But I would not be unfair, and I counted many friends among the
Socialists of my town and time whose best ideals one could gladly
share. They were immensely intelligent, or immensely informed; they had
made a fairly valid indictment against society as it is organized, or
disorganized. But like Mr. H. G. Wells, who calls himself a Socialist,
these exceptions, in Mr. Wells’s words, were by no means fanatical or
uncritical adherents. To them as to him Socialism was a noble, and yet
a very human and fallible system of ideas. To them, as, again to him,
it was an intellectual process, a project for the reshaping of human
society upon new and better lines--the good will of the race struggling
to make things better. This broad and tolerant view was the one to
which they held, though they seemed too closely to identify all the
good will in the race, operating, as I believe it to be, in many ways
and through many agencies, as Socialism, and the pontifical Socialism
taught in our town, at least, was so explicitly a class hatred that
most of the time it was anything in the world rather than good will.
Anyone with a good heart could be a Socialist on Mr. Wells’s terms,
if it were not his inevitable fate to be assured by the orthodox
custodians of the party faith, the high priests who alone could enter
the holy of holies and bear forth, as occasion required, the ark of the
covenant, that Mr. Wells’s Socialism is no Socialism at all and that he
is no man to consult or accept.
My friends among them were like him in the condemnation they had to
hear from the machine, or, perhaps I should say, the governing or
directing committee--whatever the euphemism that cloaks the familiar
phenomenon with them--they too were said to be no Socialists at all;
they were mere “intellectuals” or “sentimentalists,” or easily fell
into some other of the categories the Socialists have provided for
every manifestation of life. They have doubtless rendered society a
service by their minute classification; which seems complete if they
would only recognize the order of the sectarian mind, and since the
orthodox among them afford so typical an example, include themselves
in it. I am not sure that it is not quite as distinct a species as the
capitalist class itself, at least it causes as much trouble in the
world as the Socialists say the capitalist class creates. Socialists,
at least of the impossibilist wing, evangelists, prohibitionists,
Puritans, policemen and most of the rest of the reformers are endowed
with this order of mind. While they all form subdivisions of a distinct
intellectual class of humanity these are generally the same. That is,
they are, all of them, always under all circumstances, right. All of
these classes, fundamentally, follow the same sequences of thought.
They differ of course in minor details, but they always meet on that
narrow strip of ground upon which they have erected their inflexible
model for humanity, with just room enough by its side for the scaffold
upon which to hang those who do not accept it.
Now, when, by any coincidence, the representatives of any two of
these species meet in the mistaken supposition that there is any
disagreement between them, there is bound to be trouble of course, and
whenever say a Socialist of the impossibilist wing of the party, and
a policeman--and all good policemen are impossibilists--meet, we have
posited the old problem in physics of an irresistible body meeting an
impenetrable substance.
This phenomenon occurred on two or three occasions when policemen
interfered with Socialists speaking in the streets. I am sure the
Socialists in question could have regretted the circumstance no
more than I, for if there was one right which I tried to induce the
police to respect, it was the right of free speech. On the whole they
did fairly well, and at a time when there seemed to be an epidemic
of ferocity among municipal officials in the land that led them to
all sorts of unwarranted interferences with human and constitutional
rights, we had folk of all sorts preaching their strange doctrines
in our streets--Republicans, Democrats, Socialists, of their several
sorts, I. W. W.’s, evangelists, anarchists, suffragists, Mormons,
Salvationists, to say nothing of all the religious sects; wisdom was
veritably crying in the streets. Emma Goldman, during that period of
hysteria when the advent of that little woman in a city precipitated a
siege of fear, delivered her course of lectures in Toledo to audiences
that were very small, since there were no police to insure the
attendance of those who were interested more in sensations than in her
philosophic discussions of the German drama. And we tried to respect
the rights of all.
But it is one thing to give orders, and another to have them implicitly
obeyed. Those of the indurated sectarian mind, who would order all
life by mechanism, are given to saying that if they were in authority
the police would do so and so, and would not do such and such a thing,
that they would have the police see to this and that, etc., etc.,
etc. After they had been in power a while they would grow humble,
if not discouraged, and, like me, be gratified if they succeeded in
accomplishing about one-third of what they had hoped and planned
to accomplish. Thus I, who had tried to give everybody the right of
free speech, was now and then chagrined to find that someone had been
interfered with for preaching some new heresy.
The right of free speech cherished by all and exercised by none, since,
owing to a disposition on the part of humanity to apply the hemlock
or the noose in such cases, few say what they actually think, is one
which certain of the Socialists preferred to have honored in the breach
rather than in the observance. They would be never so happy, never
so much in their element as when their address was interrupted; the
greater the interference, the more acute the suffering for the cause,
and when a man begins to feel that there is in him the blood of the
martyrs, which, as he has heard somewhere, is the seed of the churches,
why, of course, he is in such an exalted state of mind that there is no
human way of dealing with him.
And then that strange human spark, that mysterious thing we call
personality, is always there--that element which makes impossible
any perfectly or ideally organized state, social or otherwise. It is
assumed by those of the order of mind under notice that it is possible
so to organize human affairs that they will work automatically, with
the precision of a machine, that they will work just as they are
intended to work and in no other way, that it is, indeed, impossible
for them to work in any other way, and that it may be predicted long in
advance exactly how they will work at any given instant and under any
exigency, or circumstance. This, of course, is impossible, as everybody
knows, except the impossibilists. That is why they are impossibilists.
These speakers, however, who would dehumanize everything yet cannot
after all dehumanize themselves, would frequently court arrest in the
belief that the meed of pseudo-martyrdom thereby made possible was
an ornament to their cause, and they would often try the patience
of officers, who like the speakers themselves and all of us, are
unfortunately, or perhaps fortunately, only human. Thus a Socialist
speaker standing on his soap box, in the course of his remarks,
indulged in certain reflections on the police as an institution.
His sentiments in that respect were not perhaps heterodox, from the
standpoint of my own orthodoxy, but we had been trying to create
_esprit de corps_ in the police department, and the policeman on that
beat chancing to arrive at that inauspicious moment, and viewing life
from an altitude less lofty and impersonal than the Socialist claimed
for his outlook, took the scientific statements of the Socialist not in
the academic sense, but as a personal reflection upon the body of which
he, it seems, was growing rather proud of being a member, and at the
conclusion of the effort he privately informed the speaker that if he
said anything more against the Toledo Police Department he would “knock
his block off.” He was reprimanded by his lieutenant, even after he had
explained that he intended to execute his rude intention in his private
and not in his official capacity.
The incident could be represented by the Socialists as a veritable
reflection of the views of the administration on the important subject
of Socialism, but they could not derive quite the satisfaction from
it they had in another incident, or accident, which befell the most
prominent and authoritative of their local leaders. He was speaking
one evening in a crowded street, when he had the good fortune to be
arrested by a captain of police. He made the occasion the opportunity
for an edifying debate, and lingered as long as the captain would let
him; but, in the end, was led to the police headquarters. This was the
irresistible meeting the impenetrable. While everybody had a right to
speak his mind in the streets, everybody else, we felt, had an equal
right not to listen, even to free speech, and the police had orders to
keep the streets and sidewalks clear for traffic. Now this captain was
a chap who carried out orders given to him, and, as he was in command
of the traffic squad, traffic was his specialty. If streets were to
be cleared, then, in his philosophy, they were to be cleared, and no
little thing like a constitutional inhibition against the abridgment
of human speech would stand in his way. And then, after all, police
are more apt to arrest people they do not like than those they do,
and no one likes those who disagree with him. But after the arrest,
the offender is turned out without chances of reparation. In this
instance, feeling that the Socialist had had an indignity put upon
him by his arrest, while I could not undo what had been done, I could
order his release and tender him an official apology in writing, which
was accepted, though not acknowledged. And an order was issued that
a policemen who thereafter interfered with any voice crying in the
wilderness should be dismissed from the department.