PARIS, December 31, 1787.
SIR,--Since the receipt of the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes, of
October the 22d, 1786, I have several times had the honor of mentioning
to you, that I was endeavoring to get the substance of that letter
reduced into an _Arret_, which, instead of being revocable by a single
letter of a Comptroller General, would require an _Arret_ to repeal or
alter it, and of course must be discussed in full Council, and so give
time to prevent it. This has been pressed as much as it could be with
prudence. One cause of delay has been the frequent changes of the
Comptroller General; as we had always our whole work to begin again
with every new one. Monsieur Lambert's continuance in office for some
months, has enabled us, at length, to get through the business; and I
have just received from him a letter, and the _Arret_ duly
authenticated; of which I have the honor to send you a number of
printed copies. You will find that the several alterations and
additions are made, which, on my visit to the sea-ports, I had found to
be necessary, and which my letters of June the 21st and August the 6th,
particularly mentioned to you. Besides these, we have obtained some new
articles of value, for which openings arose in the course of the
negotiation. I say _we_ have done it, because the Marquis de La Fayette
has gone hand in hand with me through this business, and has been a
most invaluable aid. I take the liberty of making some observations on
the articles of the _Arret_, severally, for their explanation, as well
as for the information of Congress.
Article 1. In the course of our conferences with the Comptroller
General, we had prevailed on him to pass this article with a
suppression of all duty. When he reported the _Arret_, however, to the
Council, this suppression was objected to, and it was insisted to
re-establish the duties of seven livres and ten sous, and of ten sous
the livre, reserved in the letter of M. de Calonnes. The passage of the
_Arret_ was stopped, and the difficulty communicated to me. I urged
everything I could, in letters and in conferences, to convince them
that whale oil was an article which could bear no duty at all. That if
the duty fell on the consumer, he would choose to buy vegetable oils;
if on the fisherman, he could no longer live by his calling, remaining
in his own country; and that if he quitted his own country, the
circumstances of vicinity, sameness of language, laws, religion and
manners, and perhaps the ties of kindred, would draw him to Nova
Scotia, in spite of every encouragement which could be given at
Dunkirk; and that thus those fishermen would be shifted out of a scale
friendly to France, into one always hostile. Nothing, however, could
prevail. It hung on this article alone, for two months, during which we
risked the total loss of the _Arret_, on the stability in office of
Monsieur Lambert; for if he had gone out, his successor might be less
favorable; and if Monsieur Neckar were the successor, we might lose the
whole, as he never set any store by us, or the connection with us.
About ten days ago, it became universally believed that Monsieur
Lambert was to go out immediately. I, therefore, declined further
insisting on the total suppression, and desired the _Arret_ might pass,
leaving the duties on whale oil as Monsieur de Calonnes had promised
them; but with a reservation, which may countenance our bringing on
this matter again, at a more favorable moment.
Article 2. The other fish oils are placed in a separate article;
because whatever encouragements we may hereafter obtain for whale oils,
they will not be extended to those which their own fisheries produce.
Article 3. A company had silently, and by unfair means, obtained a
monopoly for the making and selling spermaceti candles: as soon as we
discovered it, we solicited its suppression, which is effected by this
clause.
Article 4. The duty of an eighth per cent. is merely to oblige the
masters of vessels to enter their cargoes, for the information of
government; without inducing them to attempt to smuggle.
Article 6. Tar, pitch and turpentine of America, coming in competition
with the same articles produced in the south-western parts of France,
we could obtain no greater reduction, than two and a-half per cent. The
duties before, were from four to six times that amount.
Article 10. The right of entrepôt given by this article, is almost the
same thing, as the making all their ports, free ports for us. The ships
are, indeed, subject to be visited, and the cargoes must be reported in
ports of entrepôt, which need not be done in the free ports. But the
communication between the entrepôt and the country, is not interrupted
by continual search of all persons passing into the country, which has
proved so troublesome to the inhabitants of our free ports, as that a
considerable proportion of them have wished to give back the privilege
of their freedom.
Article 13. This article gives us the privileges and advantages of
native subjects, in all their possessions in Asia, and in the _scales
leading thereto_. This expression means at present the isles of France
and Bourbon, and will include the Cape of Good Hope, should any future
event put it into the hands of France. It was with a view to this, that
I proposed the expression, because we were then in hourly expectation
of a war, and it was suspected that France would take possession of
that place. It will, in no case, be considered as including anything
westward of the Cape of Good Hope. I must observe further, on this
article, that it will only become valuable on the suppression of their
East India Company; because, as long as their monopoly continues, even
native subjects cannot enter their Asiatic ports for the purposes of
commerce. It is considered, however, as certain, that this Company will
be immediately suppressed.
The article of tobacco could not be introduced into the _Arret_;
because it was necessary to consider the Farmers General as parties to
that arrangement. It rests, therefore, of necessity, on the basis of a
letter only. You will perceive that this is nothing more than a
continuation of the order of Berni, only leaving the prices unfixed;
and like that, it will require a constant and vexatious attention to
have its execution enforced.
The States who have much to carry, and few carriers, will observe,
perhaps, that the benefits of these regulations are somewhat narrowed
by confining them to articles brought hither in French or American
bottoms. But they will consider that nothing in these instruments moves
from us. The advantages they hold out are all given by this country to
us, and the givers will modify their gifts as they please. I suppose it
to be a determined principle of this court not to suffer our carrying
business, so far as their consumption of our commodities extends, to
become a nursery for British seamen. Nor would this, perhaps, be
advantageous to us, considering the dispositions of the two nations
towards us. The preference which our shipping will obtain on this
account, may counterpoise the discouragements it experiences from the
aggravated dangers of the Barbary States. Nor is the idea unpleasing
which shows itself in various parts of these papers, of naturalizing
American bottoms, and American citizens in France and in its foreign
possessions. Once established here, and in their eastern settlements,
they may revolt less at the proposition to extend it to those westward.
They are not yet, however, at that point; we must be contented to go
towards it a step at a time, and trust to future events for hastening
our progress.
With respect to the alliance between this and the two imperial courts,
nothing certain transpires. We are enabled to conjecture its progress
only from facts which now and then show themselves. The following may
be considered as indications of it. 1. The Emperor has made an attempt
to surprise Belgrade. The attempt failed, but will serve to plunge him
into the war, and to show that he had assumed the character of
mediator, only to enable himself to gain some advantage by surprise. 2.
The mediation of France is probably at an end, and their abandonment of
the Turks agreed on; because they have secretly ordered their officers
to quit the Turkish service. This fact is known to but few, and not
intended to be known; but I think it certain. 3. To the offer of
mediation lately made by England and Prussia, the court of Petersburg
answered, that having declined the mediation of a friendly power,
(France,) she could not accept that of two courts, with whose
dispositions she had reason to be dissatisfied. 4. The States General
are said to have instructed their Ambassador here, lately, to ask of M.
de Montmorin, whether the inquiry had been made, which they had
formerly desired: "By what authority the French engineers had been
placed in the service of Holland?" And that he answered that the
inquiry had not been made, nor should be made. Though I do not consider
the channel through which I get this fact, as absolutely sure, yet it
is so respectable that I give credit to it myself. 5. The King of
Prussia is withdrawing his troops from Holland. Should this alliance
show itself, it would seem that France thus strengthened might dictate
the re-establishment of the affairs of Holland in her own form. For it
is not conceivable that Prussia would dare to move, nor that England
would alone undertake such a war, and for such a purpose. She appears,
indeed, triumphant at present, but the question is who will triumph
last?
I enclose you a letter from Mr. Dumas. I received one from him myself,
wherein he assures me that no difficulties shall be produced, by what
he had suggested relative to his mission to Brussels. The gazettes of
France and Leyden to this date accompany this letter, which, with the
several papers put under your cover, I shall send to M. Limozin, our
agent at Havre, to be forwarded by the Juno, Captain Jenkins, which
sails from that port for New York, on the 3d of January.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.