PARIS, October 8, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of writing you on the 19th of September, twice on
the 22d, and again on the 24th. The two first went by the packet, the
third by a vessel bound to Philadelphia. I have not yet learned by what
occasion the last went. In these several letters, I communicated to you
the occurrences of Europe, as far as they were then known.
Notwithstanding the advantage which the Emperor seemed to have gained
over his subjects of Brabant, by the military arrangements he had been
permitted to make under false pretexts, he has not obtained his ends.
He certainly wished to enforce his new regulations; but he wished more
to be cleared of all domestic difficulties, that he might be free to
act in the great scenes which are preparing for the theatre of Europe.
He seems, therefore to have instructed his Governor General of the
Netherlands to insist on compliance as far as could be insisted,
without producing resistance by arms; but, at the same time, to have
furnished him with a sufficiently complete recantation, to prevent the
effects of insurrection. The Governor pressed; the people were firm; a
small act of force was then attempted, which produced a decided
resistance, in which the people killed several of the military: the
last resource was then used, which was the act of recantation; this
produced immediate tranquillity, and everything there is now finally
settled, by the Emperor's relinquishment of his plans.
My letter of the evening of September the 22d, informed you that the
Prussian troops had entered Holland, and that of the 24th that England
had announced to this court that she was arming generally. These two
events being simultaneous, proved that the two sovereigns acted in
concert. Immediately after, the court of London announced to the other
courts of Europe, that if France entered Holland with armed force, she
would consider it as an act of hostility, and declare war against her;
sending Mr. Granville here at the same, to make what she called a
conciliatory proposition. This proposition was received as a new
insult, Mr. Granville very coolly treated, and he has now gone back. It
is said, he has carried the ultimatum of France. What it is,
particularly, has not transpired; it is only supposed, in general, to
be very firm. You will see in one of the Leyden gazettes, one of the
letters written by the ministers of England to the courts of their
respective residence, communicating the declaration before mentioned.
In the meantime, Holland has been sooner reduced by the Prussian troops
than could have been expected. The abandonment of Utrecht by the
Rhingrave of Salm, seems to have thrown the people under a general
panic, during which every place submitted, except Amsterdam. That had
opened conferences with the Duke of Brunswick; but as late as the
second instant, no capitulation was yet concluded. The King of Prussia,
on his first move, demanded categorically of the King of Poland, what
part he intended to act in the event of war. The latter answered, he
should act as events should dictate; and is, in consequence of this
species of menace from Prussia, arming himself. He can bring into the
field almost seventy thousand good cavalry. In the meantime, though
nothing transpires publicly of the confederation between France and the
two empires, mentioned in my letter of September the 19th, it is not
the less sure that it is on the carpet, and will take place. To the
circumstances before mentioned may be added, as further indications of
war, the naming as Generalissimo of their marine on the Atlantic,
Monsieur de Suffrein, on the Mediterranean, Monsieur Albert de Rioms,
the recalling Monsieur de St. Priest, their Ambassador, from Antwerp,
before he had reached the Hague, and the activity of their armies by
sea. On the other hand, the little movement by land would make one
suppose they expected to put the King of Prussia into other hands.
They, too, like the Emperor, are arranging matters at home. The
rigorous levy of the _deux vingtièmes_ is enregistered, the stamp act
and impost territorial are revoked, the parliament recalled, the nation
soothed by these acts, and inspired by the insults of the British
court. The part of the Council still leaning towards peace, are become
unpopular, and perhaps may feel the effects of it. No change in the
administration has taken place since my last, unless we may consider as
such, Monsieur Cabarrus's refusal to stand in the lines. Thinking he
should be forced to follow, too seriously, plans formed by others, he
has declined serving.
Should this war take place, as is quite probable, and should it be as
general as it threatens to be, our neutrality must be attended with
great advantages. Whether of a nature to improve our morals or our
happiness, is another question. But is it sure, that Great Britain, by
her searches, her seizures, and other measures for harassing us, will
permit us to preserve our neutrality? I know it may be argued, that the
land war which she would superadd to her sea war, by provoking us to
join her enemies, should rationally hold her to her good behavior with
us. But since the accession of the present monarch, has it not been
passion, and not reason which, nine times out of ten, has dictated her
measures? Has there been a better rule of prognosticating what he would
do, than to examine what he ought not to do? When I review his
dispositions, and review his conduct, I have little hope of his
permitting our neutrality. He will find subjects of provocation in
various articles of our treaty with France, which will now come into
view, in all their consequences, and in consequences very advantageous
to the one, and injurious to the other country. I suggest these doubts,
on a supposition that our magazines are not prepared for war, and in
the opinion that provisions for that event should be thought of.
The enclosed letter from Mr. Dumas came to me open, though directed to
you. I immediately waited on the ambassadors, ordinary and
extraordinary, of Holland, and the envoy of Prussia, and prayed them to
interest themselves to have his person, his family and his goods
protected. They promised me readily to do it, and have written
accordingly; I trust it will be with effect. I could not avoid
enclosing you the letter from Monsieur Bouebé, though I have satisfied
him he is to expect nothing from Congress for his inventions. These are
better certified than most of those things are; but if time stamps
their worth, time will give them to us. He expects no further answer.
The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date accompany this, which
will be delivered you by the Count de Moustier, Plenipotentiary from
this country.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.