrow nor crying. It has been the goal of

civilization down to this hour of the night, when, however vaguely and

dimly, the ideal stirs the thousands in this feverish town going about

their strange and various businesses, pleasures, devotions, sacrifices,

sins. It has been the everlasting dream of humanity. And humanity will

continue to struggle for it, to struggle toward it. And some day,

somewhere, to the sons of men the dream will come true.

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