TO JOHN JAY.

(Private.) PARIS, November 3, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I shall take the liberty of confiding sometimes to a private

letter such details of the small history of the court or cabinet, as

may be worthy of being known, and yet not proper to be publicly

communicated. I doubt whether the administration is yet in a permanent

form. The Count de Montmorin and Baron de Breteuil are, I believe, firm

enough in their places. It was doubted whether they would wait for the

Count de La Luzerne, if the war had taken place; but at present, I

suppose they will. I wish it also, because M. de Hector, his only

competitor, has on some occasions shown little value for the connection

with us. Lambert, the Comptroller General, is thought to be very

insecure. I should be sorry also to lose him. I have worked several

days with him, the Marquis de La Fayette, and Monsieur du Pont, (father

of the young gentleman gone to America with the Count de Moustier) to

reduce into one _Arret_, whatever concerned our commerce. I have found

him a man of great judgment and application, possessing good general

principles on subjects of commerce, and friendly dispositions towards

us. He passed the _Arret_ in a very favorable form, but it has been

opposed in the Council, and will, I fear, suffer some alteration in the

article of whale oil. That of tobacco, which was put into a separate

instrument, experiences difficulties also, which do not come from him.

M. du Pont has rendered us essential service on these occasions. I wish

his son could be so well noticed, as to make a favorable report to his

father; he would, I think, be gratified by it, and his good

dispositions be strengthened, and rendered further useful to us.

Whether I shall be able to send you these regulations by the present

packet, will depend on their getting through the Council in time. The

Archbishop continues well with his patroness. Her object is, a close

connection with her brother. I suppose he convinces her, that peace

will furnish the best occasion of cementing that connection.

It may not be uninstructive, to give you the origin and nature of his

influence with the Queen. When the Duke de Choiseul proposed the

marriage of the Dauphin with this lady, he thought it proper to send a

person to Vienna, to perfect her in the language. He asked his friend,

the Archbishop of Thoulouse, to recommend to him a proper person. He

recommended a certain Abbé. The Abbé, from his first arrival at Vienna,

either tutored by his patron, or prompted by gratitude, impressed on

the Queen's mind, the exalted talents and merit of the Archbishop, and

continually represented him as the only man fit to be placed at the

helm of affairs. On his return to Paris, being retained near the person

of the Queen, he kept him constantly in her view. The Archbishop was

named of the Assembly des Notables, had occasion enough there to prove

his talents, and Count de Vergennes, his great enemy, dying

opportunely, the Queen got him into place. He uses the Abbé even yet,

for instilling all his notions into her mind. That he has imposing

talents and patriotic dispositions, I think is certain. Good judges

think him a theorist only, little acquainted with the details of

business, and spoiling all his plans by a bungled execution. He may

perhaps undergo a severe trial. His best actions are exciting against

him a host of enemies, particularly the reduction of the pensions, and

reforms in other branches of economy. Some think the other ministers

are willing he should stay in, till he has effected this odious, yet

necessary work, and that they will then make him the scape-goat of the

transaction. The declarations too, which I send you in my public

letter, if they should become public, will probably raise an universal

cry. It will all fall on him, because Montmorin and Breteuil say,

without reserve, that the sacrifice of the Dutch has been against their

advice. He will, perhaps, not permit these declarations to appear in

this country. They are absolutely unknown; they were communicated to me

by the Duke of Dorset, and I believe no other copy has been given here.

They Till be published doubtless in England, as a proof of their

triumph, and may thence make their way into this country. If the

Premier can stem a few months, he may remain long in office, and will

never make war if he can help it. If he should be removed, the peace

will probably be short. He is solely chargeable with the loss of

Holland. True, they could not have raised money by taxes, to supply the

necessities of war; but could they do it were their finances ever so

well arranged? No nation makes war now-a-days, but by the aid of loans;

and it is probable, that in a war for the liberties of Holland, all the

treasures of that country would have been at their service. They have

now lost the cow which furnishes the milk of war. She will be on the

side of their enemies, whenever a rupture shall take place; and no

arrangement of their finances can countervail this circumstance.

I have no doubt, you permit access to the letters of your foreign

ministers, by persons only of the most perfect trust. It is in the

European system, to bribe the clerks high, in order to obtain copies of

interesting papers. I am sure you are equally attentive to the

conveyance of your letters to us, as you know that all are opened that

pass through any post-office of Europe. Your letters which come by the

packet, if put into the mail at New York, or into the post-office at

Havre, wear proofs that they have been opened. The passenger to whom

they are confided, should be cautioned always to keep them in his own

hands, till he can deliver them personally in Paris.

I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,

your most obedient, and most humble servant.

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