PARIS, December 11, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am later in acknowledging the receipt of your favors of
October the 15th, and November the 5th and 15th, because we have been
long expecting a packet, which I hoped would bring communications worth
detailing to you; and she arrived only a few days ago, after a very
long passage indeed. I am very sorry you have not been able to make out
the cypher of my letter of September the 25th, because it contained
things which I wished you to know at that time. They have lost now a
part of their merit; but still, I wish you could decipher them, as
there remains a part, which it might yet be agreeable to you to
understand. I have examined the cypher from which it was written. It is
precisely a copy of those given to Messrs. Barclay and Lambe. In order
that you may examine whether yours corresponds, I will now translate
into cypher the three first lines of my letter of June the 14th.
[_Here follow three lines of cypher numbers._]
This will serve to show whether your cypher corresponds with mine, as
well as my manner of using it. But I shall not use it in future, till I
know from you the result of your re-examination of it. I have the honor
now, to return you the letter you had been so good as to enclose to me.
About the same time of Liston's conversation with you, similar ones
were held with me by Mr. Eden. He particularly questioned me on the
effect of our treaty with France, in the case of a war, and what might
be our dispositions. I told him without hesitation, that our treaty
obliged us to receive the armed vessels of France, with their prizes,
into our ports, and to refuse the admission of prizes made on her by
her enemies; that there was a clause by which we guaranteed to France
her American possessions, and which might, perhaps, force us into the
war, if these were attacked. "Then it will be war," said he, "for they
will assuredly be attacked." I added, that our dispositions would be to
be neutral, and that I thought it the interest of both those powers
that we should be so, because it would relieve both from all anxiety as
to the feeding their West India islands, and England would, moreover,
avoid a heavy land war on our continent, which would cripple all her
proceedings elsewhere. He expected these sentiments from me personally,
and he knew them to be analogous to those of our country. We had often
before had occasions of knowing each other: his peculiar bitterness
towards us had sufficiently appeared, and I had never concealed from
him, that I considered the British as our natural enemies, and as the
only nation on earth who wished us ill from the bottom of their souls.
And I am satisfied, that were our continent to be swallowed up by the
ocean, Great Britain would be in a bonfire from one end to the other.
Mr. Adams, as you know, has asked his recall. This has been granted,
and Colonel Smith is to return too; Congress having determined to put
an end to their commission at that court. I suspect and hope they will
make no new appointment.
Our new Constitution is powerfully attacked in the American newspapers.
The objections are, that its effect would be to form the thirteen
States into one; that, proposing to melt all down into one general
government, they have fenced the people by no declaration of rights;
they have not renounced the power of keeping a standing army; they have
not secured the liberty of the press; they have reserved the power of
abolishing trials by jury in civil cases; they have proposed that the
laws of the federal legislatures shall be paramount to the laws and
constitutions of the States; they have abandoned rotation in office;
and particularly, their President may be re-elected from four years to
four years, for life, so as to render him a King for life, like a King
of Poland; and they have not given him either the check or aid of a
council. To these they add calculations of expense, etc., etc., to
frighten the people. You will perceive that these objections are
serious, and some of them not without foundation. The Constitution,
however, has been received with a very general enthusiasm, and as far
as can be judged from external demonstrations, the bulk of the people
are eager to adopt it. In the eastern States the printers will print
nothing against it, unless the writer subscribes his name.
Massachusetts and Connecticut have called conventions in January, to
consider of it. In New York, there is a division. The Governor
(Clinton) is known to be hostile to it. Jersey, it is thought, will
certainly accept it. Pennsylvania is divided; and all the bitterness of
her factions has been kindled anew on it. But the party in favor of it
is strongest, both in and out of the legislature. This is the party
anciently of Morris, Wilson, etc. Delaware will do what Pennsylvania
shall do. Maryland is thought favorable to it; yet it is supposed Chase
and Paca will oppose it. As to Virginia, two of her Delegates, in the
first place, refused to sign it. These were Randolph, the Governor and
George Mason. Besides these, Henry, Harrison, Nelson, and the Lees, are
against it. General Washington will be for it, but it is not in his
character to exert himself much in the case. Madison will be its main
pillar; but though an immensely powerful one, it is questionable
whether he can bear the weight of such a host. So that the presumption
is, that Virginia will reject it. We know nothing of the dispositions
of the States south of this. Should it fall through, as is possible,
notwithstanding the enthusiasm with which it was received in the first
moment, it is probable that Congress will propose, that the objections
which the people shall make to it being once known, another convention
shall be assembled, to adopt the improvements generally acceptable, and
omit those found disagreeable. In this way, union may be produced under
a happy constitution, and one which shall not be too energetic, as are
the constitutions of Europe. I give you these details, because,
possibly, you may not have received them all. The sale of our western
lands is immensely successful. Five millions of acres have been sold at
private sale, for a dollar an acre, in certificates, and at the public
sales, some of them had sold as high as two dollars and forty cents the
acre. The sales had not been begun two months. By these means, taxes,
etc., our domestic debt, originally twenty-eight millions of dollars,
was reduced, by the 1st day of last October, to twelve millions, and
they were then in treaty for two millions of acres more, at a dollar,
private sale. Our domestic debt will thus be soon paid off, and that
done, the sales will go on for money, at a cheaper rate, no doubt, for
the payment of our foreign debt. The _petite guerre_ always waged by
the Indians, seems not to abate the ardor of purchase or emigration.
Kentucky is now counted at sixty thousand. Frankland is also growing
fast.
I have been told, that the cutting through the Isthmus of Panama, which
the world has so often wished, and supposed practicable, has at times
been thought of by the government of Spain, and that they once
proceeded so far, as to have a survey and examination made of the
ground; but that the result was, either impracticability or too great
difficulty. Probably the Count de Campomanes, or Don Ulloa, can give
you information on this head. I should be exceedingly pleased to get as
minute details as possible on it, and even copies of the survey,
report, etc., if they could be obtained at a moderate expense. I take
the liberty of asking your assistance in this.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect and esteem, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.