PARIS, September 19, 1787.
SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 6th and 15th of August; since
which, I have been honored with yours of July the 24th, acknowledging
the receipt of mine of the 14th and 23d of February. I am anxious to
hear you have received that also of May the 4th, written from
Marseilles. According to the desires of Congress, expressed in their
vote confirming the appointments of Francisco, Giuseppa and Girolamo
Chiappi, their agents in Morocco, I have written letters to these
gentlemen, to begin a correspondence with them. To the first, I have
inclosed the ratification of the treaty with the Emperor of Morocco,
and shall send it either by our agent at Marseilles, who is now here,
or by the Count Daranda, who sets out for Madrid in a few days, having
relinquished his embassy here. I shall proceed on the redemption of our
captives at Algiers, as soon as the commissioners of the treasury shall
enable me, by placing the money necessary, under my orders. The
prisoners redeemed by the religious order of Mathurins, cost about four
hundred dollars each, and the General of the order told me, that they
had never been able to redeem foreigners on so good terms as their own
countrymen. Supposing that their redemption, clothing, feeding and
transportation, should amount to five hundred dollars each, there must
be, at least, a sum of ten thousand dollars set apart for this purpose.
Till this is done, I shall take no other step than the preparatory one,
of destroying at Algiers all idea of our intending to redeem the
prisoners. This, the General of the Mathurins told me, was
indispensably necessary, and that it must not, on any account,
transpire, that the public would interest themselves for their
redemption. This was rendered the more necessary, by the declaration of
the Dey to the Spanish consul, that he should hold him responsible, at
the Spanish price, for our prisoners, even for such as should die.
Three of them have died of the plague. By authorizing me to redeem at
the prices _usually_ paid by the European nations, Congress, I suppose,
could not mean the Spanish price, which is not only unusual, but
unprecedented, and would make our vessels the first object with those
pirates. I shall pay no attention, therefore, to the Spanish price,
unless further instructed. Hard as it may seem, I should think it
necessary not to let it be known even to the relations of the captives,
that we mean to redeem them.
I have the honor to enclose you a paper from the admiralty of
Guadaloupe, sent to me as a matter of form, and to be lodged, I
suppose, with our marine records. I enclose, also, a copy of a letter
from the Count de Florida Blanca to Mr. Carmichael, by which you will
perceive, they have referred the settlement of the claim of South
Carolina for the use of their frigate, to Mr. Gardoqui, and to the
Delegates of South Carolina in Congress.
I had the honor to inform you, in my last letter, of the parliament's
being transferred to Troyes. To put an end to the tumults in Paris,
some regiments were brought nearer, the patroles were strengthened and
multiplied, some mutineers punished by imprisonment: it produced the
desired effect. It is confidently believed, however, that the
parliament will be immediately recalled, the stamp tax and land tax
repealed, and other means devised of accommodating their receipts and
expenditures. Those supposed to be in contemplation, are a rigorous
levy of the old tax of the _deux vingtièmes_, on the rich, who had, in
a great measure, withdrawn their property from it, as well as on the
poor, on whom it had principally fallen. This will greatly increase the
receipts; while they are proceeding on the other hand, to reform their
expenses far beyond what they had promised. It is said these
reformations will amount to eighty millions. Circumstances render these
measures more and more pressing. I mentioned to you in my last letter,
that the officer charged by the ministry to watch the motion of the
British squadron, had returned with information that it had sailed
westwardly. The fact was not true. He had formed his conclusion too
hastily, and thus led the ministry into error. The King of Prussia,
urged on by England, has pressed more and more the affairs of Holland,
and lately has given to the States General of Holland, four days only
to comply with his demand. This measure would, of itself, have rendered
it impossible for France to proceed longer in the line of accommodation
with Prussia. In the same moment, an event takes place, which seems to
render all attempt at accommodation idle. The Turks have declared war
against the Russians, and that under circumstances which exclude all
prospect of preventing its taking place. The King of Prussia having
deserted his ancient friends, there remains only France and Turkey,
perhaps Spain also, to oppose the two empires, Russia and England. By
such a piece of Quixotism, France might plunge herself into ruin with
the Turks and Dutch, but would save neither. But there is certainly a
confederacy secretly in contemplation, of which the public have not yet
the smallest suspicion; that is, between France and the two empires. I
think it sure that Russia has desired this, and that the Emperor, after
some hesitation, has acceded. It rests on this country to close. Her
indignation against the King of Prussia will be some spur. She will
thereby save her party in Holland, and only abandon the Turks to that
fate she cannot ward off, and which their precipitation has brought on
themselves, by the instigations of the English ambassador at the Porte,
and against the remonstrances of the French ambassador. Perhaps this
formidable combination, should it take place, may prevent the war of
the western powers, as it would seem that neither England nor Prussia
would carry their false calculations so far, as, with the aid of the
Turks only, to oppose themselves to such a force. In that case, the
Patriots of Holland would be peaceably established in the powers of
their government, and the war go on against the Turks only, who would
probably be driven from Europe. This new arrangement would be a total
change of the European system, and a favorable one for our friends. The
probability of a general war, in which this country will be engaged on
one side, and England on the other, has appeared to me sufficient to
justify my writing to our agents in the different ports of France, to
put our merchants on their guard, against risking their property in
French or English bottoms. The Emperor, instead of tracing back his
steps in Brabant, as was expected, has pursued the less honorable plan
of decoying his subjects thence by false pretences, to let themselves
be invested by his troops, and this done, he dictates to them his own
terms. Yet it is not certain the matter will end with that.
The Count de Moustier is nominated Minister Plenipotentiary to America;
and a frigate is ordered to Cherbourg, to carry him over. He will
endeavor to sail by the middle of the next month, but if any delay
should make him pass over the whole of October, he will defer his
voyage to the spring, being unwilling to take a winter passage.
Monsieur de St. Priest is sent Ambassador to Holland, in the room of
Monsieur de Verac, appointed to Switzerland. The Chevalier de Luzerne
might, I believe, have gone to Holland, but he preferred a general
promise of promotion, and the possibility that it might be to the court
of London. His prospects are very fair. His brother, the Count de la
Luzerne, (now Governor in the West Indies,) is appointed minister of
the marine, in the place of Monsieur de Castries, who has resigned. The
Archbishop of Thoulouse is appointed _ministre principale_, and his
brother, Monsieur de Brienne, minister of war, in the place of Monsieur
de Segur. The department of the Comptroller has had a very rapid
succession of tenants. From Monsieur de Calonnes it passed to Monsieur
de Forqueux, from him to Villedeuil, and from him to Lambert, who holds
it at present, but divided with a Monsieur Cabarrus, (whom I believe
you knew in Spain,) who is named _Directeur du trésor_ _royal_, the
office into which M. Neckar came at first. I had the honor to inform
you, that before the departure of the Count de Luzerne to his
government in the West Indies, I had pressed on him the patronage of
our trade with the French islands; that he appeared well disposed, and
assured me he would favor us as much as his instructions, and the laws
of the colonies, would permit. I am in hopes these dispositions will be
strengthened by his residence in the islands, and that his acquaintance
among the people there, will be an additional motive to favor them.
Probably they will take advantage of his appointment, to press
indulgences in commerce with us. The ministry is of a liberal
complexion, and well disposed to us. The war may add to the motives for
opening their islands to other resources for their subsistence, and for
doing what may be agreeable to us. It seems to me, at present, then,
that the moment of the arrival of the Count de La Luzerne, will be the
moment for trying to obtain a freer access to their islands. It would
be very material to do this, if possible, in a permanent way, that is
to say, by treaty. But I know of nothing we have to offer in
equivalent. Perhaps the payment of our debt to them might be made use
of as some inducement, while they are so distressed for money. Yet the
borrowing the money in Holland will be rendered more difficult by the
same event, in proportion as it will increase the demand for money by
other powers.
The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date are enclosed, together
with some pamphlets on the internal affairs of this country.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.